The next day I saw Father Joseph, [170] in his small house where he had

taken up his abode, as I have before stated. I stayed with him some days,

finding him deliberating about making a journey to the Petun people, as I

had also thought of doing, although it was very disagreeable travelling in

winter. We set out together on the fifteenth of February to go to that

nation, where we arrived on the seventeenth of the month. [171] These Petun

people plant the maize, called by us _blé de Turquie_, and have fixed

abodes like the rest. We went to seven other villages of their neighbors

and allies, with whom we contracted friendship, and who promised to come in

good numbers to our settlement. They welcomed us with good cheer, making a

banquet with meat and fish, as is their custom. To this the people from all

quarters flocked in order to see us, showing many manifestations of

friendship, and accompanying us on the greater part of our way back. The

country is diversified with pleasant slopes and plains. They were beginning

to build two villages, through which we passed, and which were situated in

the midst of the woods, because of the convenience [172] of building and

fortifying their towns there. These people live like the Attignouaatitans,

[173] and have the same customs. They are situated near the Nation Neutre,

[174] which are powerful and occupy a great extent of country. After

visiting these people, we set out from that place, and went to a nation of

savages, whom we named _Cheveux Relevés_. [175] They were very happy to see

us again, and we entered into friendship with them, while they in return

promised to come and see us, namely at the habitation in this place.

It has seemed to me desirable to describe them and their country, their

customs and mode of life. In the first place they are at war with another

nation of savages, called Asistagueroüon, [176] which means _Gens de Feu_,

who are distant from them ten days' journey. I informed myself accordingly

very particularly in regard to their country and the tribes living there,

as also to their character and numbers. The people of this nation are very

numerous, and are for the most part great warriors, hunters, and

fishermen. They have several chiefs, each ruling in his own district. In

general they plant Indian corn, and other cereals. They are hunters who go

in troops to various regions and countries, where they traffic with other

nations, distant four or five hundred leagues. They are the cleanest

savages in their household affairs that I have ever seen, and are very

industrious in making a kind of mat, which constitutes their Turkish

carpets. The women have the body covered, but the men go uncovered, with

the exception of a fur robe in the form of a cloak, which they usually

leave off in summer. The women and girls are not more moved at seeing them

thus, than if they saw nothing unusual. The women live very happily with

their husbands. They have the following custom when they have their

catamenia: the wives withdraw from their husbands, or the daughter from her

father and mother and other relatives, and go to certain small houses.

There they remain in retirement, awaiting their time, without any company

of men, who bring them food and necessaries until their return. Thus it is

known who have their catamenia and who have not. This tribe is accustomed

more than others to celebrate great banquets. They gave us good cheer and

welcomed us very cordially, earnestly begging me to assist them against

their enemies, who dwell on the banks of the _Mer Douce_, two hundred

leagues distant; to which I replied that they must wait until another time,

as I was not provided with the necessary means. They were at a loss how to

welcome us. I have represented them in figure C as they go to war.

There is, also, at a distance of a two days' journey from them, in a

southerly direction, another savage nation, that produces a large amount of

tobacco. This is called _Nation Neutre_. They number four thousand

warriors, and dwell westward of the lake of the Entouhonorons, which is

from eighty to a hundred leagues in extent. They, however, assist the

_Cheveux Relevés_ against the _Gens de Feu_. But with the Iroquois and our

allies they are at peace, and preserve a neutrality. There is a cordial

understanding towards both of these nations, and they do not venture to

engage in any dispute or quarrel, but on the contrary often eat and drink

with them like good friends. I was very desirous of visiting this nation,

but the people where we were dissuaded me from it, saying that the year

before one of our men had killed one of them, when we were at war with the

Entouhonorons, which offended them; and they informed us that they are much

inclined to revenge, not concerning themselves as to who struck the blow,

but inflicting the penalty upon the first one they meet of the nation, even

though one of their friends, when they succeed in catching him, unless

harmony has been previously restored between them, and gifts and presents

bestowed upon the relatives of the deceased. Thus I was prevented for the

time being from going, although some of this nation assured us that they

would do us no harm for the reason assigned above.

