_Khionontateronons_, or _Quieunontateronons_. Of them Vimont says,
"Les Khionontateronons, qu'on appelle la nation du Petun, pour
l'abondance qu'il y a de cette herbe, sont eloignez du pays des
Hurons, dont ils parlent la langue, enuiron douze ou quinze lieues
tirant à l'Occident." _Vide Relation des Jésuites_, 1640, p. 95;
_His. Du Canada_, Vol. I. p. 209. Sagard.
For some account of the subsequent history of the Nation de Petun,
_vide Indian Migration in Ohio_, by C. C. Baldwin, 1879, p. 2.
172. It was of great importance to the Indians to select a site for their
villages where suitable wood was accessible, both for fortifying them
with palisades and for fuel in the winter. It could not be brought a
great distance for either of these purposes. Hence when the wood in
the vicinity became exhausted they were compelled to remove and build
anew.
173. That is to say like the Hurons.
174. The Nation Neutre was called by the Hurons _Attisandaronk_ or
_Attihouandaron_. _Vide Relation des Jésuites_, 1641, p. 72;
_Dictonaire de la Langue Huronne_, par Sagard, a Paris, 1632.
Champlain places them, on his map of 1632, south of Lake Erie. His
knowledge of that lake, obtained from the savages, was very meagre as
the map itself shows. The Neutres are placed by early writers on the
west of Lake Ontario and north of Lake Erie _Vide Laverdière in loco_,
Quebec ed., p. 546; also, _Indian Migration in Ohio_, by C. C.
Baldwin, p. 4. They are placed far to the south of Lake Erie by
Nicholas Sanson. _Vide Cartes de l'Amerique_, 1657.
175. The Cheveux Relevés are represented by Champlain as dwelling west of
the Petuns, and were probably not far from the most southern limit of
the Georgian Bay. Strangely enough Nicholas Sanson places them on a
large island that separates the Georgian Bay from Lake Huron. _Vide
Cartes de l'Amerique_ par N. Sanson, 1657.
176. _Atsistaehronons, ou Nation du Feu_. Their Algonquin name was
Mascoutins or Maskoutens, with several other orthographies. The
significance of their name is given by Sagard as follows: Ils sont
errans, sinon que quelques villages d'entr'eux fement des bleds
d'Inde, et font la guerre à vne autre Nation, nommée _Assitagueronon_,
qui veut dire gens de feu: car en langue Huronne _Assista_ signifie du
feu, et _Eronon_, signifie Nation. _Le Grand Voyage du Pays des
Hurons_, par Gabriel Sagard, a Paris, 1632, p. 78. _Vide Relation des
Jésuites_, 1641, p 72; _Discovery and Exploration of the Mississippi
Valley_, by John Gilmary Shea, p. 13; _Indian Migration in Ohio_, by
C. C. Baldwin, pp 9, 10; Discovery of the _Northwest by John Nicolet_,
by C. W. Butterfield, p. 63; _L'Amerique en Plusieurs Cartes_, par
N. Sanson, 1657.
177. _Pisierinii_, the Nipissings. This relates to those Nipissings who had
accompanied Champlain on the expedition against the Iroquois, and who
were passing the winter among the Hurons. He had expected that they
would accompany him on explorations on the north of them. But arriving
at their encampment, on his return from the Petuns and Cheveux
Relevés, he learned from them of the quarrel that had arisen between
the Algonquins and the Hurons.
178. Attigouantans, the principal tribe of the Hurons.
179. _Colliers de pourceline_. These necklaces were composed of shells,
pierced and strung like beads. They were of a violet color, and were
esteemed of great value. The _branches_ were strings of white shells,
and were more common and less valuable. An engraved representation may
be seen in _Histoire de L'Amérique Septentrionale_, par De la
Potherie, Paris, 1722, Tom. I. p. 334. For a full description of
these necklaces and their significance and use in their councils,
_vide Charlevoix's Letters_, London, 1763, p 132.
180. _Buffles_, buffaloes. The American Bison, _Bos Americanus_. The skins
seen by Champlain in the possession of the savages seem to indicate
that the range of the buffalo was probably further east at that period
than at the present time, its eastern limit being now about the Red
River, which flows into Lake Winnipeg. The limit of its northern range
is generally stated to be at latitude 60 degrees, but it is sometimes
found as far north as 63 degrees or 64 degrees. _Vide_ Dr. Shea's
interesting account of the buffalo in _Discovery and Exploration of
Mississippi Valley_, p. 18. The range of the Musk Ox is still farther
north, rarely south of latitude 67 degrees. His home is in the Barren
Grounds, west of Hudson Bay, and on the islands on the north of the
American Continent, where he subsists largely on lichens and the
meagre herbage of that frosty region.
181. Champlain is here speaking of the whole country of New France.
182. This sentence in the original is unfinished and defective. _Au costé
vers le Nort, icelle grande riuiere terant à l'Occident, etc_. In the
ed. 1632, the reading is _Au costé vers le nort d'icelle grande
riuiere tirant au suroust, etc_. The tranlation is according to the
ed. of 1632. _Vide_ Quebec ed., p. 941.
183. Champlain here gives the four species of the _cervus_ family under
names then known to him, viz, the moose, wapiti or elk, caribou, and
the common deer.
184. _Fouines_, a quadruped known as the minx or mink, _Mustela vison_.
185. _Martes_, weasels, _Mustela vulgaris_.
186. _The country on the north_, &c. Having described the country along the
coast of the St Lawrence and the lakes he now refers to the country
still further north even to the southern borders of Hudson's Bay.
_Vide_ small map.
187. _Almouchiquois_, so in the French for Almouchiquois. All the tribes at
and south of _Chouacoet_, or the mouth of the Saco River, were
denominated Almouchiquois by the French. _Vide_ Vol II p 63, _et
passim_.
188. The country of the Attigouantans, sometimes written Attigouautans, the
principal tribe of the Hurons, used by Champlain as including the
whole, with whom the French were in close alliance, was from east to
west not more than about twelve leagues. There must have been some
error by which the author is made to say that it was _two hundred and
thirty leagues_. Laverdière suggests that in the manuscript it might
have been 23, or 20 to 30, and that the printer made it 230.
189. The author plainly means that the country of the Hurons was nearly
surrounded by the Mer Douce; that is to say, by Lake Huron and the
waters connected with it, viz., the River Severn, Lake Couchiching,
and Lake Simcoe. As to the population, compare _The Jesuits in North
America_, by Francis Parkman, LL.D., note p. xxv.
190. _Vide antea_, note 172, for the reason of these removals.
191. _Febues du Brésil_. This was undoubtedly the common trailing bean,
_Pliaseolus vulgaris_, probably called the Brazilian bean, because it
resembled a bean known under that name. It was found in cultivation in
New England as mentioned by Champlain and the early English settlers.
Bradford discoursing of the Indians, _His. Plymouth Plantation_,
p. 83, speaks of "their beans of various collours." It is possible
that the name, _febues du Brésil_, was given to it on account of its
red color, as was that of the Brazil-wood, from the Portuguese word
_braza_, a burning coal.
192. _Vide antea_, note 101.
193. _Sitrouelles_, or _citrouilles_, the common summer squash, _Cucurbita
polymorpha. Vide_ Vol. II. note 128. For figure D, _vide_ p. 116.
194. The coloring matter appears to have been derived from the root of the
bedstraw, _Galium tinctorum_. Peter Kalm, a pupil of Linnæus, who
travelled in Canada in 1749, says, "The roots of this plant are
employed by the Indians in dyeing the quills of the American
porcupines red, which they put into several pieces of their work, and
air, sun, or water seldom change this color." _Travels into North
America_, London, 1771, Vol. III. pp. 14-15.
195. Père Joseph Le Caron, who had passed the winter among the Hurons.
196. _Mardi-gras_, Shrove-Tuesday, or _flesh Tuesday_, the last day of the
Carnival, the day before Ash Wednesday, the first day in Lent.
197. _Vide_ Vol. I. pp. 236-238.
198. This must have been on the 20th of May.
199. Jean d'Olbeau and the lay brother Pacifique du Plessis.
200. Joseph le Caron, who accompanied Champlain to France.
CONTINUATION OF THE VOYAGES
AND DISCOVERIES MADE IN NEW FRANCE,
BY
SIEUR DE CHAMPLAIN,
CAPTAIN FOR THE KING IN THE WESTERN MARINE,
IN THE YEAR 1618.
