Clausewitz, in his work _On War_, defines war as “a continua

Transcriber’s Notes

Text printed in italics has been transcribed _between underscores_,

bold face text =between equal signs=. Text printed in a different

(sans-serif) type has been indicated ~by tildes~. Small capitals have

been replaced with ALL CAPITALS.

Footnotes [513]-[516] were not present in the source document text;

please see the Transcriber’s Notes at the end of this text for more

details.

More Transcriber’s Notes may be found at the end of this text.

TACTICS

BY

~BALCK

Colonel, German Army.~

VOLUME I.

INTRODUCTION AND FORMAL TACTICS OF INFANTRY.

TRANSLATED BY

~WALTER KRUEGER,

First Lieutenant 23rd Infantry, U. S. Army,

Instructor Army Service Schools.~

Fourth completely revised edition.

With numerous plates in the text.

U. S. CAVALRY ASSOCIATION,

FORT LEAVENWORTH, KANSAS.

1911

COPYRIGHT, 1911,

BY WALTER KRUEGER.

=PRESS OF KETCHESON PRINTING CO.,

LEAVENWORTH, KANSAS.=

TRANSLATOR’S PREFACE.

The translation of this book was undertaken at the instance of Major

John F. Morrison, General Staff, who desired to make use of it in the

course in tactics in the Army Service Schools.

It is an epitome of the interpretation and application of tactical

principles in the various armies, discussed in the light of the

tactical views and methods prevailing in Germany, and amplified by

numerous examples from military history.

The professional value of this book to all officers of our Regular Army

and Militia who are endeavoring to gain a working knowledge of tactics,

is so obvious that any comment would be superfluous.

Army Service Schools,

Ft. Leavenworth, Kansas,

December, 1910.

PREFACE.

The first volume of “Tactics,” which appeared in its first edition

in 1896, and for which the preparatory work reached back more than

a decade, now appears in its fourth edition in a completely changed

form. The lessons gained in war and improvements in weapons have

corrected many earlier views. While the Boer war confused the views

on infantry combat and brought forth more lessons in a negative than

in a positive form, the Russo-Japanese war has had a great educating

influence, in that it corroborated the soundness of the lessons

gained in the Franco-German war, but also in that it amplified those

lessons commensurate with the improvements in weapons. The fundamental

principles upon which success depends have remained the same.

For a long time I hesitated to comply with my publisher’s wishes for

a new edition. It would not have been difficult to publish long ago

a new edition, based upon the many lessons of war communicated to me

by members of foreign armies soon after the Russo-Japanese war. But,

after an extended period of theoretical work, I was more inclined

to avail myself once more of the opportunity of gaining practical

experience by service with troops. Pure theoretical reflection is only

too apt to depart from the requirements of practice and to overlook

the friction appearing everywhere. The battalion commander, more than

any one else, is called upon to act as the tactical instructor of his

officers and knows best where the shoe pinches. Moreover, the proximity

of the maneuver ground to my present station gave me an opportunity

of observing the field training of a large number of battalions

and regiments of infantry and artillery, and to compare notes with

brother officers of the other arms. In addition, several trips abroad

and, incidental thereto, visits to battlefields, furnished valuable

suggestions. I postponed issuing the new edition until the publication

of the new Russian and Japanese Drill Regulations, which, with our

own excellent regulations, best illustrate the lessons learned from

the war in the Far East. For this fourth edition I was further able

to draw upon the new French (1904), Italian (1905), Belgian (1906),

U. S. (1904), British (1905), and Swiss (1908) Drill Regulations.

This enumeration alone justifies the statement, “completely revised,”

appearing on the title page.

I have earnestly endeavored to make use of foreign experiences in

detail. The words of Lieutenant-General Sir Ian Hamilton of the

British Army, to whose writings I owe a great deal, deserve special

attention in studying the drill regulations of foreign armies: “It is

a blessing that the greater and prouder an army, the more immovably it

is steeped in conservatism, so that as a whole it is finally incapable

of assimilating the lessons gained by other armies. Military attachés

may discover the most important points in the training and employment

of foreign armies and urgently recommend their imitation, but their

comrades will pay no more attention to them than did Napoleon III.

to Stoffel’s reports on the Prussian army before the outbreak of the

Franco-German war.”

The treatment of the subject matter has remained the same throughout;

it represents, as in the first edition, the principle that tactical

lessons must be deduced from human nature, from the effect of weapons,

and from experience in war, proper regard being had for national

characteristics and historical transmission. _Tactics is psychology._

My statements in regard to fire effect are based, as before, upon the

works of His Excellency, Lieutenant-General Rohne. The publications

of Historical Section I of the Great General Staff and the splendid

works of the late Major Kunz, furnish the basis for examples cited

from military history. An almost too copious literature is already

available on the Russo-Japanese war. The monographs (_Einzelschriften_)

of the Great General Staff, and of Streffleur, especially “_Urteile und

Beobachtungen von Mitkämpfern_,” published by the latter, afford a rich

field for research.

It is not difficult to cite examples from military history in support

of any tactical procedure, but such examples require a very careful

sifting before they can be recommended as worthy models for our action

in front of the enemy.

The Austrians deduced the necessity of the most brutal shock action

from the experience gained by them in their combats in Upper Italy in

1859, and the British were not very far removed from completely denying

the feasibility of making an attack soon after the Boer war; but the

desire to avoid losses was forced into the background by the necessity

of annihilating the enemy. In the Far East the Russians finally had to

learn again the same bitter lessons as at Plevna.