Thus we were led to return the same way we had come, and continuing my

journey, I reached the nation of the _Pisierinii_, [177] who had promised

to conduct me farther on in the prosecution of my plans and explorations.

But I was prevented by the intelligence which came from our great village

and the Algonquins, where Captain Yroquet was, namely, that the people of

the nation of the Atignouaatitans [178] had placed in his hands a prisoner

of a hostile nation, in the expectation that this Captain Yroquet would

exercise on the prisoner the revenge usual among them. But they said that,

instead of doing so, he had not only set him at liberty, but, having found

him apt, and an excellent hunter, had treated him as his son, on account of

which the Atignouaatitans had become jealous and resolved upon vengeance,

and had in fact appointed a man to go and kill this prisoner, allied as he

was. As he was put to death in the presence of the chiefs of the Algonquin

nation, they, indignant at such an act and moved to anger, killed on the

spot this rash murderer; whereupon the Atignouaatitans feeling themselves

insulted, seeing one of their comrades dead, seized their arms and went to

the tents of the Algonquins, who were passing the winter near the above

mentioned village, and belabored them severely, Captain Yroquet receiving

two arrow wounds. At another time they pillaged some of the cabins of the

Algonquins before the latter could place themselves in a state of defence,

so that they had not an equal chance. Notwithstanding this they were not

reconciled to the Algonquins, who for securing peace had given the

Atignouaatitans fifty necklaces of porcelain and a hundred branches of the

same [179] which they value highly, and likewise a number of kettles and

axes, together with two female prisoners in place of the dead man. They

were, in a word, still in a state of violent animosity. The Algonquins were

obliged to suffer patiently this great rage, and feared that they might all

be killed, not feeling any security, notwithstanding their gifts, until

they should be differently situated. This intelligence greatly disturbed

me, when I considered the harm that might arise not only to them, but to us

as well, who were in their country.

I then met two or three savages of our large village, who earnestly

entreated me to go to them in order to effect a reconciliation, declaring

that if I did not go none of them would come to us any more, since they

were at war with the Algonquins and regarded us as their friends. In view

of this I set out as soon as possible, and visited on my way the Nipissings

to ascertain when they would be ready for the journey to the north, which I

found broken off on account of these quarrels and hostilities, as my

interpreter gave me to understand, who said that Captain Yroquet had come

among all these tribes to find and await me. He had requested them to be at

the habitation of the French at the same time with himself to see what

agreement could be made between them and the Atignouaatitans, and to

postpone the journey to the north to another time. Moreover, Yroquet had

given porcelain to break off this journey. They promised us to be at our

habitation at the same time as the others.

If ever there was one greatly disheartened it was myself, since I had been

waiting to see this year what during many preceding ones I had been seeking

for with great toil and effort, through so many fatigues and risks of my

life. But realizing that I could not help the matter, and that everything

depended on the will of God, I comforted myself, resolving to see it in a

short time. I had such sure information that I could not doubt the report

of these people, who go to traffic with others dwelling in those northern

regions, a great part of whom live in a place very abundant in the chase,

and where there are great numbers of large animals, the skins of several of

which I saw, and which I concluded were buffaloes [180] from their

representation of their form. Fishing is also very abundant there. This

journey requires forty days, as well in returning as in going.

I set out towards our above-mentioned village on the 15th of February,

taking with me six of our men. Having arrived at that place the inhabitants

were greatly pleased, as also the Algonquins, whom I sent our interpreter

to visit in order to ascertain how everything had taken place on both

sides, for I did not wish to go myself that I might give no ground for

suspicion to either party.

Two days were spent in hearing from both sides how everything had taken

place. After this the principal men and seniors of the place came away with

us, and we all together went to the Algonquins. Here in one of their

cabins, where several of the leading men were assembled, they all, after

some talk, agreed to come and accept all that might be said by me as

arbiter in the matter, and to carry out what I might propose.

Then I gathered the views of each one, obtaining and investigating the

wishes and inclinations of both parties, and ascertained that all they

wanted was peace.