At the beginning of the year one thousand six hundred and eighteen, on the
twenty-second of March, I set out from Paris, [201] together with my
brother-in-law, [202] for Honfleur, our usual port of embarkation. There we
were obliged to make a long stay on account of contrary winds. But when
they had become favorable, we embarked on the large vessel of the
association, which Sieur du Pont Gravé commanded. There was also on board a
nobleman, named De la Mothe, [203] who had previously made a voyage with
the Jesuits to the regions of La Cadie, where he was taken prisoner by the
English, and by them carried to the Virginias, the place of their
settlement. Some time after they transferred him to England and from there
to France, where there arose in him an increased desire to make another
voyage to New France, which led him to seek the opportunity presented by
me. I had assured him, accordingly, that I would use my influence and
assistance with our associates, as it seemed to me that they would find
such a person desirable, since he would be very useful in those regions.
Our embarkation being made, we took our departure from Honfleur on the 24th
day of May following, in the year 1618. The wind was favorable for our
voyage, but continued so only a very few days, when it suddenly changed,
and we had all the time head winds up to our arrival, on the 3d day of June
following, on the Grand Bank, where the fresh fishery is carried on. Here
we perceived to the windward of us some banks of ice, which came down from
the north. While waiting for a favorable wind we engaged in fishing, which
afforded us great pleasure, not only on account of the fish but also of a
kind of bird called _fauquets_, [204] and other kinds that are caught on
the line like fish. For, on throwing the line, with its hook baited with
cod liver, these birds made for it with a rush, and in such numbers that
you could not draw it out in order to throw it again, without capturing
them by the beak, feet, and wings as they slew and fell upon the bait, so
great were the eagerness and voracity of these birds. This fishing afforded
us great pleasure, not only on account of the sport, but on account of the
infinite number of birds and fish that we captured, which were very good
eating, and made a very desirable change on shipboard.
Continuing on our route, we arrived on the 15th of the month off Isle
Percée, and on St. John's day [205] following entered the harbor of
Tadoussac, where we found our small vessel, which had arrived three weeks
before us. The men on her told us that Sieur des Chesnes, the commander,
had gone to our settlement at Quebec. Thence he was to go to the Trois
Rivières to meet the savages, who were to come there from various regions
for the purpose of trade, and likewise to determine what was to be done on
account of the death of two of our men, who had been treacherously and
perfidiously killed by two vicious young men of the Montagnais. These two
unfortunate victims, as the men on the vessel informed us, had been killed
while out hunting nearly two years [206] before. Those in the settlement
had always supposed that they had been drowned from the upsetting of their
canoe, until a short time before, one of the men, conceiving an animosity
against the murderers, made a disclosure and communicated the fact and
cause of the murder to the men of our settlement. For certain reasons it
has seemed to me well to give an account of the matter and of what was done
in regard to it. But it is almost impossible to obtain the exact truth in
the case, on account, not only of the small amount of testimony at hand,
but of the diversity of the statements made, the most of which were
presumptive. I will, however, give an account of the matter here, following
the statement of the greater number as being nearer the truth, and relating
what I have found to be the most probable.
The following is the occasion of the murder of the two unfortunate
deceased. One of the two murderers paid frequent visits to our settlement,
receiving there a thousand kindnesses and favors, among other persons from
Sieur du Parc, a nobleman from Normandy, in command at the time at Quebec,
in the service of the King and in behalf of the merchants of the
Association in the year 1616. This savage, while on one of his customary
visits, received one day, on account of some jealousy, ill treatment from
one of the two murdered men, who was by profession a locksmith, and who
after some words beat the savage so soundly as to impress it well upon his
memory. And not satisfied with beating and misusing the savage he incited
his companions to do the same, which aroused still more the hatred and
animosity of the savage towards this locksmith and his companions, and led
him to seek an opportunity to revenge himself. He accordingly watched for a
time and opportunity for doing so, acting however cautiously and appearing
as usual, without showing any sign of resentment.
Some time after, the locksmith and a sailor named Charles Pillet, from the
island of Ré, arranged to go hunting and stay away three or four nights.
For this purpose they got ready a canoe, and embarking departed from Quebec
for Cape Tourmente. Here there were some little islands where a great
quantity of game and birds resorted, near Isle d'Orleans, and distant seven
leagues from Quebec. The departure of our men became at once known to the
two savages, who were not slow in starting to pursue them and carry out
their evil design. They sought for the place where the locksmith and his
companion went to sleep, in order to surprise them. Having ascertained it
at evening, at break of day on the following morning, the two savages
slipped quietly along certain very pleasant meadows. Arriving at a point
near the place in question, they moored their canoe, landed and went
straight to the cabin, where our men had slept. But they found only the
locksmith, who was preparing to go hunting with his companion, and who
thought of nothing less than of what was to befall him. One of these
savages approached him, and with some pleasant words removed from him all
suspicion of anything wrong in order that he might the better deceive
him. But as he saw him stoop to adjust his arquebus, he quickly drew a club
that he had concealed on his person, and gave the locksmith so heavy a blow
on his head, that it sent him staggering and completely stunned. The
savage, seeing that the locksmith was preparing to defend himself, repeated
his blow, struck him to the ground, threw himself upon him, and with a
knife gave him three or four cuts in the stomach, killing him in this
horrible manner.
In order that they might also get possession of the sailor, the companion
of the locksmith who had started early in the morning to go hunting, not
because they bore any special hatred towards him, but that they might not
be discovered nor accused by him, they went in all directions searching for
him. At last, from the report of an arquebus which they heard, they
discovered where he was, in which direction they rapidly hastened, so as to
give no time to the sailor to reload his arquebus and put himself in a
state of defence. Approaching, they fired their arrows at him, by which
having prostrated him, they ran upon him and finished him with the knife.
Then the assassins carried off the body, together with the other, and,
binding them so firmly together that they would not come apart, attached to
them a quantity of stones and pebbles, together with their weapons and
clothes, so as not to be discovered by any sign, after which they carried
them to the middle of the river, threw them in, and they sank to the
bottom. Here they remained a long time until, through the will of God, the
cords broke, and the bodies were washed ashore and thrown far up on the
bank, to serve as accusers and incontestable witnesses of the attack of
these two cruel and treacherous assassins. For the two bodies were found at
a distance of more than twenty feet from the water in the woods, but had
not become separated in so long a time, being still firmly bound, the
bones, stripped of the flesh like a skeleton, alone remaining. For the two
victims, contrary to the expectation of the two murderers, who thought they
had done their work so secretly that it would never be known, were found a
long time after their disappearance by the men of our settlement, who,
pained at their absence, searched for them along the banks of the river.
But God in his justice would not permit so enormous a crime, and had caused
it to be exposed by another savage, their companion, in retaliation for an
injury he had received from them. Thus their wicked acts were disclosed.
The holy Fathers and the men of the settlement were greatly surprised at
seeing the bodies of these two unfortunates, with their bones all bare, and
their skulls broken by the blows received from the club of the savages. The
Fathers and others at the settlement advised to preserve them in some
portion of the settlement until the return of our vessels, in order to
consult with all the French as to the best course to pursue in the matter.
Meanwhile our people at the settlement resolved to be on their guard, and
no longer allow so much freedom to these savages as they had been
accustomed to, but on the contrary require reparation for so cruel a murder
by a process of justice, or some other way, or let things in the mean time
remain as they were, in order the better to await our vessels and our
return, that we might all together consult what was to be done in the
matter.
But the savages seeing that this iniquity was discovered, and that they and
the murderer were obnoxious to the French, were seized with despair, and,
fearing that our men would exercise vengeance upon them for this murder,
withdrew for a while from our settlement.[207] Not only those guilty of the
act but the others also being seized with fear came no longer to the
settlement, as they had been accustomed to do, but waited for greater
security for themselves.