Simultaneously with this fourth edition, there appears in Athens a

translation in Modern Greek from the pen of Captain Strategos of the

Greek General Staff, well known to many German officers from his War

Academy days.

It is hoped that the fourth edition may receive the same kind reception

at home and abroad that was given its three predecessors. For all

communications, suggestions or corrections, directed either to me or to

my publisher, I will be sincerely grateful.

THE AUTHOR.

POSEN, March, 1908.

CONTENTS.

=INTRODUCTION.=

PAGE

=1. War= 1

Eternal peace 1

War the _ultimo ratio_ of state policy 2

Courts of arbitration 3

=2. Strategy and Tactics= 4

Definition of strategy and tactics 4

Relation of strategy to tactics 6

=3. The Method of Instruction= 7

Value of examples 8

Applicatory method 10

Advantages and disadvantages 10

Arrangement of the subject matter 12

=4. Drill Regulations= 13

Instructions for campaign 15

Regulations and the science of combat 15

=THE FORMAL TACTICS OF INFANTRY.=

=I. ORGANIZATION AND EQUIPMENT= 19

=1. The Importance and Employment of Infantry= 19

Relative strength as compared to other arms 19

Élite infantry. Guards 21

Jägers and riflemen 22

Mountain infantry 23

Machine guns 24

Mounted infantry 25

Patrols and scouting detachments 27

Cyclists 28

Snowshoe runners 30

=2. The Tactical Unit= 32

=3. Organization= 34

The company 34

Peace and war strength 35

The battalion 36

The regiment 37

The brigade 37

=4. Intrenching Tool Equipment= 38

=5. The Load of the Infantryman= 39

Comparison of the loads carried by infantrymen in various

armies 40

=II. THE FORMATIONS= 41

=1. The Issue of Orders= 41

Trumpet signals 41

=2. The Purpose of Formations. Comparison Between Line and

Column= 42

Assembly and route formations 42

Maneuver and combat formations 43

Napoleonic columns 44

Comparison between line and column 44

The origin of column tactics 44

=3. The Company= 46

(_a_) Formation of the company 46

Number of ranks 46

Interval and distance 47

Front and facing distance 48

(_b_) Division of the company into three or four platoons 48

Losses among officers 50

=4. Length of Pace and Marching= 53

Comparison (table) 54

Double time 55

=5. Movements of the Company in Line= 56

=6. The Columns of the Company. Movements in Column. Formation

of Line= 56

Column of twos 56

Column of squads 57

Route column 57

Column of fours 58

Double column of squads 59

Comparison of column of fours with column of squads 59

The importance of the squad 59

The employment of the column of squads 59

Company column 60

Column of platoons 61

Column of sections 61

Guidon flags 63

Posts of platoon commanders 63

Movements in column 64

Suggestions made by Colonel Fumet, French Army 65

=7. The Battalion= 67

Normal formation of the German battalion 67

The color 68

Formations in various armies 69

The value of double column 71

The battalion in route column 72

=8. The Regiment and the Brigade= 73

Formation in line or in echelon 73

=9. Extended Order= 75

Thin and dense skirmish lines 75

(_a_) The formation of the skirmish line 78

(_b_) Movements in skirmish line 81

Advance by rushes 82

Time required for making a rush. Strength of the force making

the rush 83

Rising 84

Short or long rushes 85

Advance by crawling 86

Lessons of the Boer War 88

Lessons of the Russo-Japanese War 89

Provisions of the various regulations relative to the advance

by rushes 90

Fire while in motion 92

Examples of the employment of fire while in motion 93

Examples of the employment of rushes 93

(_c_) Reinforcing the firing line 96

(_d_) Closing up. Assembling. Re-forming 97

=10. Supports= 98

Duties 98

Distance 99

Commander 100

Movements 100

Formation 100

Supports in rear of the firing line or not? 101

=11. Comparison Between Close and Extended Order= 102

Necessity of drill 104

Combat drill 105

Training 105

Training of leaders 109

=III. THE POWER OF FIREARMS AND EXPEDIENTS FOR MINIMIZING LOSSES= 111

=A. THE POWER OF FIELD ARTILLERY= 111

=1. The Field Gun= 111

Percussion shrapnel 111

Time shrapnel 112

Shell 115

The French _obus allongé_ 115

=2. The Light Field Howitzer= 116

=3. The Heavy Field Howitzer= 118

=4. Expedients for Minimizing the Effect of Fire= 118

(_a_) Increasing the difficulties in the adjustment of the

hostile fire 119

(_b_) Minimizing the effect of fire 120

=5. The Results Obtained by Artillery Against Various Targets= 122

French data 123

=6. The Effect of Shrapnel Bullets on Animate Targets= 125

=B. INFANTRY FIRE= 126

=1. The Effect of a Single Projectile on Animate Targets= 126

Explosive effect 127

Tumbling bullets 127

=2. The Effect of “S” Bullets on Materials= 131

=IV. THE EMPLOYMENT OF INFANTRY FIRE= 132

Stunning and exhaustive effect 132

The engagement at Modder River, Nov. 28, 1899 132

=1. Fire Discipline= 133

The employment of the bayonet; bayonet fencing 134

=2. Fire Control and Fire Direction= 134

Squad leaders 135

Company commanders 136

Uncontrolled fire 136

