THE SOCIALIST ORGANISATIONS: THEIR MUTUAL RELATIONS AND THEIR POLICY
The Social-Democratic Federation is the most honest and
straightforward of the various Socialist organisations. Its aims are
revolutionary, as the following statement proves:
"The Social-Democratic Federation is a militant Socialist organisation
whose members--men and women--belong almost entirely to the working
classes. Its object is the realisation of Socialism--the emancipation
of the working class from its present subjection to the capitalist
class. The means by which it seeks to attain that end are: agitation,
education, and the organisation of the working class into a
class-conscious political party--that is, a party clearly conscious of
the present position of the workers as a subject class, in consequence
of all the means of production being owned and controlled by another
class, and clearly conscious of its duty and mission to free them from
that position by the conquest of all the powers of the State, and by
making all the means of production collective common property, to be
used for the benefit of all instead of for the profit of a class. To
this end the Social-Democratic Federation proclaims and preaches the
class war."[1136]
"According to the report for the year ending March 1907 it has 186
branches and affiliated societies. One of its members sits in
Parliament as a member of the Labour party, and about 120 are members
of various local bodies. Its gross income and expenditure through, out
the country is estimated at _15,500l._ It has a weekly paper,
'Justice,' and a monthly magazine, 'The Social-Democrat.'[1137] "In
its own estimation "Justice" is "the most respected of Socialist
newspapers."[1138]
The various Socialist organisations do not love each other. The Fabian
Society caustically remarks: "The Federation runs a newspaper called
'Justice' which has not hitherto been worth a penny to any man whose
pence are so scarce as a labourer's, and which has made repeated
attacks on the ordinary working-class organisations without whose
co-operation Socialists can at present do nothing except cry in the
wilderness. The branches are expected to sell this paper at their
meetings."[1139] "The Social-Democratic Federation is virtually the
oldest Socialist society and is certainly the most conservative. It
was founded as the Democratic Federation about 1880, and adopted its
present name in 1884. Mr. H.M. Hyndman, its most prominent member,
imported its doctrines--which were of German origin--and the S.D.F.
(as it is familiarly called) has ever since endeavoured to maintain an
unshaken faith in all the teachings of Karl Marx. In fact, the S.D.F.
changes its doctrines not with the times, but a dozen years or so
after; so that it is always rather out of touch with the actualities
of politics and attracts the type of mind that prefers clear-cut
principles to practical political progress."[1140]
Other Socialist organisations which are less straightforward than the
Social-Democratic Federation hide their identity and object under
misleading titles. The Independent Labour Party, for instance, is a
purely Socialist party notwithstanding its name. "Its object is, an
Industrial Commonwealth founded upon the Socialisation of land and
capital. Its methods are the education of the community in the
principles of Socialism; the industrial and political organisation of
the workers; the independent representation of Socialist principles on
all elective bodies."[1141] "No one will find much difference in the
programmes of the Social-Democratic Federation and the Independent
Labour Party."[1142] "The Independent Labour Party, commonly called
the I.L.P., which must be carefully distinguished from the Labour
party, is much the largest, and politically the most important,
Socialist organisation. It was founded at Bradford in 1892, by Mr.
Keir Hardie, M.P., and others, and it has from the first advocated
Socialism of the English type and endeavoured to work in harmony with
trade unionists. The Labour party is mainly due to its initiative, and
through its members in trade unions it largely controls the policy of
the party. In August 1907 it had over 700 branches, of which 155 had
been formed in the preceding six months. Its operations have recently
expanded with extraordinary rapidity, its central office expenditure
for the years ending February 28 having been _955l._ in 1905,
_1,817l._ in 1906, and _3,552l._ in 1907. It does a very large
business in the publication and sale of pamphlets and books, and has a
weekly paper, "The Labour Leader." At the general election of 1906,
eighteen of its members were returned to Parliament, all belonging to
the Labour party, and two more have since been elected, one for the
Labour party, and one, Mr. Victor Grayson, as an independent
Socialist. Over five hundred of its members sit on town councils and
other local bodies. The total membership is estimated at 40,000, and
its income and expenditure at perhaps _100,000l._"[1143] "The
Independent Labour Party was formed in January 1893. As years have
passed the Independent Labour Party has steadily strengthened its
programme, until it is to-day entirely Socialist, but it has not quite
got rid of the strain of opportunism, at elections its independence
being more in evidence in its name than in its conduct."[1144]
Wishing to secure Socialist and non-Socialist adherents, and
masquerading as a Liberal Labour party, the attitude of the
Independent Labour Party is not a straightforward one. One of its
competitors states: "The Independent Labour Party has continued its
policy of bargain-making with capitalist politicians. The leaders at
times call themselves Socialists, and at other times protest against
frightening their supporters by introducing the word into resolutions.