Finding themselves deprived of intercourse with us, and of their usual
welcome, the savages sent one of their companions named by the French, _La
Ferrière_, to make their excuses for this murder; namely, they asserted
they had never been accomplices in it, and had never consented to it, and
that, if it was desired to have the two murderers for the sake of
inflicting justice, the other savages would willingly consent to it, unless
the French should be pleased to take as reparation and restitution for the
dead some valuable presents of skins, as they are accustomed to do in
return for a thing that cannot be restored. They earnestly entreated the
French to accept this rather than require the death of the accused which
they anticipated would be hard for them to execute, and so doing to forget
everything as if it had not occurred.
To this, in accordance with the advice of the holy Fathers, it was decided
to reply that the savages should bring and deliver up the two malefactors,
in order to ascertain from them their accomplices, and who had incited them
to do the deed. This they communicated to La Ferrière for him to report to
his companions.
This decision having been made, La Ferrière withdrew to his companions, who
upon hearing the decision of the French found this procedure and mode of
justice very strange and difficult; since they have no established law
among themselves, but only vengeance and restitution by presents. After
considering the whole matter and deliberating with one another upon it,
they summoned the two murderers and set forth to them the unhappy position
into which they had been thrown by the event of this murder, which might
cause a perpetual war with the French, from which their women and children
would suffer. However much trouble they might give us, and although they
might keep us shut up in our settlement and prevent us from hunting,
cultivating and tilling the soil, and although we were in too small numbers
to keep the river blockaded, as they persuaded themselves to believe in
their consultations; still, after all their deliberations, they concluded
that it was better to live in peace with the French than in war and
perpetual distrust.
Accordingly the savages thus assembled, after finishing their consultation
and representing the situation to the accused, asked them if they would not
have the courage to go with them to the settlement of the French and appear
before them; promising them that they should receive no harm, and assuring
them that the French were lenient and disposed to pardon, and would in
short go so far in dealing with them as to overlook their offence on
condition of their not returning to such evil ways.
The two criminals, finding themselves convicted in conscience, yielded to
this proposition and agreed to follow this advice. Accordingly one of them
made preparations, arraying himself in such garments and decorations as he
could procure, as if he had been invited to go to a marriage or some great
festivity. Thus attired, he went to the settlement, accompanied by his
father, some of the principal chiefs, and the captain of their company. As
to the other murderer, he excused himself from this journey, [208]
realizing his guilt of the heinous act and fearing punishment.
When now they had entered the habitation, which was forthwith surrounded by
a multitude of the savages of their company, the bridge [209] was drawn up,
and all of the French put themselves on guard, arms in hand. They kept a
strict watch, sentinels being posted at the necessary points, for fear of
what the savages outside might do, since they suspected that it was
intended actually to inflict punishment upon the guilty one, who had so
freely offered himself to our mercy, and not upon him alone, but upon those
also who had accompanied him inside, who likewise were not too sure of
their persons, and who, seeing matters in this state, did not expect to get
out with their lives. The whole matter was very well managed and carried
out, so as to make them realize the magnitude of the crime and have fear
for the future. Otherwise there would have been no security with them, and
we should have been obliged to live with arms in hand and in perpetual
distrust.
After this, the savages suspecting lest something might happen contrary to
what they hoped from us, the holy Fathers proceeded to make them an address
on the subject of this crime. They set forth to them the friendship which
the French had shown them for ten or twelve years back, when we began to
know them, during which time we had continually lived in peace and intimacy
with them, nay even with such freedom as could hardly be expressed. They
added moreover that I had in person assisted them several times in war
against their enemies, thereby exposing my life for their welfare; while we
were not under any obligations to do so, being impelled only by friendship
and good will towards them, and feeling pity at the miseries and
persecutions which their enemies caused them to endure and suffer. This is
why we were unable to believe, they said, that this murder had been
committed without their consent, and especially since they had taken it
upon themselves to favor those who committed it.
Speaking to the father of the criminal, they represented to him the
enormity of the deed committed by his son, saying that as reparation for it
he deserved death, since by our law so wicked a deed did not go unpunished,
and that whoever was found guilty and convicted of it deserved to be
condemned to death as reparation for so heinous an act; but, as to the
other inhabitants of the country, who were not guilty of the crime, they
said no one wished them any harm or desired to visit upon them the
consequences of it.
All the savages, having clearly heard this, said, as their only excuse, but
with all respect, that they had not consented to this act; that they knew
very well that these two criminals ought to be put to death, unless we
should be disposed to pardon them; that they were well aware of their
wickedness, not before but after the commission of the deed; that they had
been informed of the death of the two ill-fated men too late to prevent it.
Moreover, they said that they had kept it secret, in order to preserve
constantly an intimate relationship and confidence with us, and declared
that they had administered to the evil-doers severe reprimands, and set
forth the calamity which they had not only brought upon themselves, but
upon all their tribe, relatives and friends; and they promised that such a
calamity should never occur again and begged us to forget this offence, and
not visit it with the consequences it deserved, but rather go back to the
primary motive which induced the two savages to go there, and have regard
for that. Furthermore they said that the culprit had come freely and
delivered himself into our hands, not to be punished but to receive mercy
from the French.
But the father, turning to the friar, [210] said with tears, there is my
son, who committed the supposed crime; he is worthless, but consider that
he is a young, foolish, and inconsiderate person, who has committed this
act through passion, impelled by vengeance rather than by premeditation: it
is in your power to give him life or death; you can do with him what you
please, since we are both in your hands.
After this address, the culprit son, presenting himself with assurance,
spoke these words. "Fear has not so seized my heart as to prevent my coming
to receive death according to my desserts and your law, of which I
acknowledge myself guilty." Then he stated to the company the cause of the
murder, and the planning and execution of it, just as I have related and
here set forth.
After his recital he addressed himself to one of the agents and clerks of
the merchants of our Association, named _Beauchaine_, begging him to put
him to death without further formality.
Then the holy Fathers spoke, and said to them, that the French were not
accustomed to put their fellow-men to death so suddenly, and that it was
necessary to have a consultation with all the men of the settlement, and
bring forward this affair as the subject of consideration. This being a
matter of great consequence, it was decided that it should be carefully
conducted and that it was best to postpone it to a more favorable occasion,
which would be better adapted to obtain the truth, the present time not
being favorable for many reasons.
In the first place, we were weak in numbers in comparison with the savages
without and within our settlement, who, resentful and full of vengeance as
they are, would have been capable of setting fire on all sides and creating
disorder among us. In the second place, there would have been perpetual
distrust and no security in our intercourse with them. In the third place,
trade would have been injured, and the service of the King impeded.
In view of these and other urgent considerations, it was decided that we
ought to be contented with their putting themselves in our power and their
willingness to give satisfaction submissively, the father of the criminal
on the one hand presenting and offering him to the company, and he, for his
part, offering to give up his own life as restitution for his offence, just
as his father offered to produce him whenever he might be required.
This it was thought necessary to regard as a sort of honorable amend, and a
satisfaction to justice. And it was considered that if we thus pardoned the
offence, not only would the criminal receive his life from us, but, also,
his father and companions would feel under great obligations. It was
thought proper, however, to say to them as an explanation of our action,
that, in view of the fact of the criminal's public assurance that all the
other savages were in no respect accomplices, or to blame for the act, and
had had no knowledge of it before its accomplishment, and in view of the
fact that he had freely offered himself to death, it had been decided to
restore him to his father, who should remain under obligations to produce
him at any time. On these terms and on condition that he should in future
render service to the French, his life was spared, that he and all the
savages might continue friends and helpers of the French.
Thus it was decided to arrange the matter until the vessels should return
from France, when, in accordance with the opinion of the captains and
others, a definite and more authoritative settlement was to be concluded.
In the mean time we promised them every favor and the preservation of their
lives, saying to them, however, for our security, that they should leave
some of their children as a kind of hostage, to which they very willingly
acceded, and left at the settlement two in the hands of the holy Fathers,
who proceeded to teach their letters, and in less than three months taught
them the alphabet and how to make the letters.
From this it may be seen that they are capable of instruction and are
easily taught, as Father Joseph [211] can testify.
The vessels having safely arrived, Sieur du Pont Gravé, some others, and
myself were informed how the affair had taken place, as has been narrated
above, when we all decided that it was desirable to make the savages feel
the enormity of this murder, but not to execute punishment upon them, for
various good reasons hereafter to be mentioned.