Russian experiences in the Far East 137

=3. Selection of the Line to be Occupied= 138

=4. The Strength of the Firing Line= 139

=5. Ascertaining Ranges= 140

Influence of the knowledge of the range upon the efficacy of

the fire 140

Ascertaining ranges by pacing or galloping 141

Influence of the terrain upon the length of pace 141

Errors of estimation 142

Provisions of various regulations 143

Memorizing distinguishing marks on the enemy 144

Scaling the range from maps 144

Obtaining the range from other troops 145

Trial volleys fired for the purpose of obtaining proper sight

elevation 145

Range finding instruments 146

=6. Selection of a Target and Time for Opening Fire= 147

Short or long range fire 147

Limit of long range fire 147

The moral effect of withholding the fire 151

Marshal Bugeaud’s narrative 151

Provisions of various regulations 153

General rules for opening fire in attack and defense 154

=7. Pauses in the Fire= 155

=8. Kinds of Fire= 157

Volley fire and fire at will; bursts of fire (_rafales_) 158

The rate of fire 160

The influence of the rate of fire upon the efficacy of fire 161

The volley 163

Bursts of fire (_rafales_) 164

=9. Rear Sight Elevations and Points of Aim= 165

=10. Commands= 166

=11. The Observation of the Fire= 167

=12. The Effect of Fire= 167

Comparison between losses produced by infantry and artillery

fire 167

(_a_) Influence of training 168

(_b_) Influence of the error in estimating the range 170

(_c_) Fire effect as regards time. Number of rounds to be

expended 172

(_d_) Additional influences affecting the accuracy of fire 173

Wolozkoi’s theory of the effect of the constant cone of

misses 173

(_e_) Influence of rifle-rests in firing 178

(_f_) Influence of the ground 179

Danger space and beaten zone 179

Firing upon hill positions 183

Indirect rifle fire 184

Ricochets 185

=13. Losses In Action= 185

Losses in the various formations 186

Losses among officers 189

=14. The Moral Effect of Fire= 191

The impressions produced upon General Bonnal by the battle

of Wörth 191

Surrenders of British troops in South Africa 192

Limit of endurance in battle 193

The “void of the battlefield” 194

Mixing of organizations 195

Fighting power of improvised units 197

Overcoming crises in action 198

=V. DEPLOYMENTS FOR ACTION= 201

=1. Normal Procedure= 201

The normal attack 202

Drill attack 204

=2. Concentration, Development, and Deployment for Action= 205

Development for action 207

Deployment for action 209

=3. The Battalion, the Regiment, and the Brigade= 210

The battalion 210

The regiment 214

The brigade 216

Base units 218

Examples of changes of front 220

=4. Distribution in Depth and Frontage of Combat Formations= 222

Dangers of distribution in depth 222

Plevna and Wafangu 222, 223

Distribution in depth necessary during the preparatory stage 224

Contrast between distribution in depth and frontage 225

Dangers of over-extension (Spicheren) 225, 226

Influence of fire effect and morale upon frontage 227, 228

Influence of the task assigned a force 231

Delaying actions. Night attacks. Defense 232, 233

Approximate figures for the extent of front that may be

covered 233

Frontage of the several units 235, 236

The Boer War 238

The Russo-Japanese War 239

Table of troops per km. of front 240

Recapitulation of the most important points governing

frontage 241

Provisions of various regulations 241

=5. Combat Orders= 243

Combat tasks 243

Division of work in staffs 245

=6. Communication on the Battlefield= 246

Signal and wig-wag flags 246

Signal arrangements in the Austrian, French and British

armies 248

=7. Local Reconnaissance of the Infantry= 248

Reconnaissance in force 251

The object of local reconnaissance 251

Scouting detachments 252

=8. The Importance of the Terrain= 254

The attack over an open plain 255

The French group attack 256

Combat sections 257

=VI. MACHINE GUNS= 259

=1. Development of the Arm= 259

Mounting and method of transportation 261, 262

=2. The Power of Machine Guns= 262

Kinds of fire 263

Combat value of machine guns and infantry 267

=3. Infantry Versus Machine Guns= 268

Conduct of troops when exposed to machine gun fire 268, 269

=4. Machine Guns in Germany= 270

Organization 270

Formations 273, 274

Machine gun companies 275

=5. Going Into Position= 276

=6. The Fire Fight= 283

Machine guns in the engagement at the Waterberg 283

=7. Machine Guns in Other Countries= 284

Switzerland 284

Austria 286

England 289

Japan and France 290

Russia 290

Machine guns at Liao Yang, 1904 291

=8. The Employment of Machine Gun Batteries= 293

Rencontre and attack 295

Rear guards 295

Defense 295

Coöperation with cavalry 296

Machine guns versus artillery 297

English views 297

Swiss views 299

=VII. INFANTRY VERSUS CAVALRY= 301

Deployment for firing 303

Moral effect of a charge 306

Aiming positions 307

Time for opening fire 308

Selection of sight elevation 310

Kind of fire 310

Distribution of fire 311