At the general election, Mr. Ramsay Macdonald at Leicester, and Mr.
James Parker at Halifax, were amongst the candidates who entered into
compacts with the Liberals. At the Amsterdam International Congress
they voted for a resolution extolling the 'tried and victorious policy
based on the class war,' and on their return to England referred to
the class war as a 'shibboleth' and as a 'reactionary and Whiggish
precept, certain to lead the movement away from the real aims of
Socialism.'"[1145]
The Fabian Society is the least open and the least straightforward
Socialist organisation. Ostensibly it adopted its curious name because
"for the right moment you must wait, as Fabius did most patiently when
warring against Hannibal, though many censured his delays; but when
the time comes you must strike hard as Fabius did, or your waiting
will be in vain, and fruitless."[1146] In reality the misleading title
was probably adopted because the Fabian Society habitually and on
principle sails under a false flag, wishing not to arouse suspicion as
to its objects.
The object of the small but powerful Fabian Society is a peculiar one:
"Founded on a small scale in 1884 and actually the oldest of the three
great Socialist organisations, the Fabian Society has never aimed at a
large membership or endeavoured to become a political party. Its work
has been mainly educational, its endeavour to translate the principles
of Socialism into practical politics suited to English conditions.
From the first it refused to accept Marxian teaching. The Fabian
Society is not a political body, in that it allows its members
complete freedom to adopt any method of carrying out the principles
they profess. Hence its members in Parliament belong to the Liberal or
the Labour party, and they sit as Progressives on London local bodies.
The Society is mainly middle-class, and the majority of its members
belong to London, where fortnightly meetings are held for the
discussion of Socialism. Its great force lies in the ability of many
of its members, some of whom, Mr. Bernard Shaw, the dramatist; Mr.
Sidney Webb, the political writer; Sir Sydney Olivier, now Governor of
Jamaica, have belonged to it from the start; whilst others, such as
Mr. H.G. Wells and the Rev. R.J. Campbell, are more recent recruits.
Recently it has greatly increased its membership, now nearly 2,000,
and has formed substantial branches in the Universities and in many
large towns. Eleven of its members sit in Parliament."[1147]
"The chief object to which the Society devotes its resources is the
education of the people in political, economic, and social subjects.
To effect this purpose it must in the first place educate itself by
the discussion of those problems which from time to time appear ripe
for solution. Its members therefore undertake the study of such
problems, and lay the results before the Society, where they are
considered from various points of view. Finally the conclusions
adopted and generally approved by the members are published, usually
in penny tracts, and by this means made available for the information
of all. The Society further endeavours to promote social amelioration
by the dissemination of information about existing institutions, in
order that better use may be made of the powers already possessed by
local administrative authorities, now too often neglectful of their
obligations. The same ends are sought to be attained by means of
circulating libraries supplied to Working-men's Clubs, Co-operative
Societies, Trade Unions, and similar bodies, and by the publication of
lists of best books on social and political subjects. The Society also
at times engages trained lecturers to give courses of lectures during
the winter months on social politics to working-class and other
organisations. The members of the Society who control its policy are
Socialists; that is to say, are committed to the theory of the
probable direction of economic evolution which is now often called
Collectivism."[1148]
"The object of the Fabian Society is to persuade the English people to
make their political constitution thoroughly democratic, and so to
socialise their industries as to make the livelihood of the people
entirely independent of private Capitalism. The Fabian Society
endeavours to pursue its Socialist and Democratic objects with complete
singleness of aim. For example: It has no distinctive opinions on the
Marriage Question, Religion, Art, abstract Economics, historic
Evolution, Currency, or any other subject than its own special business
of practical Democracy and Socialism. It brings all the pressure and
persuasion in its power to bear on existing forces, caring nothing by
what name any party calls itself, or what principles, Socialist or
other, it professes, but having regard solely to the tendency of its
actions supporting those which make for Socialism and Democracy and
opposing those which are reactionary. It does not propose that the
practical steps towards Social Democracy should be carried out by
itself, or by any other specially organised society or party. It does
not ask the English people to join the Fabian Society. The Fabian
Society does not claim to be the people of England, or even the
Socialist party, and therefore does not seek direct political
representation by putting forward Fabian candidates at elections. But
it loses no opportunity of influencing elections and inducing
constituencies to select Socialists as their candidates."[1149]
"The Fabian Society, far from holding aloof from other bodies, urges
its members to lose no opportunity of joining them and permeating them
with Fabian ideas as far as possible."[1150] "The typical Fabian is an
uncompromising Socialist and Democrat; but he holds aloof from no
association that can possibly be induced to push in his direction.