I set forth to them that the best course was to become reconciled and

remain friends, since being united and bound together they could the more

easily withstand their enemies; and as I went away I begged them not to ask

me to effect their reconciliation if they did not intend to follow in all

respects the advice I should give them in regard to this dispute, since

they had done me the honor to request my opinion. Whereupon they told me

anew that they had not desired my return for any other reason. I for my

part thought that if I should not reconcile and pacify them they would

separate ill disposed towards each other, each party thinking itself in the

right. I reflected, also, that they would not have gone to their cabins if

I had not been with them, nor to the French if I had not interested myself

and taken, so to speak, the charge and conduct of their affairs. Upon this

I said to them that as for myself I proposed to go with my host, who had

always treated me well, and that I could with difficulty find one so good;

for it was on him that the Algonquins laid the blame, saying that he was

the only captain who had caused the taking up of arms. Much was said by

both sides, and finally it was concluded that I should tell them what

seemed to me best, and give them my advice.

Since I saw now from what was said that they referred the whole matter to

my own decision as to that of a father, and promised that in the future I

might dispose of them as I thought best, referring the whole matter to my

judgment for settlement, I replied that I was very glad to see them so

inclined to follow my advice, and assured them that it should be only for

the best interests of the tribes.

Moreover I told them, I had been greatly disturbed at hearing the further

sad intelligence, namely the death of one of their relatives and friends,

whom we regarded as one of our own, which might have caused a great

calamity resulting in nothing but perpetual wars between both parties, with

various and serious disasters and a rupture of their friendship, in

consequence of which the French would be deprived of seeing them and of

intercourse with them, and be obliged to enter into alliance with other

nations; since we loved each other as brothers, leaving to God the

punishment of those meriting it.

I proceeded to say to them, that this mode of action between two nations,

who were, as they acknowledged, friendly to each other, was unworthy of

reasoning men, but rather characteristic of brute beasts. I represented to

them, moreover, that they were enough occupied in repelling their enemies

who pursued them, in routing them as often as possible, in pursuing them to

their villages and taking them prisoners; and that these enemies, seeing

divisions and wars among them, would be delighted and derive great

advantage therefrom; and be led to lay new and pernicious plans, in the

hope of soon being able to see their ruin, or at least their enfeebling

through one another, which would be the truest and easiest way for them to

conquer and become masters of their territories, since they did not assist

each other.

I told them likewise that they did not realize the harm that might befall

them from thus acting; that on account of the death of one man they

hazarded the lives of ten thousand, and ran the risk of being reduced to

perpetual slavery; that, although in fact one man was of great value, yet

they ought to consider how he had been killed, and that it was not with

deliberate purpose, nor for the sake of inciting a civil war, it being only

too evident that the dead man had first offended, since with deliberate

purpose he had killed the prisoner in their cabins, a most audacious thing,

even if the latter were an enemy. This aroused the Algonquins, who, seeing

a man that had been so bold as to kill in their own cabins another to whom

they had given liberty and treated as one of themselves, were carried away

with passion; and some, more excited than the rest, advanced, and, unable

to restrain or control their wrath, killed the man in question.

Nevertheless they had no ill feeling at all towards the nation as a whole,

and did not extend their purposes beyond the audacious one, who, they

thought, fully deserved what he had wantonly earned.

And besides I told them they must consider that the Entouhonoron, finding

himself wounded by two blows in the stomach, tore from his wound the knife

which his enemy had left there and gave the latter two blows, as I had been

informed; so that in fact one could not tell whether it was really the

Algonquins who had committed the murder. And in order to show to the

Attigouantans that the Algonquins did not love the prisoner, and that

Yroquet did not bear towards him the affection which they were disposed to

think, I reminded them that they had eaten him, as he had inflicted blows

with a knife upon his enemy; a thing, however, unworthy of a human being,

but rather characteristic of brute beasts.