Charge of the French Cuirassiers of the Guard 311

Advance against cavalry 313

Infantry versus dismounted cavalry 313

Provisions of various regulations 314

=VIII. INFANTRY VERSUS ARTILLERY= 316

=1. The Passage of Infantry Through Artillery Lines= 316

=2. The Advance Under Artillery Fire= 318

Increasing the difficulties in the adjustment of the hostile

fire 318

Fire for effect 320

Formations used by infantry when under artillery fire Russo-

Japanese War 322

Lessons of war 321, 323

=3. Firing on Hostile Artillery in Position= 324

Cover afforded by steel shields 324

=IX. THE ATTACK= 329

Attack and defense compared 329

=1. The Surprise= 330

Examples of surprises 331

=2. The Rencontre= 333

Conduct of the advance guard 334

Issue of orders 336

Conduct of the main body 338

Provisions of various regulations 339

Examples 339

=X. THE ATTACK ON AN ENEMY DEPLOYED FOR DEFENSE= 340

=1. Lessons of War= 340

Boer War 340

The infantry attack in the Russo-Japanese War 340

Russian infantry 340

Japanese infantry 341

Examples 343, 344

=2. The Conditions Upon which Success Depends= 345

=3. Preparation of the Attack= 346

Reconnaissance. Preparatory position 346

=4. The Coöperation of Infantry and Artillery in Battle= 351

Preparation of the assault 352

=5. The Point of Attack= 355

=6. Envelopment= 356

Holding attack 357

Launching the enveloping force 359

Separation of holding and flank attacks 361

Provisions of various regulations 362

=7. Removal of Packs= 363

=8. The Employment of Machine Guns= 365

=9. The Conduct of the Attack= 365

The advance of the firing line 365

Distances 368

The fire fight 369

The superiority of fire 370

Fixing bayonets 372

=10. The Assault= 373

The decision to assault 373

The decision to assault emanating from the firing line 375

Fire support during the assault 379

Bayonet fights 382

Wounds produced by cutting weapons 384

Assaulting distances 385

Conduct after a successful attack 385

Conduct after an unsuccessful attack 386

=11. The Use of the Spade in Attack= 387

Sand bags 390

Results of Russian experiments 390

Provisions of various regulations 392

General rules governing the use of the spade in attack 393

=12. The Employment of Reserves= 394

Launching or withholding reserves 395

=13. The Conduct of the Leaders in Action= 399

=14. United Action Versus Tactical Missions= 401

The attack on the “Tannenwäldchen” at Colombey Aug. 14,

1870 402, 403

The attack on Grugies (St. Quentin) 403

The dangers of assigning tasks 405

=XI. THE DEFENSE= 408

=1. The Passive Defense= 409

=2. The Defense Seeking a Decision= 409

Troops required to occupy the position 410

Division of the position into sections 411

Advanced positions 413

=3. Fortifying the Position= 415

Battalion groups 417

Observation of the foreground 420

Clearing the foreground 421

Dummy intrenchments and masks 421

Cover trenches and communicating trenches 421

Obstacles 422

Russian views 422

=4. The Conduct of the Defense= 423

Protection of the flanks 425

Employment of machine guns 425

Occupation of the position 426

=5. The Counter-Attack= 428

Position of the general reserve 429

The moment for making the counter-attack 432

The counter-attack after the position is carried 433

The counter-attack in conjunction with a movement to the rear 434

Frontal counter-attack 436

Provisions of various regulations 438

=XII. THE RETREAT= 440

Breaking off an action 441

Rallying positions 442

=XIII. CONTAINING ACTIONS= 445

The delaying action and the holding attack 445

=XIV. THE INFANTRY COMBAT ACCORDING TO VARIOUS DRILL REGULATIONS= 448

The Austrian Drill Regulations of 1903 448

The Italian Drill Regulations of 1903 and 1906 451

The French Drill Regulations of 1904 453

The British Drill Regulations of 1905 459

The Japanese Drill Regulations of 1907 463

The Russian Drill Regulations of 1907 466

The Swiss Drill Regulations of 1908 466

=XV. THE EXPENDITURE AND SUPPLY OF AMMUNITION= 468

=1. Historical Sketch= 468

Table showing ammunition supply of the various armies of the

world 475

=2. Regulations Governing the Supply of Ammunition in Armies= 476

Germany 476

Austria 479

Russia 480

France 480

England 482

Italy 483

=3. What Deductions May Be Made From the Regulations of the

Various Armies= 483

=INDEX= 487

=INDEX OF EXAMPLES FROM MILITARY HISTORY= 527

ABBREVIATIONS USED IN THIS TRANSLATION.

C. D. R. = Cavalry Drill Regulations.

F. A. D. R. = Field Artillery Drill Regulations.

F. A. F. R. = Field Artillery Firing Regulations.

F. S. R. = Field Service Regulations.

Gen. St. W. (_Generalstabswerk_) = German General Staff account of the

Franco-German War (unless otherwise indicated).

I. D. R. = Infantry Drill Regulations.

I. F. R. = Infantry Firing Regulations.

g. = gram = 15,432 troy grains.

kg. = kilogram = 1000 g. = 2.2 lbs.

kgm. = a unit of work accomplished in raising a kilogram through a

meter against the force of gravity.

m. = meter = 39.37 in.

km. = kilometer = 1000 m. or ⁵⁄₈ mile.

x = pace.

INTRODUCTION.