Instead of wasting time in forming new sects, he tries to inoculate
with his Socialism the existing organisations--the political clubs,
the caucuses, the trade unions, the Press, the co-operative societies,
and the rival party leaders."[1151]
Whilst the other Socialist organisations rely chiefly on direct
driving force, the Fabian Society relies chiefly on subtle, indirect
action and on intrigue. One of its most prominent men boasted: "In
1888 it only cost us twenty-eight postcards, written by twenty-eight
members, to convince the newly-born 'Star' newspaper that London was
aflame with Fabian Socialism."[1152] "Our policy has been to try to
induce some of these regular papers to give a column or two to
Socialism, calling it by what name they please. And I have no
hesitation in saying that the effect of this policy as shown in the
'Manchester Sunday Chronicle,' the 'Star,' the London 'Daily
Chronicle,' and other more exclusively working-class papers, notably
the 'Clarion,' has done more for the cause than all the time and money
that has been wasted on 'Justice' since the 'Star' was founded. Our
mission is to Socialise the Press as we hope to Socialise Parliament
and the other estates of the realm, not to run the Press
ourselves."[1153]
Owing to these peculiar methods, by which they secured the support of
many people who did not know they were Socialists, the Fabians have
been very successful in their policy: "In 1888 we had not been found
out even by the 'Star.' The Liberal party was too much preoccupied
over Mr. O'Brien's breeches and the Parnell Commission, with its
dramatic climax in the suicide of the forger Pigott, to suspect that
the liveliness of the extreme left of the Radical wing in London meant
anything but the usual humbug about working-class interests. We urged
our members to join the Liberal and Radical Associations of their
districts, or if they preferred it, the Conservative Associations. We
told them to become members of the nearest Radical club and
co-operative store and to get delegated to the Metropolitan Radical
Federation and the Liberal and Radical Union if possible. On these
bodies we made speeches and moved resolutions, or better still, got
the Parliamentary candidate for the constituency to move them, and
secured reports and encouraging little articles for him in the 'Star.'
We permeated the party organisations and pulled all the wires we
could lay our hands on with our utmost adroitness and energy; and we
succeeded so far that in 1888 we gained the solid advantage of a
Progressive majority, full of ideas that would never have come into
their heads had not the Fabian put them there, on the first London
County Council. The generalship of this movement was undertaken
chiefly by Sidney Webb, who played such bewildering conjuring tricks
with the Liberal thimbles and the Fabian peas that to this day both
the Liberals and the sectarian Socialists stand aghast at him."[1154]
Fabians rely for their success chiefly on their artfulness. "Always
remember that, even if you cannot convert a man to Socialism, you may
get his vote all the same."[1155]
Fabian middle-class Socialism differs from the democratic Socialism of
the larger Socialist organisations which appeal to the working class:
"The Socialism advocated by the Fabian Society is State Socialism
exclusively."[1156] "We have never advanced the smallest pretensions
to represent the working classes of this country."[1157] Therefore the
Fabians are very cordially hated by the Democratic Socialists. The
Social-Democratic Federation blames them for their "cynical
opportunism."[1158] Another organisation declares: "The Fabian Society
poses as a Socialist organisation, for we are told that this Society
'consists of Socialists.' It is indeed composed of middle-class men
who naturally deny the class struggle, profess to believe in
permeating the capitalist class with Socialism, and hold that the
tendency of society is towards government by the expert-Fabianism
therefore tends towards the rule of the bureaucrats or that section
of the educated middle-class. The Fabians are the cult of the civil
service and are Socialists neither in name nor in fact."[1159]
Let us now consider the genesis and character of the great Labour
party.