As soon as our vessels had entered the harbor of Tadoussac, even on the
morning of the next day, [212] Sieur du Pont Gravé and myself set sail
again, on a small barque of ten or twelve tons' burden. So also Sieur de la
Mothe, together with Father Jean d'Albeau, [213] a friar, and one of the
clerks and agent of the merchants, named _Loquin_, embarked on a little
shallop, and we set out together from Tadoussac. There remained on the
vessel another friar, called Father _Modeste_ [214] together with the pilot
and master, to take care of her. We arrived at Quebec, the place of our
settlement, on the 27th of June following. Here we found Fathers Joseph,
Paul, and Pacifique, the friars, [215] and Sieur Hébert [216] with his
family, together with the other members of the settlement. They were all
well, and delighted at our return in good health like themselves, through
the mercy of God.
The same day Sieur du Pont Gravé determined to go to Trois Rivières, where
the merchants carried on their trading, and to take with him some
merchandise, with the purpose of meeting Sieur des Chesnes, who was already
there. He also took with him Loquin, as before mentioned. I stayed at our
settlement some days, occupying myself with business relating to it; among
other things in building a furnace for making an experiment with certain
ashes, directions for which had been given me, and which are in truth of
great value; but it requires labor, diligence, watchfulness and skill; and
for the working of these ashes a sufficient number of men are needed who
are acquainted with this art. This first experiment did not prove
successful, and we postponed further trial to a more favorable opportunity.
I visited the cultivated lands, [217] which I found planted with fine
grain. The gardens contained all kinds of plants, cabbages, radishes,
lettuce, purslain, sorrel, parsley, and other plants, squashes, cucumbers,
melons, peas, beans and other vegetables, which were as fine and forward as
in France. There were also the vines, which had been transplanted, already
well advanced. In a word, you could see everything growing and flourishing.
Aside from God, we are not to give the praise for this to the laborers or
their skill, for it is probable that not much is due to them, but to the
richness and excellence of the soil, which is naturally good and adapted
for everything, as experience shows, and might be turned to good account,
not only for purposes of tillage and the cultivation of fruit-trees and
vines, but also for the nourishment and rearing of cattle and fowl, such as
are common in France. But the thing lacking is zeal and affection for the
welfare and service of the King.
I tarried some time at Quebec, in expectation of further intelligence, when
there arrived a barque from Tadoussac, which had been sent by Sieur du
Pont Gravé to get the men and merchandise remaining at that place on the
before-mentioned large vessel. Leaving Quebec, I embarked with them for
Trois Rivières, where the trading was going on, in order to see the savages
and communicate with them, and ascertain what was taking place respecting
the assassination above set forth, and what could be done to settle and
smooth over the whole matter.
On the 5th of July following I set out from Quebec, together with Sieur de
la Mothe, for Trois Rivières, both for engaging in traffic and to see the
savages. We arrived at evening off Sainte Croix, [218] a place on the way
so called. Here we saw a shallop coming straight to us, in which were some
men from Sieurs du Pont Gravé and des Chesnes, and also some clerks and
agents of the merchants. They asked me to despatch at once this shallop to
Quebec for some merchandise remaining there, saying that a large number of
savages had come for the purpose of making war.
This intelligence was very agreeable to us, and in order to satisfy them,
on the morning of the next day I left my barque and went on board a shallop
in order to go more speedily to the savages, while the other, which had
come from Trois Rivières, continued its course to Quebec. We made such
progress by rowing that we arrived at the before-mentioned place on the 7th
of July at 3 o'clock in the afternoon. Upon landing, all the savages with
whom I had been intimate in their country recognized me. They were awaiting
me with impatience, and came up to me very happy and delighted to see me
again, one after the other embracing me with demonstrations of great joy, I
also receiving them in the same manner. In this agreeable way was spent the
evening and remainder of this day, and on the next day the savages held a
council among themselves, to ascertain from me whether I would again assist
them, as I had done in the past and as I had promised them, in their wars
against their enemies, by whom they are cruelly harassed and tortured.
Meanwhile on our part we took counsel together to determine what we should
do in the matter of the murder of the two deceased, in order that justice
might be done, and that they might be restrained from committing such an
offence in future.
In regard to the assistance urgently requested by the savages for making
war against their enemies, I replied that my disposition had not changed
nor my courage abated, but that what prevented me from assisting them was
that on the previous year, when the occasion and opportunity presented,
they failed me when the time came; because when they had promised to return
with a good number of warriors they did not do so, which caused me to
withdraw without accomplishing much. Yet I told them the matter should be
taken into consideration, but that for the present it was proper to
determine what should be done in regard to the assassination of the two
unfortunate men, and that satisfaction must be had. Upon this they left
their council in seeming anger and vexation about the matter, offering to
kill the criminals, and proceed at once to their execution, if assent were
given, and acknowledging freely among themselves the enormity of the
affair.
But we would not consent to this, postponing our assistance to another
time, requiring them to return to us the next year with a good number of
men. I assured them, moreover, that I would entreat the King to favor us
with men, means, and supplies to assist them and enable them to enjoy the
rest they longed for, and victory over their enemies. At this they were
greatly pleased, and thus we separated, after they had held two or three
meetings on the subject, costing us several hours of time. Two or three
days after my arrival at this place they proceeded to make merry, dance,
and celebrate many great banquets in view of the future war in which I was
to assist them.
Then I stated to Sieur du Pont Gravé what I thought about this murder; that
it was desirable to make a greater demand upon them; that at present the
savages would dare not only to do the same thing again but what would be
more injurious to us; that I considered them people who were governed by
example; that they might accuse the French of being wanting in courage;
that if we said no more about the matter they would infer that we were
afraid of them: and that if we should let them go so easily they would grow
more insolent, bold, and intolerable, and we should even thereby tempt them
to undertake greater and more pernicious designs. Moreover I said that the
other tribes of savages, who had or should get knowledge of this act, and
that it had been unrevenged, or compromised by gifts and presents, as is
their custom, would boast that killing a man is no great matter; since the
French make so little account of seeing their companions killed by their
neighbors, who drink, eat, and associate intimately with them, as may be
seen.
But, on the other hand, in consideration of the various circumstances;
namely, that the savages do not exercise reason, that they are hard to
approach, are easily estranged, and are very ready to take vengeance, that,
if we should force them to inflict punishment, there would be no security
for those desirous of making explorations among them, we determined to
settle this affair in a friendly manner, and pass over quietly what had
occurred, leaving them to engage peaceably in their traffic with the clerks
and agents of the merchants and others in charge.
Now there was with them a man named _Estienne Brûlé_, one of our
interpreters, who had been living with them for eight years, as well to
pass his time as to see the country and learn their language and mode of
life. He is the one whom I had despatched with orders to go in the
direction of the Entouhonorons, [219] to Carantoüan, in order to bring with
him five hundred warriors they had promised to send to assist us in the war
in which we were engaged against their enemies, a reference to which is
made in the narrative of my previous book. [220] I called this man, namely
Estienne Brûlé, and asked him why he had not brought the assistance of the
five hundred men, and what was the cause of the delay, and why he had not
rendered me a report. Thereupon he gave me an account of the matter, a
narrative of which it will not be out of place to give, as he is more to be
pitied than blamed on account of the misfortunes which he experienced on
this commission.
He proceeded to say that, after taking leave of me to go on his journey and
execute his commission, he set out with the twelve savages whom I had given
him for the purpose of showing the way, and to serve as an escort on
account of the dangers which he might have to encounter. They were
successful in reaching the place, Carantoüan, but not without exposing
themselves to risk, since they had to pass through the territories of their
enemies, and, in order to avoid any evil design, pursued a more secure
route through thick and impenetrable forests, wood and brush, marshy bogs,
frightful and unfrequented places and wastes, all to avoid danger and a
meeting with their enemies.
But, in spite of this great care, Brûlé and his savage companions, while
crossing a plain, encountered some hostile savages, who were returning to
their village and who were surprised and worsted by our savages, four of
the enemy being killed on the spot and two taken prisoners, whom Brûlé and
his companions took to Carantoüan, by the inhabitants of which place they
were received with great affection, a cordial welcome, and good cheer, with
the dances and banquets with which they are accustomed to entertain and
honor strangers.
Some days were spent in this friendly reception; and, after Brûlé had told
them his mission and explained to them the occasion of his journey, the
savages of the place assembled in council to deliberate and resolve in
regard to sending the five hundred warriors asked for by Brûlé.