1. WAR.

Clausewitz, in his work _On War_, defines war as “a continuation of

state policy by other means; an act of violence committed to force

the opponent to comply with our will.” The civil code is incapable

of furnishing full satisfaction to individuals in cases of outraged

honor, and is obliged, under certain circumstances, to allow the

injured party to obtain such satisfaction by immediate chastisement of

the offender or by challenging him to a duel. In like manner there is

no law which could afford nations complete satisfaction for affronts

to their honor; and it is obvious that it would be as impossible to

abolish war in the world, in the family of nations, as it would be to

abolish dueling among the subjects of a state. The total abolition of

dueling would produce the same results on the life of the individual

that the cessation of wars would produce on the development of the

national life of every state and on the intercourse of nations with

one another. “Eternal peace,” wrote Moltke on December 11th, 1880,

to Professor Bluntschli, “is a dream, and not even a beautiful one;

for war is a part of God’s system in ruling the universe. In war, man

develops the highest virtues; courage and unselfishness, devotion to

duty and self-sacrifice even to death. Without war the world would

stagnate in materialism.” Treitschke ventured a similar opinion in

1869.[1] “Every nation, especially a refined and cultured one, is apt

to lapse into effeminacy and selfishness during a protracted period

of peace. The unlimited comfort enjoyed by society causes not only

the downfall of the state but destroys at the same time all those

ideals which make life worth living. Narrow provincialism or selfish

and worldly activity, looking only toward the gratification of all

desires of the individual, undermines the foundations of a higher

moral philosophy and the belief in ideals. Fools arrive at the vain

conclusion that the life object of the individual is acquisition and

enjoyment; that the purpose of the state is simply to facilitate the

business affairs of its citizens; that man is appointed by an all-wise

providence to buy cheaply and to sell at a profit; they conclude that

war, which interferes with man’s activities, is the greatest evil, and

that modern armies are only a sorry remnant of mediaeval barbarism.

* * * It proves a positive blessing to such a generation if fate commits

it to a great and righteous war, and the more it has become attached

to the comfortable habits of mere social existence, the more violent

the reaction which rouses it to warlike deeds in the service of the

state. * * *” “The moment the state calls, ‘My life, my existence is at

stake,’ there is aroused in a free people that highest of all virtues,

the courage of self-sacrifice, which can never exist in time of peace

nor be developed to such an extent by peaceful pursuits. Millions

are united in the one thought--the fatherland; they are animated by

that common sentiment of devotion unto death--patriotism--which, once

experienced, is never again forgotten, and which ennobles and hallows

the life of a whole generation. * * *” The greatness of war lies in

those very phases which an effeminate civilization deems impious. “A

great nation must be powerful,” exclaimed Scherr, in 1870.[2] “That

is not only its duty, but its nature. If opposition is encountered, a

nation is not only permitted to force a way for its righteous cause and

resort to war, but it is its duty to do so. War always has been, and,

so long as men and nations exist on the earth, it always will be, the

_ultima ratio_.”

[1] _Das konstitutionelle Königtum in Deutschland_, in _Historische

und politische Aufsätze_, New edition, II.

[2] _Das grosze Jahr_, in _Hammerschläge und Historien_.

Since war is the _ultima ratio_ of state policy, and as a sovereign

state must insist on absolute independence in determining its affairs

and its course of action, it follows that the verdict of a court of

arbitration, on the larger and more serious questions, can have a

decisive influence on the action of the contending parties only if

the arbitrator possesses the power to enforce his decision, and is

embued with a determination to use that power. Thus the Pope was able

to arbitrate the question of right between Germany and Spain as to the

possession of the Caroline Islands, but a like verdict could never

decide the question of might between Germany and France as to the

possession of Alsace-Lorraine.[3]

[3] The constitution of the old German Confederation provided for

a settlement of disputes arising among its members; this verdict was

to be enforced by summary proceedings when necessary. The war of

1866 proved that the paragraphs of the constitution mentioned, of

necessity had to fail the moment the vital interests of two powerful

states came into conflict. See VON LETTOW-VORBECK, _Geschichte des

Krieges von 1866_, I, p. 115.

The utopian plans for a universal international court of arbitration

are chimerical and conjured up by idealists unacquainted with the harsh

facts of reality, if their ideas are not, indeed--as are many proposals

for disarmament--calculated to serve as a cloak for ambitious plans.

If diplomatic means do not suffice to adjust a dispute, then the

question of right between two states at once becomes a question of

might. But the existence of a spirit of fair play is taken into account

nevertheless, for each party to the controversy will seek to have

the justice of its cause recognized. The moral support engendered by

fighting for a just cause is so great that no state is willing to

dispense with it.[4] This circumstance, coupled with the growing power

of public opinion and with the influence of representative government,

has contributed to reduce the number of wars. Wars between cabinets,

like those in the days of Louis XIV., are no longer possible. As a

result of the universal liability to service, the whole nation takes

part in a war; every class of society suffers and has its pursuits

interfered with; everything presses to an early decision, to a prompt

crushing of the opponent.

[4] “If princes wish war they proceed to make war and then send for

an industrious jurist who demonstrates that it is therefore right.”

FREDERICK II.

“Every war is just which is necessary and every battle holy in

which lies our last hope.” MACHIAVELLI, _Il Principe_.

This is attained by defeating the enemy’s forces, by occupying the

hostile country and seizing the enemy’s sources of supply, so that he

will be convinced of the futility of further resistance. (Campaigns of

1859, 1866, and 1870-71). Only in the rarest cases will it be necessary

to continue the war until the power of resistance of the hostile state

is completely destroyed. (American Civil War). The extent to which the

enemy’s power of resistance may have to be crippled or broken, in order

to compel peace, depends upon his tenacity. Political considerations

will also have to be taken into account in answering this question.

