THE GROWTH AND DANGER OF BRITISH SOCIALISM
Up to a recent date the Socialists in Great Britain had neither power
nor influence. Whilst Germany, France, and other countries had large
Socialist parties, British Socialism was practically unrepresented in
Parliament. Many Englishmen thought that the free British democracies
did not offer a soil favourable to the growth of Socialism, whilst
many Socialist leaders believed that England possessed ideal
conditions for effecting a social revolution because no other country
contains, proportionally, so large a propertyless proletariat as
England.[1174] In view of the large number of propertyless people in
Great Britain and the nervous restlessness of the race since it has
become a race of town-dwellers we cannot wonder at the rapid growth of
British Socialism, and we must look forward to its further increase.
The following most interesting table gives a picture of the growth of
the Socialist vote in the three most Socialistic countries on the
Continent of Europe, and in Great Britain. It shows that Socialism has
apparently passed the zenith on the Continent of Europe, but that it
has not yet reached maturity in Great Britain.
"GERMANY
Members of
Votes Parliament
1867 30,000 8
1878 437,158 9
1887 763,123 11
1890 1,427,298 35
1893 1,876,738 44
1896 2,107,076 57
1903 3,010,472 81
1907 3,258,968 43
GREAT BRITAIN
Members of
Votes Parliament
1895 46,000 0
1900* 65,000 2
1906* 335,000 30
FRANCE
Members of
Votes Parliament
1887 47,000 19
1889 120,000 9
1893 440,000 49
1898 790,000 50
1902 805,000 48
1906 896,000 52
BELGIUM
Members of
Votes Parliament
1894 320,000 32
1900 344,000 33
1902 467,000 34
1904 463,967 28
1906 469,094 30
*This is the vote of the Labour party candidates,
not all of whom were Socialists."[1175]
A glance at the above table shows that the Socialist vote in Great
Britain is as yet insignificant by comparison with other countries,
and it seems likely to increase very greatly. More than a third of the
Australian House of Representatives and Senate consists of Socialists.
May not proportionately as large a Socialist party arise in Great
Britain, especially as no political party can outbid the Socialists?
The Socialist danger is probably greater in Great Britain than it is
in France, Germany, or Belgium. In those countries a vast body of
freehold peasants exists who are absolutely opposed to revolutionary
schemes. Besides, owing to the fact that the majority of Continental
workers have a substantial stake in the country, either in the form of
land, houses, or other property, Continental Socialism is
comparatively moderate, whilst it is violent, Anarchistic, and
revolutionary in Great Britain, where the majority of workers possess
far less property than the majority of French, German, and Belgian
workers. The German Socialists, since Germany's unity, have gone the
way of Lassalle, the patriot Socialist. "They have ceased to denounce
the churches. From a necessary evil or a mere stop-gap, the present
State has become to them gradually, and perhaps unconsciously, their
own State."[1176] It is true that the Socialist vote is ten times
larger in Germany than in Great Britain. Nevertheless the danger of
Socialist troubles of the very gravest kind is perhaps greater in
England than in Germany, especially as unemployment is far greater in
Great Britain than in Germany.[1177] It seems that Great Britain will
pass through bad industrial times, and it should not be forgotten that
the French Revolutions of 1789 and of 1848 were made by unemployed
workmen upon whom Socialist and Communistic doctrines had taken a firm
hold; that the distress caused by the siege of Paris led to the rising
of the Commune in 1871; that between 1837 and 1848 the Chartist
movement in Great Britain rose and declined in almost exact
correspondence with the variations in the economic distress of the
people.
The present aspect of Great Britain resembles the aspect of
pre-Revolution France, owing to the unequal distribution of property.
"Almost three-quarters of the soil of France belonged to the nobility
and the clergy, or to 350,000 people. The whole of the rest of the
nation possessed less than one-third of the soil."[1178] The absence
of a sturdy property-owning lower middle-class, the disappearance of
the yeomen, is a source of instability and weakness to Great Britain.
Vast numbers of British workers live from hand to mouth. They are
being inflamed by Socialist agitators against the wealthy, and they
are being promised an equal share in the whole wealth of the nation.
In case of very acute distress, either through purely economic causes
or through a war with a strong naval power, which might lead to
starvation in a country which is absolutely dependent on foreign
countries for its food, a revolutionary outbreak in the overgrown
towns of Great Britain seems by no means impossible. The revolutionary
centre of the world may conceivably move from Paris to London.