When the council was ended and it was decided to send the men, orders were
given to collect, prepare, and arm them, so as to go and join us where we
were encamped before the fort and village of our enemies. This was only
three short days' journey from Carantoüan, which was provided with more
than eight hundred warriors, and strongly fortified, after the manner of
those before described, which have high and strong palisades well bound and
joined together, the quarters being constructed in a similar fashion.
After it had been resolved by the inhabitants of Carantoüan to send the
five hundred men, these were very long in getting ready, although urged by
Brûlé, to make haste, who explained to them that if they delayed any longer
they would not find us there. And in fact they did not succeed in arriving
until two days after our departure from that place, which we were forced to
abandon, since we were too weak and worn by the inclemency of the weather.
This caused Brûlé, and the five hundred men whom he brought, to withdraw
and return to their village of Carantoüan. After their return Brûlé was
obliged to stay, and spend the rest of the autumn and all the winter, for
lack of company and escort home. While awaiting, he busied himself in
exploring the country and visiting the tribes and territories adjacent to
that place, and in making a tour along a river [221] that debouches in the
direction of Florida, where are many powerful and warlike nations, carrying
on wars against each other. The climate there is very temperate, and there
are great numbers of animals and abundance of small game. But to traverse
and reach these regions requires patience, on account of the difficulties
involved in passing the extensive wastes.
He continued his course along the river as far as the sea, [222] and to
islands and lands near them, which are inhabited by various tribes and
large numbers of savages, who are well disposed and love the French above
all other nations. But those who know the Dutch [223] complain severely of
them, since they treat them very roughly. Among other things he observed
that the winter was very temperate, that it snowed very rarely, and that
when it did the snow was not a foot deep and melted immediately.
After traversing the country and observing what was noteworthy, he returned
to the village of Carantoüan, in order to find an escort for returning to
our settlement. After some stay at Carantoüan, five or six of the savages
decided to make the journey with Brûlé. On the way they encountered a large
number of their enemies, who charged upon Brûlé and his companions so
violently that they caused them to break up and separate from each other,
so that they were unable to rally: and Brûlé, who had kept apart in the
hope of escaping, became so detached from the others that he could not
return, nor find a road or sign in order to effect his retreat in any
direction whatever. Thus he continued to wander through forest and wood for
several days without eating, and almost despairing of his life from the
pressure of hunger. At last he came upon a little footpath, which he
determined to follow wherever it might lead, whether toward the enemy or
not, preferring to expose himself to their hands trusting in God rather
than to die alone and in this wretched manner. Besides he knew how to speak
their language, which he thought might afford him some assistance.
But he had not gone a long distance when he discovered three savages loaded
with fish repairing to their village. He ran after them, and, as he
approached, shouted at them, as is their custom. At this they turned about,
and filled with fear were about to leave their burden and flee. But Brûlé
speaking to them reassured them, when they laid down their bows and arrows
in sign of peace, Brûlé on his part laying down his arms. Moreover he was
weak and feeble, not having eaten for three or four days. On coming up to
them, after he had told them of his misfortune and the miserable condition
to which he had been reduced, they smoked together, as they are accustomed
to do with one another and their acquaintances when they visit each
other. They had pity and compassion for him, offering him every assistance,
and conducting him to their village, where they entertained him and gave
him something to eat.
But as soon as the people of the place were informed that an _Adoresetoüy_
had arrived, for thus they call the French, the name signifying _men of
iron_, they came in a rush and in great numbers to see Brûlé. They took him
to the cabin of one of the principal chiefs, where he was interrogated, and
asked who he was, whence he came, what circumstance had driven and led him
to this place, how he had lost his way, and whether he did not belong to
the French nation that made war upon them. To this he replied that he
belonged to a better nation, that was desirous solely of their acquaintance
and friendship. Yet they would not believe this, but threw themselves upon
him, tore out his nails with their teeth, burnt him with glowing
firebrands, and tore out his beard, hair by hair, though contrary to the
will of the chief.
During this fit of passion one of the savages observed an _Agnus Dei_,
which he had attached to his neck, and asked what it was that he had thus
attached to his neck, and was on the point of seizing it and pulling it
off. But Brûlé said to him, with resolute words, If you take it and put me
to death, you will find that immediately after you will suddenly die, and
all those of your house. He paid no attention however to this, but
continuing in his malicious purpose tried to seize the _Agnus Dei_ and tear
it from him, all of them together being desirous of putting him to death,
but previously of making him suffer great pain and torture, such as they
generally practise upon their enemies.
But God, showing him mercy, was pleased not to allow it, but in his
providence caused the heavens to change suddenly from the serene and fair
state they were in to darkness, and to become filled with great and thick
clouds, upon which followed thunders and lightnings so violent and long
continued that it was something strange and awful. This storm caused the
savages such terror, it being not only unusual but unlike anything they had
ever heard, that their attention was diverted and they forgot the evil
purpose they had towards Brûlé, their prisoner. They accordingly left him
without even unbinding him, as they did not dare to approach him. This gave
the sufferer an opportunity to use gentle words, and he appealed to them
and remonstrated with them on the harm they were doing him without cause,
and set forth to them how our God was enraged at them for having so abused
him.
The captain then approached Brûlé, unbound him, and took him to his house,
where he took care of him and treated his wounds. After this there were no
dances, banquets, or merry-makings to which Brûlé was not invited.
So after remaining some time with these savages, he determined to proceed
towards our settlement.
Taking leave of them, he promised to restore them to harmony with the
French and their enemies, and cause them to swear friendship with each
other, to which end he said he would return to them as soon as he
could. Thence he went to the country and village of the Atinouaentans,
[224] where I had already been; the savages at his departure having
conducted him for a distance of four days' journey from their village. Here
Brûlé remained some time, when, resuming his journey towards us he came by
way of the _Mer Douce_, [225] boating along its northern shores for some
ten days, where I had also gone when on my way to the war.
And if Brûlé had gone further on to explore these regions, as I had
directed him to do, it would not have been a mere rumor that they were
preparing war with one another. But this undertaking was reserved to
another time, which he promised me to continue and accomplish in a short
period with God's grace, and to conduct me there that I might obtain fuller
and more particular knowledge.
After he had made this recital, I gave him assurance that his services
would be recognized, and encouraged him to continue his good purpose until
our return, when we should have more abundant means to do that with which
he would be satisfied. This is now the entire narrative and recital of his
journey from the time he left me [226] to engage in the above-mentioned
explorations; and it afforded me pleasure in the prospect thereby presented
me of being better able to continue and promote them.
With this purpose he took leave of me to return to the savages, an intimate
acquaintance with whom had been acquired by him in his journeys and
explorations. I begged him to continue with them until the next year, when
I would return with a good number of men, both to reward him for his
labors, and to assist as in the past the savages, his friends, in their
wars.
Resuming the thread of my former discourse, I must note that in my last and
preceding voyages and explorations I had passed through numerous and
diverse tribes of savages not known to the French nor to those of our
settlement, with whom I had made alliances and sworn friendship, on
condition that they should come and trade with us, and that I should assist
them in their wars; for it must be understood that there is not a single
tribe living in peace, excepting the Nation Neutre. According to their
promise, there came from the various tribes of savages recently discovered
some trade in peltry, others to see the French and ascertain what kind of
treatment and welcome would be shown them. This encouraged everybody, the
French on the one hand to show them cordiality and welcome, for they
honored them with some attentions and presents, which the agents of the
merchants gave to gratify them; on the other hand, it encouraged the
savages, who promised all the French to come and live in future in
friendship with them, all of them declaring that they would deport
themselves with such affection towards us that we should have occasion to
commend them, while we in like manner were to assist them to the extent of
our power in their wars.
The trading having been concluded, and the savages having taken their leave
and departed, we left Trois Rivières on the 14th of July of this year. The
next day we arrived at our quarters at Quebec, where the barques were
unloaded of the merchandise which had remained over from the traffic and
which was put in the warehouse of the merchants at that place.
Now Sieur de Pont Gravé went to Tadoussac with the barques in order to load
them and carry to the habitation the provisions necessary to support those
who were to remain and winter there, and I determined while the barques
were thus engaged to continue there for some days in order to have the
necessary fortifications and repairs made.