I told them also that the Algonquins very much regretted all that had taken

place, and that, if they had supposed such a thing would have happened,

they would have sacrificed this Iroquois for their satisfaction. I reminded

them likewise that they had made recompense for this death and offence, if

so it should be called, by large presents and two prisoners, on which

account they had no reason at present to complain, and ought to restrain

themselves and act more mildly towards the Algonquins, their friends. I

told them that, since they had promised to submit every thing to

arbitration, I entreated them to forget all that had passed between them

and never to think of it again, nor bear any hatred or ill will on account

of it to each other, but to live good friends as before, by doing which

they would constrain us to love them and assist them as I had done in the

past. But in case they should not be pleased with my advice, I requested

them to come, in as large numbers as possible, to our settlement, so that

there, in the presence of all the captains of vessels, our friendship might

be ratified anew, and measures taken to secure them from their enemies, a

thing which they ought to consider.

Then they began to say that I had spoken well, and that they would adhere

to what I had said, and all went away to their cabins, apparently

satisfied, excepting the Algonquins, who broke up and proceeded to their

village, but who, as it seemed to me, appeared to be not entirely

satisfied, since they said among themselves that they would not come to

winter again in these places, the death of these two men having cost them

too dearly. As for myself, I returned to my host, in whom I endeavored to

inspire all the courage I could, in order to induce him to come to our

settlement, and bring with him all those of his country.

During the winter, which lasted four months, I had sufficient leisure to

observe their country, customs, dress, manner of living, the character of

their assemblies, and other things which I should like to describe. But it

is necessary first to speak of the situation of the country in general and

its divisions, also of the location of the tribes and the distances between

them.

The country extends in length, in the direction from east to west, nearly

four hundred and fifty leagues, and some eighty or a hundred leagues in

breadth from north to south, from latitude 41° to 48° or 49° [181] This

region is almost an island, surrounded by the great river Saint Lawrence,

which passes through several lakes of great extent, on the shores of which

dwell various tribes speaking different languages, having fixed abodes, and

all fond of the cultivation of the soil, but with various modes of life,

and customs, some better than others. On the shore north of this great

river, extending westerly some hundred leagues towards the Attigouantans,

[182] there are very high mountains, and the air is more temperate than in

any other part of these regions, the latitude being 41°. All these places

abound in game, such as stags, caribous, elks, does, [183] buffaloes,

bears, wolves, beavers, foxes, minxes, [184] weasels, [185] and many other

kinds of animals which we do not have in France. Fishing is abundant, there

being many varieties, both those which we have in France, as also others

which we have not. There are likewise many birds in their time and season.

The country is traversed by numerous rivers, brooks, and ponds, connecting

with each other and finally emptying into the river St. Lawrence and the

lakes through which it passes. The country is very pleasant in spring, is

covered with extensive and lofty forests, and filled with wood similar to

that which we have in France, although in many places there is much cleared

land, where they plant Indian corn. This region also abounds in meadows,

lowlands, and marshes, which furnish food for the animals before mentioned.

The country north of the great river is very rough and mountainous, and

extends in latitude from 47° to 49°, and in places abounds in rocks. [186]

So far as I could make out, these regions are inhabited by savages, who

wander through the country, not engaging in the cultivation of the soil,

nor doing anything, or at least as good as nothing. But they are hunters,

now in one place, now in another, the region being very cold and

disagreeable. This land on the north is in latitude 49° and extends over

six hundred leagues in breadth from east to west, of parts of which we have

full knowledge. There are also many fine large rivers rising in this region

and discharging into the before-mentioned river, together with an infinite

number of fine meadows, lakes, and ponds, through which they pass, where

there is an abundance of fish. There are likewise numerous islands which

are for the most part cleared up and very pleasant, the most of them

containing great quantities of vines and wild fruits.

With regard to the regions further west, we cannot well determine their

extent, since the people here have no knowledge of them except for two or

three hundred leagues or more westerly, from whence comes the great river,

which passes, among other places, through a lake having an extent of nearly

thirty days' journey by canoe, namely that which we have called the _Mer

Douce_. This is of great extent, being nearly four hundred leagues long.

Inasmuch as the savages, with whom we are on friendly terms, are at war

with other nations on the west of this great lake, we cannot obtain a more

complete knowledge of them, except as they have told us several times that

some prisoners from the distance of a hundred leagues had reported that

there were tribes there like ourselves in color and in other respects.