The Socialists in Great Britain may not always remain a chaotic
multitude led by rival agitators who fight and intrigue against one
another. Socialists believe: "So soon as Socialism becomes popular,
great statesmen and philosophers will arise and take their stand boldly
with the people in their fight for industrial freedom."[1179] There are
more than 2,000,000 trade unionists in Great Britain, and Socialism is
spreading rapidly among them. "Already the working-class movement is
largely a Socialistic movement and is in continual process of becoming
more so."[1180] The political character of the trade unionists is
changing owing to the influence of Socialism and of the new unions.
"The differences between the 'old' and 'new' unions are becoming more
and more accentuated. The former adhere to the 'No politics' cry,
_i.e._ no working-class politics, and still pin their faith to the
Liberal or even Tory party; while the latter, like their Continental
comrades, understand that their emancipation can only be achieved by
means of political action as a class."[1181] "It is not possible for
the working-class movement to dissociate itself from the Socialists, or
from Socialism, because Socialism, however vaguely the fact may yet be
recognised, is as essentially the political expression of that movement
as Toryism was the political expression of landlordism and Liberalism
is that of the bourgeoisie. In other words, there can be no
working-class movement as such without Socialism."[1182] "It is true
that the present Parliamentary Labour party is committed to
independence on 'Labour questions only,' but no one has yet defined
what is a 'Labour question,' and still less has anyone attempted to
show what political questions are not labour questions."[1183] The
letters printed on pages 141-143 of this book show that Socialism and
Labour are commingling.
Socialism and Socialist influence have grown far more rapidly in Great
Britain than is generally known. Their growth can be gauged not so
much by the result of the General Election of 1906, and of some
startling by-election results, as by the reports of the Socialist
societies, and especially by the sale of their literature. Therefore
the following facts indicating the growth of British Socialism should
prove to be of considerable interest.
The Independent Labour Party reported at its yearly meeting held at
Derby on April 1 and 2, 1907:
"No department of our activities has been more encouraging in its work
this year than that of literature. Last year our literature sales
amounted to _1,200l._, which was _600l._ more than the previous twelve
months. This year they amount to _2,830l._, or _1,600l._ more than
last year. The sales of books and pamphlets are nearly double that of
last year. This is a magnificent result. Many branches have
established literature stalls in the markets or public streets of
their towns, and have met with much success. The fruits of this
propaganda are certain, and will be reaped sooner or later by the
branches concerned. The income is larger than has been the case in any
former year, and amounts to the sum of _6,064l. 12s._, as against
_1,884l. 7s. 9d._ for last year. The excess of assets over liabilities
amounts to _3,729l. 2s. 5d._, as against _1,511l._ last year. The
financial position of the party is thus becoming increasingly solid
and stable."[1184]
Since the time when that report was given, the Independent Labour
Party has continued its rapid growth, as may be seen from the
following "Facts of Progress" recently published by that party. "At
the time of the Fifteenth Annual Conference of the Independent Labour
Party, held at Derby at Easter 1907, there were then in existence 545
branches of the party. Now (November 1907), there are 709 branches.
Gain in seven months, 164 branches. There are few Parliamentary
constituencies in the United Kingdom without branches, and it is hoped
before the present year to make even these omissions good. There are
now six branches of the Independent Labour Party in Ireland, and more
to follow. The Independent Labour Party has now 845 of its members on
local governing bodies, endeavouring to put into operation locally the
principles for which the party stands. During the summer nearly 2,000
meetings have been held each week throughout the country. Twenty-two
special organisers have been at work for this last six months."[1185]
The latest reports of the other Socialist Societies give a picture of
a similarly great activity, and of a similarly rapid growth.
It is true that the funds of the Socialist organisations are
comparatively small, but it must not be forgotten that "1,000 men who
subscribe _1d._ are stronger in the poll than one man who subscribes
_1,000l._"[1186] Besides, the Independent Labour Party has since 1893
spent more than _250,000l._ for purposes of propaganda. That is a
large sum to be spent in agitation. Furthermore, it is significant
that many Socialist pamphlets and books have been sold in more than a
hundred thousand copies, and a few even in more than a million
copies. The Socialist periodicals have a considerable circulation.
"The circulation of the 'Clarion' alone is 74,000."[1187]
The danger of British Socialism lies not only in its rapid increase
among the workers, but also in the fact that it is making converts
among the large class of people who possess no settled conviction of
their own, and who are easily carried away by a plausible catch-phrase.