At my departure from the settlement I took leave of the holy Fathers, Sieur
de la Mothe, and all the others who were to stay there, giving them to
expect that I would return, God assisting, with a good number of families
to people the country. I embarked on the 26th of July, together with the
Fathers Paul and Pacifique, [227] the latter having wintered here once and
the other having been here a year and a half, who were to make a report of
what they had seen in the country and of what could be done there. We set
out on the day above mentioned from the settlement for Tadoussac, where we
were to embark for France. We arrived the next day and found our vessels
ready to set sail. We embarked, and left Tadoussac for France on the 13th
of the month of July, 1618, and arrived at Honfleur on the 28th day of
August, the wind having been favorable, and all being in good spirits.
ENDNOTES:
201. Champlain made a voyage to New France in 1617, but appears to have
kept no journal of its events. He simply observes that nothing
occurred worthy of remark. _Vide_ issue of 1632, Quebec ed., p. 969.
Sagard gives a brief narrative of the events that occurred that
year. Vol. I. pp. 34-44.
202. Eustache Boullé. His father was Nicolas Boullé, Secretary of the
King's Chamber, and his mother was Marguerite Alix. _Vide_ Vol. I.
p. 205 _et passim_.
203. Nicolas de La Mothe, or de la Motte le Vilin. He had been Lieutenant
of Saussaye in 1613, when Capt. Argall captured the French colony at
Mount Desert. _Vide Les Voyages de Champlain_, 1632, Quebec ed.,
p. 773; _Relation de la Nouvelle France_, Père Biard, p. 64.
204. _Fauquets_. Probably the common Tern, or Sea Swallow. _Sterna
hirundo_. Peter Kalm, on his voyage in 1749, says "Terns, _sterna
hirundo, Linn_, though of a somewhat darker colour than the common
ones, we found after the forty-first degree of north latitude and
forty-seventh degree of west longitude from _London_, very
plentifully, and sometimes in flocks of some hundreds; sometimes they
settled, as if tired, on our ship." _Kalm's Travels_, 1770,
Vol. I. p. 23.
205. St. John's day was June 24th.
206. According to Sagard they were assassinated about the middle of April,
1617. _Hist. Canada_, Vol. I. p. 42.
207. Sagard says the French, on account of this affair, were menaced by
eight hundred savages of different nations who were assembled at Trois
Rivières. _Vide Histoire du Canada_, 1636, Vol. I. p.42. The
statement, "on estoit menacé de huict cens Sauvages de diuerse
nations, qui festoient assemblez és Trois Rivieres à dessein de venir
surprendre les François & leur coupper à tous la gorge, pour preuenir
la vengeance qu'ils eussent pû prendre de deux de leurs hommes tuez
par les Montagnais environ la my Auril de l'an 1617," is, we think,
too strong. The savages were excited and frightened by the demands of
the French, who desired to produce upon their minds a strong moral
impression, in order to prevent a recurrence of the murder, which was
a private thing, in which the great body of the savages had no part.
They could not be said to be hostile, though they prudently put
themselves in a state of defence, as, under the circumstances, it was
very natural they should do.
208. They were then at Trois Rivières.
209. The moat around the habitation at Quebec was fifteen feet wide and six
feet deep, constructed with a drawbridge to be taken up in case of
need. _Vide_ Vol II p. 182.
210. Probably Père le Caron, who was in charge of the mission at Quebec at
that time.
211. _Vide Histoire du Canada_, par Sagard, 1636, Vol. I. p 45.
212. They arrived on St. John's day, _antea, note 205_, and consequently
this was the 25th of June, 1618.
213. Jean d'Olbeau.
214. Frère Modeste Guines. _Vide Histoire du Canada_, par Sagard, à Paris,
1636, Vol. I.p. 40.
215. Joseph le Caron, Paul Huet, and Pacifique du Plessis.
216. Louis Hébert, an apothecary, settled at Port Royal in La Cadie or Nova
Scotia, under Poutrincourt, was there when, in 1613, possession was
taken in the name of Madame de Guercheville. He afterward took up his
abode at Quebec with his family, probably in the year 1617. His eldest
daughter Anne was married at Quebec to Estienne Jonquest, a Norman,
which was the first marriage that took place with the ceremonies of
the Church in Canada. His daughter Guillemette married William
Couillard, and to her Champlain committed the two Indian girls, whom
he was not permitted by Kirke to take with him to France, when Quebec
was captured by the English in 1629. Louis Hébert died at Quebec on
the 25th of January, 1627. _Histoire du Canada_, Vol. I. pp. 41, 591.
217. These fields were doubtless those of Louis Hébert, who was the first
that came into the country with his family to live by the cultivation
of the soil.
218. Platon. _Vide_ Vol. 1., note 155.
219. Champlain says, _donné charge d'aller vers les Entouhonorons à
Carantouan_. By reference to the map of 1632. it will be seen that the
Entouhonorons were situated on the southern borders of Lake Ontario.
They are understood by Champlain to be a part at least of the
Iroquois; but the Carantouanais, allies of the Hurons, were south of
them, occupying apparently the upper waters of the Susquehanna. A
dotted line will be seen on the same map, evidently intended to mark
the course of Brûlé's journey. From the meagre knowledge which
Champlain possessed of the region, the line can hardly be supposed to
be very accurate, which may account for Champlain's indefinite
expression as cited at the beginning of this note.
The Entouhonorons, Quentouoronons, Tsonnontouans, or Senecas
constituted the most western and most numerous canton of the Five
Nations. _Vide Continuation of the New Discovery_, by Louis Hennepin,
1699, p. 95; also Origin of the name Seneca in Mr. O. H. Marshall's
brochure on _De la Salle among the Senecas_, pp. 43-45.
220. _Vide antea_, p. 124.
221. The River Susquehanna.
222. He appears to have gone as far south at least as the upper waters of
Chesapeake Bay.
223. The Dutch fur-traders. _Vide History of the State of New York_ by John
Romeyn Brodhead, Vol. I. p. 44 _et passim_.
224. Attigonantans or Attignaouantans the principal tribe of the Hurons,
sometimes called _Les bons Iroquis_, as they and the Iroquois were of
the same original stock. _Vide_ Vol. I. p. 276, note 212.
225. Lake Huron. For the different names which have been attached to this
lake, _vide Local Names of Niagara Frontier_, by Orsamus H. Marshall,
1881, P. 37.
226. Brûlé was despatched on his mission Sept 8, 1615. _Vide antea_,
p. 124.
As we have already stated in a previous note, it was the policy of
Champlain to place competent young men with the different tribes of
savages to obtain that kind of information which could only come from
an actual and prolonged residence with them. This enabled him to
secure not only the most accurate knowledge of their domestic habits
and customs, the character and spirit of their life, but these young
men by their long residence with the savages acquired a good knowledge
of their language, and were able to act as interpreters. This was a
matter of very great importance, as it was often necessary for
Champlain to communicate with the different tribes in making treaties
of friendship, in discussing questions of war with their enemies, in
settling disagreements among themselves, and in making arrangements
with them for the yearly purchase of their peltry. It was not easy to
obtain suitable persons for this important office. Those who had the
intellectual qualifications, and who had any high aspirations, would
not naturally incline to pass years in the stupid and degrading
associations, to say nothing of the hardships and deprivations, of
savage life. They were generally therefore adventurers, whose honesty
and fidelity had no better foundation than their selfish interests. Of
this sort was this Étienne Brûlé, as well as Nicholas Marsolet and
Pierre Raye, all of whom turned traitors, selling themselves to the
English when Quebec was taken in 1629. Of Brûlé, Champlain uses the
following emphatic language: "Lé truchement Bruslé à qui l'on donnoit
cent pistolles par an, pour inciter les sauuages à venir à la traitte,
ce qui estoit de tres-mauuais exemple, d'enuoyer ainsi des personnes
si maluiuans, que l'on eust deub chastier seuerement, car l'on
recognoissoit cet homme pour estre fort vicieux, & adonné aux femmes;
mais que ne fait faire l'esperance du gain, qui passe par dessus
toutes considerations." _Vide issue of_ 1632, Quebec ed., pp. 1065,
1229.