Through them they have seen the hair of these people which is very light,

and which they esteem highly, saying that it is like our own. I can only

conjecture in regard to this, that the people they say resemble us were

those more civilized than themselves. It would require actual presence to

ascertain the truth in regard to this matter. But assistance is needed, and

it is only men of means, leisure, and energy, who could or would undertake

to promote this enterprise so that a full exploration of these places might

be made, affording us a complete knowledge of them.

In regard to the region south of the great river it is very thickly

settled, much more so than that on the north, and by tribes who are at war

with each other. The country is very pleasant, much more so than that on

the northern border, and the air is more temperate. There are many kinds of

trees and fruits not found north of the river, while there are many things

on the north side, in compensation, not found on the south. The regions

towards the east are sufficiently well known, inasmuch as the ocean borders

these places. These are the coasts of Labrador, Newfoundland, Cape Breton,

La Cadie, and the Almouchiquois, [187] places well known, as I have treated

of them sufficiently in the narrative of my previous Voyages, as likewise

of the people living there, on which account I shall not speak of them in

this treatise, my object being only to make a succinct and true report of

what I have seen in addition.

The country of the nation of the Attigouantans is in latitude 44° 30', and

extends two hundred and thirty leagues [188] in length westerly, and ten in

breadth. It contains eighteen villages, six of which are enclosed and

fortified by palisades of wood in triple rows, bound together, on the top

of which are galleries, which they provide with stones and water; the

former to hurl upon their enemies and the latter to extinguish the fire

which their enemies may set to the palisades. The country is pleasant, most

of it cleared up. It has the shape of Brittany, and is similarly situated,

being almost surrounded by the _Mer Douce_ [189] They assume that these

eighteen villages are inhabited by two thousand warriors, not including the

common mass which amounts to perhaps thirty thousand souls.

Their cabins are in the shape of tunnels or arbors, and are covered with

the bark of trees. They are from twenty-five to thirty fathoms long, more

or less, and six wide, having a passage-way through the middle from ten to

twelve feet wide, which extends from one end to the other. On the two sides

there is a kind of bench, four feet high, where they sleep in summer, in

order to avoid the annoyance of the fleas, of which there are great

numbers. In winter they sleep on the ground on mats near the fire, so as to

be warmer than they would be on the platform. They lay up a stock of dry

wood, with which they fill their cabins, to burn in winter. At the

extremity of the cabins there is a space, where they preserve their Indian

corn, which they put into great casks made of the bark of trees and placed

in the middle of their encampment. They have pieces of wood suspended, on

which they put their clothes, provisions, and other things, for fear of the

mice, of which there are great numbers. In one of these cabins there may be

twelve fires, and twenty-four families. It smokes excessively, from which

it follows that many receive serious injury to the eyes, so that they lose

their sight towards the close of life. There is no window nor any opening,

except that in the upper part of their cabins for the smoke to escape.

This is all that I have been able to learn about their mode of life; and I

have described to you fully the kind of dwelling of these people, as far as

I have been able to learn it, which is the same as that of all the tribes

living in these regions. They sometimes change their villages at intervals

of ten, twenty, or thirty years, and transfer them to a distance of one,

two, or three leagues from the preceding situation, [190] except when

compelled by their enemies to dislodge, in which case they retire to a

greater distance, as the Antouhonorons, who went some forty to fifty

leagues. This is the form of their dwellings, which are separated from each

other some three or four paces, for fear of fire, of which they are in

great dread.

Their life is a miserable one in comparison with our own; but they are

happy among themselves, not having experienced anything better, and not

imagining that anything more excellent is to be found. Their principal

articles of food are Indian corn and Brazilian beans, [191] which they

prepare in various ways. By braying in a wooden mortar they reduce the corn

to meal. They remove the bran by means of fans made of the bark of trees.

From this meal they make bread, using also beans which they first boil, as

they do the Indian corn for soup, so that they may be more easily crushed.