Formerly Socialists and trade unionists marched and fought apart.
However, "On the 27th February, 1900, a joint Socialist and Trade
Union Conference met in the Memorial Hall, London. One hundred and
seventeen delegates were present representing sixty-seven Trade
Unions, seven representing the Independent Labour Party, four the
Social-Democratic Federation, one the Fabian Society. The result was
the formation of the Labour Representation Committee,"[1160]
simultaneously representing trade unions and Socialists. "At the
General Election of 1906, the Labour Representation Committee ran
fifty candidates for Parliament and returned thirty. That year its
name was changed to the Labour Party."[1161] The Labour party
therefore unites trade unionists and Socialists. The Fabian Society
and the Independent Labour party have joined it. Only the
Social-Democratic Federation has so far kept aloof from it.
The Labour party, being chiefly composed of trade unionists, is fond
of posing as a non-Socialist party. It is true that "Mr. Keir Hardie,
the Labour leader, said they did not want Toryism, Liberalism, or
Socialism, only Labourism, but the same Keir Hardie sits as a delegate
on the International Socialist Bureau."[1162] "Many of the Labour
members in Parliament are avowed Socialists. The working-class
movement already is largely a Socialist movement, and is in continual
process of becoming more so. With the speculative side of Socialism
the average man with us has but small concern; it is its common-sense
which appeals to him. By inherited instinct we are all Communists at
heart."[1163]
"The Labour party, which now has thirty-one members in the House of
Commons, is not purely Socialist, but twenty-three or twenty-four of
its M.P.s, and nearly all its elected executive, are Socialists. It
has no official programme; but in view of its membership its policy is
and must be Socialist. This is not because the majority rules. It is
because the Socialist section has a policy and the non-Socialist
section approves of that policy so far as it can be translated into
Bills or resolutions to be laid before Parliament. There is no
anti-Socialism in the Labour party. There is far more difference
between sections of Liberals or Conservatives than there is between
Socialist and non-Socialist Labour men. All these bodies are working
more or less together for the same great ends."[1164] The connection
between organised Labour and organised Socialism is further
illustrated by the important letters printed on pages 141-143 of this
book.
The demands and semi-official programme of the Labour party are
practically identical with those of avowed Socialists, as may be seen
from the following statement of its Secretary:
"We are in favour of the special taxation of land values, of a minimum
income-tax on earned incomes, and a super-tax on a graded scale on all
incomes over, say, _1,000l._ This is described as robbing the rich.
That does not express either the purpose or the spirit of the Labour
party however. We call it--securing for the public values created by
the public. Our critics, if they are to have any effect on intelligent
public opinion, must understand this cardinal point in our creed, this
axiom in our programme-making. We do not regard taxation as a taking
by the State of property which belongs to other people, but the
appropriation of property which ought to belong to itself. This theory
of taxation goes very far, and its full application involves the
complete destruction of parasitic classes. It can only be applied
slowly, but as people get clearly to understand that socially-created
values should be socially-owned values, many of our most recondite
problems, like overcrowding, waste-lands, high rating, will be in a
fair way to settlement."[1165]
The foregoing shows that the Labour party, like the most predatory
Socialist, wishes to tax all private capital out of existence. "The
Labour party is not as yet a purely Socialist organisation, because
any attempt to make it such would disrupt it."[1166] However, its rank
and file are rapidly being permeated with Socialism.