From the military point of view, however, the purpose of every war will

always be the complete overthrow of the enemy.

2. STRATEGY AND TACTICS.

Precise definitions of strategy and tactics, clearly fixing the scope

of each, have been vainly sought in the past. That efforts in this

direction have led to no results is only natural, as tactics and

strategy are complementary subjects that often encroach upon each

other, while grand tactics is frequently identical with strategy.

Von Bülow, the author of _The Spirit of Modern Warfare_ (1798)[5],

calls those movements strategical which are made outside the enemy’s

sphere of information. Von Willisen considers strategy the science

of communications, tactics the science of fighting. Von Clausewitz

calls strategy the science of the use of battles for the purpose of

the war (Jomini: “_l’art de diriger les armées sur les théatres

d’opérations_”)[6], tactics the science of the use of military forces

in battle (Jomini: “_l’art de diriger les troupes sur les champs de

bataille_”).[7][8] General von Horsetzki (1892) defines strategy as the

study of the conditions necessary for success in war. Archduke Charles

calls strategy the “science of war” and tactics the “art of war”.

Frederick the Great and Napoleon always employed the term “_l’art de

guerre_” instead of the term “_strategy_”. None of these definitions

are comprehensive enough, because they do not cover marches, outposts,

the supply service, and enterprises in minor tactics. Professor

Delbrück’s definition is much more appropriate: “Strategy is the

science of utilizing military resources for the attainment of the

object of the war, tactics the art of leading troops into and in

battle.” Thiers, the French historian, instead of seeking to define

strategy and tactics, contents himself with explaining the problems

of each: “_Le stratège doit concevoir le plan de campagne, embrasser

d’un seul coup d’oeil tout le théatre présumé de la guerre, tracer

lignes d’opérations et diriger les masses sur les points décisifs. Le

tacticien a pour mission de régler l’ordre de leurs marches, de les

disposer en bataille aux différents points, indiqués par le stratège,

d’engager l’action, de la soutenir et de manoeuvrer pour atteindre le

but proposé._”[9] Fieldmarshal Moltke calls strategy “the application

of common sense to the conduct of war.”[10] For practical purposes it

is sufficient to define strategy as the _science of the conduct of

war_, tactics as the _science of troop-leading_. Strategy brings about

the decision on the theater of war, while the duty of carrying it out,

in the manner desired by the commander-in-chief, devolves upon tactics.

Thus the strategical idea culminates on the battlefield. The concentric

advance of the Prussian armies into Bohemia in 1866 naturally led to a

complete envelopment of the Austrians on the field of Königgrätz. The

German attack in the battle on the Hallue, Dec. 23rd, 1870, was based

on the strategical requirement of driving the French from their line of

retreat leading to Arras and Bapaume, by enveloping their right flank.

The attempts made by the 15th Infantry Division, which was holding the

enemy in front, to envelop the left wing of the French, interfered

with the execution of the correct strategical plan. Thus, in following

up a success, in itself quite unimportant (the capture of Bussy), the

leading basic principle was forgotten. The same thing happened here

that Moltke censured in his official report on the war of 1866, wherein

he stated: “The higher commanders have not been able to make their

influence felt down to the subordinate grades. Frequently, as soon as

the divisions and brigades have come in contact with the enemy, all

control over them has entirely ceased.”

[5] _Geist des neueren Kriegssystems._

[6] “The art of directing armies In the theater of operations.”

[7] “The art of directing troops on the field of battle.”

[8] “Everything affecting the use of troops in battle and the

regulation of their activity with reference to battle, has been

included in the term ‘tactics’, while the term strategy is synonymous

with ‘generalship,’ exclusive of such matters as fall into the domain

of tactics.” BLUME, _Strategie_, p. 33.

“Tactics teaches _how_, and strategy _why_, one should fight.”

General V. SCHERFF.

Strategy determines direction and objective of the movement of

armies, while the manner of execution belongs to tactics.

[9] “Strategy should devise the plan of campaign, take in with a

comprehensive glance the entire probable theater of war, establish

the lines of operations and direct the masses on the decisive points.

“It is the mission of the tactician to decide upon the order of

march of the troops, to form them for battle at the various points

determined by strategy, to begin the action, to sustain it, and to

maneuver so as to attain the desired end.” THIERS.

[10] V. MOLTKE, _Tactical Problems, No. 58_ (1878) p. 133.

Archduke Charles considered the subordination of tactics to strategy

a law. “Tactics should execute the conceptions of strategy; where the

two come in conflict, where strategical considerations are opposed to

tactical interests, the strategical considerations should, as a rule,

take precedence. Tactics must occupy a subordinate place and attempt to

neutralize existing disadvantages by skillful dispositions.” Clausewitz

not unjustly censures Archduke Charles for placing advantages of

terrain in the first rank, and for failing to attach the proper

importance to the annihilation of the hostile forces. Should the

demands of strategy conflict with those of tactics on the battlefield,

the latter must unquestionably take precedence, since the general’s

foremost thought must be the annihilation of the hostile forces.