Then they mix all together, sometimes adding blueberries [192] or dry

raspberries, and sometimes pieces of deer's fat, though not often, as this

is scarce with them. After steeping the whole in lukewarm water, they make

bread in the form of bannocks or pies, which they bake in the ashes. After

they are baked they wash them, and from these they often make others by

wrapping them in corn leaves, which they fasten to them, and then putting

them in boiling water.

But this is not their most common kind. They make another, which they call

_migan_, which is as follows: They take the pounded Indian corn, without

removing the bran, and put two or three handfuls of it in an earthen pot

full of water. This they boil, stirring it from time to time, that it may

not burn nor adhere to the pot. Then they put into the pot a small quantity

of fish, fresh or dry, according to the season, to give a flavor to the

_migan_, as they call it. They make it very often, although it smells

badly, especially in winter, either because they do not know how to prepare

it rightly, or do not wish to take the trouble to do so. They make two

kinds of it, and prepare it very well when they choose. When they use fish

the _migan_ does not smell badly, but only when it is made with

venison. After it is all cooked, they take out the fish, pound it very

fine, and then put it all together into the pot, not taking the trouble to

remove the appendages, scales, or inwards, as we do, which generally causes

a bad taste. It being thus prepared, they deal out to each one his

portion. This _migan_ is very thin, and without much substance, as may be

well supposed. As for drink, there is no need of it, the _migan_ being

sufficiently thin of itself.

They have another kind of _migan_, namely, they roast new corn before it is

ripe, which they preserve and cook whole with fish, or flesh when they have

it. Another way is this: they take Indian corn, which is very dry, roast it

in the ashes, then bray it and reduce it to meal as in the former case.

This they lay up for the journeys which they undertake here and there. The

_migan_ made in the latter manner is the best according to my taste. Figure

H shows the women braying their Indian corn. In preparing it, they cook a

large quantity of fish and meat, which they cut into pieces and put into

great kettles, which they fill with water and let it all boil well. When

this is done, they gather with a spoon from the surface the fat which comes

from the meat and fish. Then they put in the meal of the roasted corn,

constantly stirring it until the _migan_ is cooked and thick as soup. They

give to each one a portion, together with a spoonful of the fat. This dish

they are accustomed to prepare for banquets, but they do not generally make

it.

Now the corn freshly roasted, as above described, is highly esteemed among

them. They eat also beans, which they boil with the mass of the roasted

flour, mixing in a little fat and fish. Dogs are in request at their

banquets, which they often celebrate among themselves, especially in

winter, when they are at leisure. In case they go hunting for deer or go

fishing, they lay aside what they get for celebrating these banquets,

nothing remaining in their cabins but the usual thin _migan_, resembling

bran and water, such as is given to hogs to eat.

They have another way of eating the Indian corn. In preparing it, they take

it in the ear and put it in water under the mud, leaving it two or three

months in this state until they think it is putrefied. Then they remove it,

and eat it boiled with meat or fish. They also roast it, and it is better

so than boiled. But I assure you that there is nothing that smells so badly

as this corn as it comes from the water all muddy. Yet the women and

children take it and suck it like sugar-cane, nothing seeming to them to

taste better, as they show by their manner. In general they have two meals

a day. As for ourselves, we fasted all of Lent and longer, in order to

influence them by our example. But it was time lost.

They also fatten bears, which they keep two or three years, for the purpose

of their banquets. I observed that if this people had domestic animals they

would be interested in them and care for them very well, and I showed them

the way to keep them, which would be an easy thing for them, since they

have good grazing grounds in their country, and in large quantities, for

all kinds of animals, horses, oxen, cows, sheep, swine, and other kinds,

for lack of which one would consider them badly off, as they seem to be.

Yet with all their drawbacks, they seem to me to live happily among

themselves, since their only ambition is to live and support themselves,

and they lead a more settled life than those who wander through the forests

like brute beasts. They eat many squashes, [193] which they boil, and roast

in the ashes.