But among Champlain's interpreters there were doubtless some who bore
a very different character. Jean Nicolet was certainly a marked
exception. Although Champlain does not mention him by name, he appears
to have been in New France as early as 1618, where he spent many years
among the Algonquins, and was the first Frenchman who penetrated the
distant Northwest. He married into one of the most respectable
families of Quebec, and is often mentioned in the Relations des
Jésuites. _Vide_ a brief notice of him in _Discovery and Exploration
of the Mississippi Valley_, by John Gilmary Shea, 1852, p. xx. A full
account of his career has recently been published, entitled _History
of the Discovery of the Northwest by John Nicolet in_ 1634, _with a
Sketch of his Life_. By C. W. Butterfield. Cincinnati, 1881. _Vide_
also _Détails fur la Vie de Jean Nicollet_, an extract from _Relation
des Jésuites_, 1643, in _Découveries_, etc, par Pierre Margry, p. 49.
227. Paul Huet and Pacifique du Plessis. The latter had been in New France
more than a year and a half, having arrived in 1615. _Vide antea_,
pp. 104-5.
EXPLANATION
OF
TWO GEOGRAPHICAL MAPS OF NEW FRANCE.
It has seemed to me well to make some statements in explanation of the two
geographical maps. Although one corresponds to the other so far as the
harbors, bays, capes, promontories, and rivers extending into the interior
are concerned, nevertheless they are different in respect to the bearings.
The smallest is in its true meridian, in accordance with the directions of
Sieur de Castelfranc in his book on the mecometry of the magnetic needle
[228] where I have noted, as will be seen on the map, several declinations,
which have been of much service to me, so also all the altitudes,
latitudes, and longitudes, from the forty-first degree of latitude to the
fifty-first, in the direction of the North Pole, which are the confines of
Canada, or the Great Bay, where more especially the Basques and Spaniards
engage in the whale fishery. In certain places in the great river
St. Lawrence, in latitude 45°, I have observed the declination of the
magnetic needle, and found it as high as twenty-one degrees, which is the
greatest I have seen.
The small map will serve very well for purposes of navigation, provided the
needle be applied properly to the rose [229] indicating the points of the
compass. For instance, in using it, when one is on the Grand Bank where
fresh fishing is carried on, it is necessary, for the sake of greater
convenience, to take a rose where the thirty-two points are marked equally,
and put the point of the magnetic needle 12, 15, or 16 degrees from the
_fleur de lis_ on the northwest side, which is nearly a point and a half,
that is north a point northwest or a little more, from the _fleur de lis_ of
said rose, and then adjust the rose to the compass. By this means the
latitudes of all the capes, harbors, and rivers can be accurately
ascertained.
I am aware that there are many who will not make use of it, but will prefer
to run according to the large one, since it is made according to the
compass of France, where the magnetic needle varies to the northeast, for
the reason that they are so accustomed to this method that it is difficult
for them to change. For this reason I have prepared the large map in this
manner, for the assistance of the majority of the pilots and mariners in
the waters of New France, fearing that if I had not done so, they would
have ascribed to me a mistake, not knowing whence it proceeded. For the
small plans or charts of Newfoundland are, for the most part, different in
all their statements with respect to the positions of the lands and their
latitudes. And those who may have some small copies, reasonably good,
esteem them so valuable that they do not communicate a knowledge of them to
their country, which might derive profit therefrom.
Now the construction of these maps is such that they have their meridian in
a direction north-northeast, making west west-northwest, which is contrary
to the true meridian of this place, namely, to call north-northeast north,
for the needle instead of varying to the northwest, as it should, varies to
the northeast as if it were in France. The consequence of this is that
error has resulted, and will continue to do so, since this antiquated
custom is practised, which they still retain, although they fall into grave
mistakes.
They also make use of a compass marked north and south; that is, so that
the point of the magnetic needle is directly on the _fleur de lis_. In
accordance with such a compass many construct their small maps, which seems
to me the better way, and so approach nearer to the true meridian of New
France, than the compasses of France proper, which point to the
northeast. It has come about, consequently, in this way that the first
navigators who sailed to New France thought there was no greater deviation
in going to these parts than to the Azores, or other places near France,
where the deviation is almost imperceptible in navigation, the navigators
having the compasses of France, which point northeast and represent the
true meridian. In sailing constantly westward with the purpose of reaching
a certain latitude, they laid their course directly west by their compass,
supposing that they were sailing on the one parallel where they wished to
go. By thus going constantly in a straight line and not in a circle, as all
the parallels on the surface of the globe run, they found after having
traversed a long distance, and as they were approaching the land, that they
were some three, four, or five degrees farther south than they ought to be,
thus being deceived in their true latitude and reckoning.
It is true, indeed, that, when the weather was fair and the sun clearly
visible, they corrected their latitude, but not without wondering how it
happened that their course was wrong, which arose in consequence of their
sailing in a straight instead of a circular line according to the parallel,
so that in changing their meridian they changed with regard to the points
of the compass, and consequently their course. It is, therefore, very
necessary to know the meridian, and the declination of the magnetic needle,
for this knowledge can serve all navigators. This is especially so in the
north and south, where there are greater variations in the magnetic needle,
and where the meridians of longitude are smaller, so that the error, if the
declination were not known, would be greater. This above-mentioned error
has accordingly arisen, because navigators have either not cared to correct
it, or did not know how to do so, and have left it in the state in which it
now is. It is consequently difficult to abandon this manner of sailing in
the regions of New France.
This has led me to make this large map, not only that it might be more
minute than the small one, but also in order to satisfy navigators, who
will thus be able to sail as they do according to their small maps; and
they will excuse me for not making it better and more in detail, for the
life of a man is not long enough to observe things so exactly that at least
something would not be found to have been omitted. Hence inquiring and
pains-taking persons will, in sailing, observe things not to be found on
this map, but which they add to it, so that in the course of time there
will be no doubt as to any of the localities indicated. At least it seems
to me that I have done my duty, so far as I could, not having sailed to put
on my map anything that I have seen, and thus giving to the public special
knowledge of what had never been described, nor so carefully explored as I
have done it. Although in the past others have written of these things,
yet very little in comparison with what we have explored within the past
ten years.
MODE OF DETERMINING A MERIDIAN LINE.
Take a small piece of board, perfectly level, and place in the middle a
needle C, three inches high, so that it shall be exactly perpendicular.
Expose it to the sun before noon, at 8 or 9 o'clock, and mark the point B
at the end of the shadow cast by the needle. Then opening the compasses,
with one point on C and the other on the shadow B, describe an arc AB.
Leave the whole in this position until afternoon when you see the shadow
just reaching the arc at A. Then divide equally the arc AB, and taking a
rule, and placing it on the points C and D, draw a line running the whole
length of the board, which is not to be moved until the observation is
completed. This line will be the meridian of the place you are in.
And in order to ascertain the declination of the place where you are with
reference to the meridian, place a compass, which must be rectangular,
along the meridian line, as shown in the figure above, there being upon the
card a circle divided into 360 degrees. Divide the circle by two
diametrical lines; one representing the north and south, as indicated by
EF, the other the east and west, as indicated by GH. Then observe the
magnetic needle turning on its pivot upon the card, and you will see how
much it deviates from the fixed meridian line upon the card, and how many
degrees it varies to the northeast of northwest.
CHAMPLAIN'S LARGE MAP.
GEOGRAPHICAL CHART OF NEW FRANCE, MADE BY SIEUR DE CHAMPLAIN OF SAINTONGE,
CAPTAIN IN ORDINARY FOR THE KING IN THE MARINE. MADE IN THE YEAR 1612.
I have made this map for the greater convenience of the majority of those
who navigate on these coasts, since they sail to that country according to
compasses arranged for the hemisphere of Asia. And if I had made it like
the small one, the majority would not have been able to use it, owing to
their not knowing the declinations of the needle. [230]
Observe that on the present map north-northeast stands for north, and
west-northwest for west; according to which one is to be guided in
ascertaining the elevation of the degrees of latitude, as if these points
were actually east and west, north and south, since the map is constructed
according to the compasses of France, which vary to the northeast. [231]
SOME DECLINATIONS OF THE MAGNETIC NEEDLE,
WHICH I HAVE CAREFULLY OBSERVED.