The following table shows the composition of the Labour party and its
numerical strength and growth:
"GROWTH OF THE LABOUR PARTY
Trades Union Socialist
Membership Membership Total
1900-1 353,070 22,861 375,931
1901-2 455,450 13,861 169,311
1902-3 847,315 13,835 861,150
1903-4 956,025 13,775 969,800
1904-5 885,270 14,730 900,000
1905-6 904,496 16,784 921,280
1906-7 975,182 20,885 *998,338
*This total includes 2,271 co-operators"[1167]
Apparently only one-fiftieth of the members of the Labour party are
Socialists, but in reality their proportion is very much larger,
because only a few working men with Socialistic leanings have actually
joined a Socialist party. "When the daily Press states that out of a
million affiliated members of the Labour party there are only 17,000
Socialists, its readers naturally inquire, 'How then is it that there
are at least twenty Socialists among its thirty M.P.s?' The reply is
that as the trade union candidates were elected by the ballot of the
members of their respective societies, it must be supposed that those
candidates with Socialist views were the most acceptable to the
majority of members. This situation was strikingly reflected in the
results of the election of 1906. The votes cast for declared
Socialists account for 232,378, or 70 per cent. of the total Labour
Representation Committee poll of 331,280, whilst of the whole Labour
poll, comprising that of the L.R.C., Scottish workers, miners, trades
union group, and Socialists, the votes for declared Socialists
accounted for 274,631 out of 530,643, or nearly 52 per cent."[1168]
"The Labour party is not a Socialist party yet, but those who possess
an ear for the great changes now taking place in the depths of the
nation will understand that the Labour party is going to be a
Socialist party one day."[1169]
It seems likely that the more or less Socialist Labour party in
Parliament will soon absorb practically the whole trade union group.
"Of the eighteen miners' representatives in the House of Commons
fifteen are in the trade union group. In October 1907, at the
Conference of the Federated Miners' Associations, a resolution was
adopted declaring that the time had come for joining the Labour party
and ordering a ballot of the whole Federation area to be taken. It is
practically a foregone conclusion that the proposal will be carried,
in which case the fifteen miners' representatives now sitting on the
Ministerial benches will cross the House and practically double the
effective power of the Labour party as against the Government. The
trade union group will then practically cease to exist. The railway
servants have decided that all their candidates at the next election
must join the Labour party. Therefore Richard Bell must sign the
constitution of the Labour party or retire in favour of someone who
will. Of the remaining seven members of the group W.C. Steadman is the
only recognised leader of trade unionism."[1170]
Apart from the larger Socialist parties described in the foregoing,
there are two smaller organisations composed of revolutionary
Socialists of the most violent type, whose Socialism is a misnomer for
Anarchism. They are "The Socialist Party of Great Britain" domiciled
in London, and "The Socialist Labour Party" (an American importation),
domiciled in Edinburgh. Their programmes, as those of the other
Socialist organisations, will be found in the Appendix.
The numerous Socialistic organisations mentioned in this Chapter
oppose and fight one another. Many Socialists recommend that a united
Socialist party should be formed, but it is clear to all who are
acquainted with the inner history of British Socialism that "the vital
differences that exist among Socialist parties as to tactics--as to
the way to attain Socialism--cannot be glossed over by a few
expressions of brotherly love."[1171] The Socialists are divided among
themselves, and the rivalry and enmity between some of the sections is
deep-seated and bitter. Nominally they differ with regard to the
policy to be pursued, but in reality their differences seem to be
rather of a personal nature. Socialist leaders, though they have the
words "democracy," "freedom," "liberty," and "love" constantly on
their lips, are apt to be very autocratic as soon as their sphere of
political influence is threatened by competition, and as soon as their
private property, their political capital which they have created, is
threatened with "socialisation." The men who so glibly recommend the
world-wide brotherhood of man, and the socialisation and co-operation
of the world, cannot even co-operate among themselves although they
pursue the identical immediate aim: the plunder of the well-to-do. It
is an old experience that revolutionaries always end in cutting one
another's throats.