Tactical considerations should likewise govern in the selection of the

direction of attack in a battle, strategical reasons for striking in

this or that direction becoming effective only after the attainment of

tactical success. It is true that strategy, by directing the armies and

their concentration on the battlefield, provides tactics with the tools

for fighting and assures the probability of victory; but, on the other

hand, the commander-in-chief appropriates the fruits of each victory

and makes them the basis for further plans. “The demands of strategy

are silent in the presence of tactical victory; they adapt themselves

to the newly created situation.” Fieldmarshal MOLTKE.[11]

[11] The view that the direction of attack should be governed by

the possibility of easy execution in minor warfare only, is held by

General v. Scherff, who says: “General v. Moltke was not influenced

by the question ‘will the attack here or there be tactically

easier or more difficult?’ Only the question, ‘will it there be

strategically advantageous or not’ was able to determine his course

with reference to measures on the battlefield.”

3. THE METHOD OF INSTRUCTION.

While Archduke Charles considers mathematical axioms the basis of the

higher art of war, military history is for us the principal source from

which to gather knowledge.[12]

[12] See lecture by Prince HOHENLOHE: _Kriegserfahrung und

Kriegsgeschichte_, Neisse, 1879.

“Let my son often read and meditate upon history; it is the only

true philosophy. Let him often read and meditate upon the wars of the

great captains; it is the only means of learning the art of war.”

NAPOLEON I., on April 17th, 1821.

“Past events are useful to feed the imagination and furnish the

memory, provided their study is the repetition of ideas that judgment

should pass upon.” FREDERICK THE GREAT.

In military history we have a guide by which, if we lack personal

experience in war, we can test the results of our reflections and of

our experience on the drillground. Military history moreover enables

us to appreciate those controlling factors which, in map problems,

do not appear at all, and which, in exercises on the terrain, appear

only in a restricted measure. One must learn the conduct of war from

the experience of others; one’s own experience is costly and is almost

invariably gained too late. That experience in war, of itself, is

not sufficient (aside from the fact that it is gained too late in a

given case) is illustrated by the defeat of the Austrians in 1866,

of the French in 1870-71, and of the British in South Africa. “_Les

Autrichiens_,” says Colonel Foch,[13] “_ont fait la guerre sans la

comprendre, les Prussiens l’ont compris sans la faire, mais ils l’ont

étudiée._” “Military history is neither a compilation of clever

theories nor a book designed for whiling away idle moments. It is,

on the contrary, a careful teacher, who, if we are attentive, allows

us to view and grasp matters which we have never before been in a

position to see, but which, nevertheless, are liable to confront us

in the same, a similar, or a changed form, and demand unpremeditated,

instant and decisive action, entailing heavy responsibilities. Military

history, it is true, offers us, in the first instance, only events and

their outline, conditions and phenomena, but it also presents, what

the cleverest theory is unable to furnish, a graphic illustration of

the disturbing elements in war, an illustration of the influences,

doubts, embarrassments, unforeseen accidents, surprises and delays. It

describes the course pursued by commanders and by practical military

common sense in surmounting these difficulties. It prepares in advance

the mental balance necessary at the moment of action; it should prepare

also for the unexpected. It affords a substitute for lack of military

experience, for the accumulation of which the life of the individual,

prior to the moment of action, has been too short.”[14] The pedantic

enumeration of a few examples in support of a stated opinion cannot

suffice. It should not be difficult to find examples from military

history in support of any opinion; frequently even an incorrect

tactical contention can be vindicated by such examples. For in war

the action taken is as often wrong as correct; the scales are turned

by factors which in most cases appear indistinctly or not at all. The

experiences of military history must, therefore, only be used with

caution if tactical lessons are to be drawn from them. “A mere allusion

to historical events,” says Clausewitz in his chapter on examples, “has

the further disadvantage that some readers are either not sufficiently

acquainted with these events, or remember them too imperfectly to enter

into the author’s ideas, so that such students are compelled to accept

his statements blindly or to remain unconvinced. It is, of course, very

difficult to describe historical events as they ought to be described

if they are to be used as proofs, for authors usually lack the means,

as well as the time and space, necessary for such descriptions. We

maintain, however, that in establishing a new or a doubtful view, a

single event, thoroughly described, is more instructive than a mere

allusion to ten. The principal evil resulting from a superficial

reference to historical events does not lie in the fact that the author

cites them incorrectly in support of his theory, but in the fact

that he has never become thoroughly acquainted with those events. In

consequence of such a superficial, haphazard treatment of history, a

hundred erroneous views and theoretical projects are created, which

would never have appeared if the author had been compelled to deduce,

from a careful analysis of the connected facts in the case, what he

publishes and wishes to support by historical proofs. If we have

convinced ourselves of the above outlined difficulties attending the

employment of historical examples, and appreciate the necessity for

thoroughness in their treatment, we will come to the conclusion that

the more recent military history is the most natural source from which

to select examples, inasmuch as recent history alone is sufficiently

known and analyzed.”[15] The events from military history mentioned in

this work are cited simply as proofs of certain phenomena; the proper

analysis of these proofs must be left to the student.

[13] _Principes de la Guerre_, 1903.

“The Austrians,” says Colonel Foch, “made war without understanding

it; the Germans understood war without making it; but they studied

it.”

[14] From _Meinungen und Mahnungen_, Vienna, 1894.

[15] _On War_, II, Chapter 6, p. 111.

See also CLAUSEWITZ’ remarks on “_Criticism_,” II, Chapter 5.