Cap Breton . . . . . . 14° 50'
Cap de la Have . . . . 16° 15'
Baye Ste Mane . . . . 17° 16'
Port Royal . . . . . . 17° 8'
En la grande R. St Laurent 21°
St Croix . . . . . . . 17° 32'
Rivière de Norumbegue. 18° 40'
Quinibequi . . . . . . 19° 12'
Mallebarre . . . . . . 18° 40'
All observed by Sieur de Champlain, 1612.
REFERENCES ON CHAMPLAIN'S LARGE MAP.
A. Port Fortuné.
B. Baye Blanche.
C. Baye aux Isles.
D. Cap des Isles.
E. Port aux Isles.
F. Isle Haute.
G. Isle des Monts Déserts.
H. Cap Corneille.
I. Isles aux Oiseaux.
K. Cap des Deux Bayes.
L. Port aux Mines
M. Cap Fourchu.
N. Cap Nègre.
O. Port du Rossignol.
P. St. Laurent.
Q. Rivière de l'Isle Verte.
R. Baye Saine.
S. Rivière Sainte Marguerite
T. Port Sainte Hélène.
V. Isle des Martires.
X. Isles Rangées.
Y. Port de Savalette.
Z. Passage du Glas.
1. Port aux Anglois.
2. Baye Courante.
3. Cap de Poutrincourt.
4. Isle Gravée.
5. Passage Courant.
6. Baye de Gennes.
7. Isle Perdue.
8. Cap des Mines.
9. Port aux Coquilles.
10. Isles Jumelles.
11. Cap Saint Jean.
12. Isle la Nef.
13. La Heronniére Isle.
14. Isles Rangées.
15. Baye Saint Luc.
16. Passage du Gas.
17. Côte de Montmorency.
18. Rivière de Champlain.
19. Rivière Sainte Marie.
20. Isle d'Orléans.
21. Isle de Bacchus.
NOTE--The reader will observe that in a few instances the references are
wanting on the map.
CHAMPLAIN'S NOTE TO THE SMALL MAP.
On the small map [232] is added the strait above Labrador between the
fifty-third and sixty-third degrees of latitude, which the English have
discovered during the present year 1612, in their voyage to find, if
possible, a passage to China by way of the north. [233] They wintered at a
place indicated by this mark, 6. But it was not without enduring severe
cold, and they were obliged to return to England, leaving their leader in
the northern regions. Within six months three other vessels have set out,
to penetrate, if possible, still farther, and, at the same time, to search
for the men who were left in that region.
GEOGRAPHICAL MAP OF NEW FRANCE, IN ITS TRUE
MERIDIAN.
_Made by Sieur Champlain, Captain for the King in the Marine. 1613_.
+o Matou-ouescariny. [Note: This figure is inverted on the map. _Vide
antea_, note 59, p. 62.]
o+ Gaspay.
oo Ouescariny. [Note: _Vide antea_, note 47, pp. 59, 81. The figure oo is
misplaced and should be where o-o is on the map, on the extreme
western border near the forty-seventh degree of north latitude.]
o-o Quenongebin. [Note: This figure o-o on the map occupies the place
which should be occupied by oo. _Vide antea_, p. 58, note 46.]
A. Tadoussac.
B. Lesquemain.
C. Isle Percée.
D. Baye de Chaleur.
E. Isles aux Gros Yeux. [Note: A cluster of islands of which the Island
of Birds is one.]
H. Baye Françoise.
I. Isles aux Oyseaux.
L. Rivière des Etechemins. [Note: This letter, placed between the River
St. John and the St. Croix, refers to the latter.]
M. Menane.
N. Port Royal.
P. Isle Longue.
Q. Cap Fourchu.
R. Port au Mouton.
S. Port du Rossignol. [Note: The letter S appears twice on the coast of
La Cadie. The one here referred to is the more westerly.]
SS. Lac de Medicis. [Note: This reference is probably to the Lake of Two
Mountains, which will be seen on the map west of Montreal.]
T. Sesambre.
V. Cap des Deux Bayes.
3. L'Isle aux Coudres.
4. Saincte Croix. [Note: St. Croix on the map is where a cross surmounted
by the figure 4 may be seen.]
4. Rivière des Etechemins. [Note: This appears to refer to the
Chaudière. _Vide_ vol. I. p. 296.]
5. Sault. [Note: This refers to the Falls of Montmorency.]
6. Lac Sainct Pierre.
7. Rivière des Yroquois.
9. Isle aux Lieures.
10. Rivière Platte. [Note: A small river flowing into Mal Bay. _Vide_
Vol. I. p. 295; also _Les Voyages de Champlain_, Quebec ed., p. 1099.]
11. Mantane. [Note: _Vide_ Vol. I. p 234.]
40. Cap Saincte Marie. [Note: The figures are wanting. Cape St. Mary is on
the southern coast of Newfoundland. _Vide_ Vol I. p. 232.]
ENDNOTES:
228. The determination of longitudes has from the beginning been environed
with almost insuperable difficulties. At one period the declination of
the magnetic needle was supposed to furnish the means of a practical
solution. Sebastian Cabot devoted considerable attention to the
subject, as did likewise Peter Plancius at a later date. Champlain
appears to have fixed the longitudes on his smaller map by
calculations based on the variation of the needle, guided by the
principles laid down by Guillaume de Nautonier, Sieur de Castelfranc,
to whose work he refers in the text. It was entitled, _Mécométrie de
l'eymant c'est à dire la manière de mesurer les longitudes par le
moyen de l'eymant_. This rare volume is not to be found as far as my
inquiries extend, in any of the incorporated libraries on this
continent. There is however a copy in the Bodleian Library at Oxford,
to which in the catalogue is given the bibliographical note: _Six
livres. Folio. Tolose, 1603_.
It is hardly necessary to add that the forces governing the variation
of the needle, both local and general, are so inconstant that the hope
of fixing longitudes by it was long since abandoned.
The reason for the introduction of the explanation of the maps at this
place will be seen _antea_, p. 39.
229. The rose is the face or card of the mariner's compass. It was
anciently called the fly. Card may perhaps be derived from the Italian
cardo, a thistle, which the face of the compass may be supposed to
resemble. On the complete circle of the compass there are thirty-two
lines drawn from the centre to the circumference to indicate the
direction of the wind. Each quarter of the circle, or 90°, contains
eight lines representing the points of the compass in that quarter.
They are named with reference to the cardinal points from which they
begin, as: 1, north, 2, north by east, 3, north-northeast; 4,
northeast by north; 5, northeast; 6, northeast by east; 7, east-
northeast; 8, east by north. The points in each quarter are named in a
similar manner.
230. The above title is on the large map of 1612. This note is on the upper
left-hand corner of the same map.
231. For this note see the upper right-hand corner of the map.
232. In Champlain's issue in 1613, the note here given was placed in the
preliminary matter to that volume. It was placed there probably after
the rest of the work had gone to press. We have placed it here in
connection with other matter relating to the maps, where it seems more
properly to belong.
233. This refers to the fourth voyage of Henry Hudson, made in 1610, for
the purpose here indicated. He penetrated Lomley's Inlet, hoping to
find a passage through to the Pacific Ocean, or, as it was then
called, the South Sea, and thus find a direct and shorter course to
China. He passed the winter at about 52° north latitude, in that
expanse of water which has ever since been appropriately known as
Hudson's Bay. A mutiny having broken out among his crew, he and eight
others having been forced into a small boat, on the 21st of June,
1611, were set adrift on the sea, and were never heard of afterward.
A part of the mutinous crew arrived with the ship in England, and were
immediately thrown into prison. The following year, 1612, an
expedition under Sir Thomas Button was sent out to seek for Hudson,
and to prosecute the search still further for a northwest passage. It
is needless to add that the search was unsuccessful.
A chart by Hudson fortunately escaped destruction by the mutineers.
Singularly enough, an engraving of it, entitled, TABVLA NAVTICA, was
published by Heffel Gerritz at Amsterdam the same year. Champlain
incorporated the part of it illustrating Hudson's discovery in his
smaller map, which is dated the same year, 1612. He does not introduce
it into his large map, although that is dated likewise 1612. A
facsimile of the Tabula Nautica is given in Henry Hudson the
Navigator, by G. M. Asher, LL.D. published by the Hakluyt Society in
1860.