The persons who count are the multitude of loose thinkers who are
drifting towards Socialism without knowing it. "Politicians who have no
suspicion that they are Socialists are advocating further instalments
of Socialism with a recklessness of indirect results which scandalises
the conscious Social-Democrat."[1188] "Year by year more legislation is
proposed of which the effect is to draw upon the earnings of the
efficient for the benefit of the inefficient. Year by year Parliament
makes life harder for those whose labour benefits the State and easier
for those who are a drag upon it."[1189] "There is in fact no definite
and declared Socialist party in the present House of Commons, and yet
what may be called the spirit of Socialism pervades the whole House to
a greater extent than in any previous Parliament."[1190] For instance,
Mr. Rutherford, M.P., in an anti-Socialistic speech brought forward a
"Democratic Tory Programme" which, in the words of a Socialist
periodical, was "cribbed almost bodily from the Socialist programme. He
advocated among other reforms-nationalisation of the railways, State
provision of work for the unemployed, payment of Members, manhood and
womanhood suffrage, the suppression of adulteration, town planning on
the German system, crime to be treated as a disease, compulsory closing
of slums, taxation of site values, and State powers to purchase any
site at the price on the rate-book, a national system of insurance
against accident and sickness, feeding and clothing poor children, free
opening of secondary schools and universities."[1191] In giving
prominence to this "anti-Socialist" speech the "Labour Leader"
sarcastically remarked: "The items do not, of course, take us quite as
far as we Socialists would go; but they are fairly good to be going on
with. Ours is to once again cordially welcome Mr. Rutherford as
champion against Socialism."[1192]
A further danger consists in this, that many Socialists in Parliament
and out of it like to sail under a false flag, in accordance with the
tactics usually employed by the Fabian Society (see _ante_, Chapter
XXXIII). Socialist publications inform us: "Among Socialists who stood
and were elected as official Liberals are P. Alden, Clement Edwards,
and L.G. Chiozza Money."[1193] "Many Liberals, like Mr. Chiozza Money,
Mr. Masterman, Mr. J.M. Robertson, not to speak of the Liberal-Labour
group, are committed to Socialist or semi-Socialist legislation. Many
Liberal newspapers, we cannot fairly deny, are avowedly on the side of
Socialism. The Liberal rank and file are also in the majority of
instances quite favourable to the general principles of
municipalisation and Labour legislation. Above all, as has so often
been predicted by us, the two political camps of landlordism and
capitalism are bound to combine together against Socialism, and they
can only do so effectively under the Imperialist, Tariff Reform,
anti-Land Reform, and anti-Municipalisation flags. The Liberal party
cannot attempt single-handed to withstand us."[1194] Socialism often
poses as Liberalism and is accepted as such by the unwary.
A further danger of British Socialism lies in the fact that it leads
to the deterioration of the national character. "The strength of every
community must finally depend on the character of the individuals who
compose it. If they are self-reliant, energetic, and dutiful, the
community will be strong; if, on the contrary, they have been taught
to rely upon others rather than on themselves, to take life easily and
to avoid unpleasant duties, then the community will be weak. Teach men
that they owe no duty to their families, no duty to their country, and
that their only responsibility is to humanity at large, and they will
quickly begin to think and act as if they had no responsibility to
anyone but themselves."[1195] "Many workmen are being ruined morally
and materially by Socialistic doctrines, because directly a man
becomes imbued with the idea that he is not receiving full recompense
for his labours he thinks himself justified in doing as little as he
can for his employer. The consequence is that his labour, which is to
him his stock-in-trade, depreciates in value and when business
slackens down he is one of the first to get the 'sack.'"[1196]
FOOTNOTES:
[1174] See Karl Marx, _Capital_; Yorke, _Secret History of the
International_; Stegmann und Hugo, _Handbuch_, p. 177; Kautsky,
_Social Revolution_.
[1175] Macdonald, _Socialism_, pp. 125, 126.
[1176] _Encyclopaedia Britannica_, vol. xxxii. p. 666.
[1177] Ellis Barker, _Modern Germany_, p. 546.
[1178] Block, _Dictionnaire General_, vol. ii. p. 822.
[1179] Keir Hardie, _From Serfdom to Socialism_, p. 8.
[1180] _Ibid._ p. 34.
[1181] Aveling, _Working-Class Movement in England_, p. 40.
[1182] _The Socialist Annual_, 1907, p. 38.
[1183] _Ibid._ p. 39.
[1184] _Independent Labour Party Annual Report Conference_, pp. 10,
12, 9.
[1185] _Labour Leader_, November 29, 1907.
[1186] _Reformers' Year Book_, 1906, p. 80.
[1187] _Clarion_, December 20, 1907.
[1188] _Fabian Essays in Socialism_, p. 188.
[1189] Lord Balfour of Burleigh in the _Times_, October 3, 1907.
[1190] Cox, _Socialism_, p. 7.
[1191] _Labour Leader_, October 18, 1907.
[1192] _Ibid._
[1193] _Reformers' Year Book_, 1907, p. 58.
[1194] _Labour Leader_, October 11, 1907.
[1195] Cox, _Socialism_, p. 20.
[1196] Daw, _Socialism Unmasked_, p. 7.