Some Socialist groups have been formed owing to very peculiar and very
unsavoury circumstances. A comparatively innocent though
psychologically highly interesting and characteristic Socialist new
formation has recently occurred in that ally of the Socialists, the
Women's Social and Political Union. "In September 1907 a bombshell was
thrown into the camp of the Women's Social and Political Union by the
extraordinary action of Mrs. Pankhurst, who, as 'the founder,'
announced that she had discharged the Executive Committee of the
Union."[1172] In the words of an opponent: "Mrs. Pankhurst tore up the
constitution, robbed the branches and members of all control over the
National Committee, abolished the annual conference, and elected
herself and a few personal friends as an autocratic permanent
committee answerable to no one in the world and to sit at her
pleasure."[1173] The consequence of this personal squabble among
leaders for supremacy was of course the splitting up of the party, and
the aggrieved ladies formed a new party, the "Women's Freedom League."
Socialists never tire of declaiming against competition, and of
praising co-operation. At present there are two "competitive" Women's
Freedom societies. If they continue pushing the identical article of
agitation, all custom will go to the larger party. Therefore we may
expect that, unless the breach is healed, the two parties will agree
to differ "on the basic principles of women's freedom" and will
recommend slightly different political mixtures.
The example of France, Germany, and other countries shows that the
jealousy and envy of leaders and party tyranny is nowhere greater than
among Socialists. It will not be easy for British Socialists to found
a united party, especially as it is more difficult to create unity
among individualistic Englishmen, who are by their nature impatient of
restraint, than among Frenchmen and Germans, who are more used to
co-operation and who through their military training have learned the
necessity of discipline and the duty of obedience.
FOOTNOTES:
[1136] Quelch, _The Social-Democratic Federation_, p. 3.
[1137] _Reformers' Year Book_, 1908, pp. 74, 75.
[1138] _Annual Report, Social-Democratic Federation Conference 1906_,
p. 2.
[1139] Shaw, _The Fabian Society_, p. 23.
[1140] The Secretary of the Fabian Society in _Daily Mail Year Book_,
1908, p. 72.
[1141] _Reformers' Year Book_, 1906, p. 73.
[1142] _Report of the Twenty-sixth Annual Conference,
Social-Democratic Federation, 1906_, p. 1.
[1143] _Reformers' Year Book, 1908_, p. 73; _Daily Mail Year Book,
1908_, p. 72.
[1144] _Annual Report, Social-Democratic Federation Conference, 1906_,
p. 3.
[1145] _Manifesto of the Socialist Party of Great Britain_, p. 2.
[1146] _Capital and Land_, Motto.
[1147] Secretary of Fabian Society in _Daily Mail Year Book, 1908_, p.
72.
[1148] Official Circular: _The Fabian Society_.
[1149] _Report on Fabian Policy_, 1896, p. 3.
[1150] _Ibid._ p. 4.
[1151] _Scottish Leader_, September 4, 1890, reprinted by Fabian
Society and issued in form of a leaflet.
[1152] Shaw, _The Fabian Society_, p. 26.
[1153] _Ibid._ p. 24.
[1154] Shaw, _The Fabian Society_, pp. 18, 19.
[1155] _How to Lose and How to Win an Election_, p. 1.
[1156] _Report on Fabian Policy_, 1896, p. 5.
[1157] Shaw, _The Fabian Society_, p. 23.
[1158] _Annual Report, Social-Democratic Federation Conference, 1906_,
p. 2.
[1159] _Manifesto, Socialist Party of Great Britain_, p. 11.
[1160] Macdonald, _Socialism_, p. 52.
[1161] _Ibid._ p. 53.
[1162] _Manifesto, Socialist Party of Great Britain_, p. 13.
[1163] Keir Hardie, _From Serfdom to Socialism_, pp. 33, 34.
[1164] Secretary, Fabian Society, in _Daily Mail Year Book_, 1908, p.
73.
[1165] R. Macdonald, M.P., in _Daily Mail Year Book_, 1908, p. 109.
[1166] _Manifesto, Socialist Party of Great Britain_, p. 3.
[1167] _Reformers' Year Book_, 1908, p. 8.
[1168] _Reformers' Year Book_, 1907, p. 51.
[1169] _Social-Democrat_, October 1907, p. 607.
[1170] _Reformers' Year Book_, 1908, p. 23.
[1171] _Socialist_, December 1907.
[1172] _Independent Labour Party Year Book_, 1908, p. 28.
[1173] _Forward_, November 23, 1907.