The applicatory method[16] is used frequently by preference as the

system of instruction, but its creator, General von Verdy du Vernois,

considers it merely a complement of the deductive method, on which

it is predicated and based. “The weakness of the whole applicatory

system of instruction lies in the fact that a textbook based upon it,

although written by a master hand, can portray only isolated examples,

and that these, studied again and again, soon lose their value in the

same manner as a maneuver terrain that has become too well known. For,

although we ordinarily find principles represented in a connected

form, this method of instruction can only convey them in a fragmentary

manner in connection with the details of the events described.”[17]

The success of the applicatory method depends largely upon the

individuality of the instructor, and owes its charm to the personal

intercourse between teacher and pupil. Only an expert, who possesses a

thorough professional knowledge, who is master of his subject, and who

has the faculty of presenting it skillfully, will be able to produce

imaginary scenes which faithfully represent reality and are free from

objectionable features. By constant practice with specific cases, under

the most diverse situations, the nature of war may in this way be

taught and initiative developed as well as facility acquired in issuing

appropriate, clear, and concise orders. One danger of using nothing but

the applicatory method must be noted. The instructor, as representative

of a definite theory, finds it comparatively easy to select the

conditions governing a specific case in such a way that the theory

which he represents necessarily appears to be the correct one. This is

especially true when the director of an applicatory problem determines

the action of the opposing side. The two methods (the applicatory, or

inductive, and the deductive) must be so supplemented that the lesson

in tactics clearly illustrates the purpose and object of a tactical

operation and allows of the attainment of a thorough knowledge of the

means necessary to gain that object.[18] “He who is able to understand

the situation, has a definite purpose in view, and knows the means with

which to carry out that purpose, will, by a simple mental operation,

arrive in each particular case at an appropriate decision, and will be

able, furthermore, to carry out that decision, provided he does not

lose his head. If a clear comprehension of the purpose in view and

of the means for carrying out that purpose lie within the sphere of

theory, the estimate of the situation and the decision are governed by

the circumstances of the particular case. Should the training in this

direction lie outside the sphere of theory, it will logically belong to

the domain of the applicatory method of instruction. The two methods

must, therefore, supplement each other.

[16] See KÜHNE, _Kritische Wanderungen_, 4 and 5, Preface p. 5.

[17] VON BOGUSLAWSKI, _Entwickelung der Taktik_, II, p. 17.

[18] “When one attempts to establish a principle, immediately

a great number of officers, imagining that they are solving the

question, at once cry out: ‘Everything depends on circumstances;

according to the wind must the sails be set.’ But if you do not know

beforehand which sail is proper for such and such a wind, how can you

set the sail according to the wind?” BUGEAUD, _Aperçus sur quelques

détails de guerre_.

If the decision is to culminate in action, strength of character

is required, providing the determination to execute, in spite of

unavoidable difficulties, what has been recognized as proper, and also

the professional ability necessary to carry out the determination to

its logical conclusion. All that theory can do toward forming this

character is to emphasize its importance and to refer students to

military history. The applicatory method, however, can develop strength

of character by compelling the student to form decisions under pressure

of a specified time limit (in solving problems) or by subjecting him to

the influences of certain situations such as would be encountered in

war (maneuvers). The means available in tactical instruction in time

of peace, for the development of strength of character, are, however,

very limited when compared with the great demands made by the abnormal

conditions of war, so out of all proportion to those of peace. This

should be thoroughly understood, lest we overestimate the value of

these means as well as the results to be obtained from them in times of

peace.

After theory has fulfilled its mission of clearly indicating the

purpose and object of an operation, as well as the means by which it

may be attained, and applicatory practice has performed its office

of developing initiative and professional skill, a third factor is

still necessary--the study of military history. From this fountain

of knowledge both “theory” and “applicatory method” must draw their

material; to this source they must again and again refer in order to

guard against erroneous ideas of their own creation, which are often as

different from reality as day is from night.”[19]

[19] F. C. V. H. (_Fieldmarshal Lieutenant General_ CONRAD V.

HÖTZENDORF, Chief of Staff of the Austro-Hungarian Army). _Zum

Studium der Taktik_, p. 2.

Viewed as the science of the leading and employment of troops, tactics

may be divided into two parts:

1. =Formal tactics=, or that contained in drill regulations. This

portion of tactics furnishes the formations used by troops when

assembled, on the march, and in action, and contains the regulations

governing the conduct in battle of troops acting alone without regard

to the coöperation of the other arms, and without reference to the

terrain.

2. =Applied tactics=[20] deals with the combined action of the several

arms on the march, in camp, and in action, taking into account

influences of the terrain, seasons, and the time of day in field

warfare. Fortress warfare should, strictly speaking, be included under

this heading; that is to say, the employment of tactical principles[21]

pertaining to the mobile arms, in conjunction with foot-artillery and

technical troops on a prepared battlefield. The principles are the

same in field and fortress warfare; the only difference between them

lies in the employment of the means necessitated by the preparation

of a field of battle in time of peace. Military history shows that a

clear distinction between field and fortress warfare is impossible.

(Sebastopol, Düppel, Plevna, and Port Arthur).

[20] V. BOGUSLAWSKI, _Entwickelung der Taktik_, II, Chapter

23. “The higher, Grand Tactics, is the Initiation and conduct of

battles--subordinate, or minor tactics, is the manner of fighting, or

the battle-tactics of an arm considered in its details.”

[21] MAJOR GUNDELACH, _Exerzierreglement und Festungskrieg_,

Berlin, 1908.

4. DRILL REGULATIONS.

Tactics, Volume 1 (of 2). Introduction and Formal Tactics of Infantry · 第 1 / 46 段