In regard to their dress, they have various kinds and styles made of the

skins of wild beasts, both those which they capture themselves, and others

which they get in exchange for their Indian corn, meal, porcelain, and

fishing-nets from the Algonquins, Nipissings, and other tribes, which are

hunters having no fixed abodes. All their clothes are of one uniform shape,

not varied by any new styles. They prepare and fit very well the skins,

making their breeches of deer-skin rather large, and their stockings of

another piece, which extend up to the middle and have many folds. Their

shoes are made of the skins of deer, bears, and beaver, of which they use

great numbers. Besides, they have a robe of the same fur, in the form of a

cloak, which they wear in the Irish or Egyptian style, with sleeves which

are attached with a string behind. This is the way they are dressed in

winter, as is seen in figure D. When they go into the fields, they gird up

their robe about the body; but when in the village, they leave off their

sleeves and do not gird themselves. The Milan trimmings for decorating

their garments are made of glue and the scrapings of the before-mentioned

skins, of which they make bands in various styles according to their fancy,

putting in places bands of red and brown color amid those of the glue,

which always keep a whitish appearance, not losing at all their shape,

however dirty they may get. There are those among these nations who are

much more skilful than others in fitting the skins, and ingenious in

inventing ornaments to put on their garments. It is our Montagnais and

Algonquins, above all others, who take more pains in this matter. They put

on their robes bands of porcupine quills, which they dye a very fine

scarlet color. [194] They value these bands very highly, and detach them so

that they may serve for other robes when they wish to make a change. They

also make use of them to adorn the face, in order to give it a more

graceful appearance whenever they wish particularly to decorate themselves.

Most of them paint the face black and red. These colors they mix with oil

made from the seed of the sun-flower, or with bear's fat or that of other

animals. They also dye their hair, which some wear long, others short,

others on one side only. The women and girls always wear their hair in one

uniform style. They are dressed like men, except that they always have

their robes girt about them, which extend down to the knee. They are not at

all ashamed to expose the body from the middle up and from the knees down,

unlike the men, the rest being always covered. They are loaded with

quantities of porcelain, in the shape of necklaces and chains, which they

arrange in the front of their robes and attach to their waists. They also

wear bracelets and ear-rings. They have their hair carefully combed, dyed,

and oiled. Thus they go to the dance, with a knot of their hair behind

bound up with eel-skin, which they use as a cord. Sometimes they put on

plates a foot square, covered with porcelain, which hang on the back. Thus

gaily dressed and habited, they delight to appear in the dance, to which

their fathers and mothers send them, forgetting nothing that they can

devise to embellish and set off their daughters. I can testify that I have

seen at dances a girl who had more than twelve pounds of porcelain on her

person, not including the other bagatelles with which they are loaded and

bedecked. In the illustration already cited, F shows the dress of the

women, G that of the girls attired for the dance.

All these people have a very jovial disposition, although there are many of

them who have a sad and gloomy look. Their bodies are well proportioned.

Some of the men and women are well formed, strong, and robust. There is a

moderate number of pleasing and pretty girls, in respect to figure, color,

and expression, all being in harmony. Their blood is but little

deteriorated, except when they are old. There are among these tribes

powerful women of extraordinary height. These have almost the entire care of

the house and work; namely, they till the land, plant the Indian corn, lay

up a store of wood for the winter, beat the hemp and spin it, making from

the thread fishing-nets and other useful things. The women harvest the

corn, house it, prepare it for eating, and attend to household matters.

Moreover they are expected to attend their husbands from place to place in

the fields, filling the office of pack-mule in carrying the baggage, and to

do a thousand other things. All the men do is to hunt for deer and other

animals, fish, make their cabins, and go to war. Having done these things,

they then go to other tribes with which they are acquainted to traffic and

make exchanges. On their return, they give themselves up to festivities and

dances, which they give to each other, and when these are over they go to

sleep, which they like to do best of all things.

They have some sort of marriage, which is as follows: when a girl has

reached the age of eleven, twelve, thirteen, fourteen, or fifteen years she

has suitors, more or less according to her attractions, who woo her for

some time. After this, the consent of their fathers and mothers is asked,

to whose will the girls often do not submit, although the most discreet and

considerate do so. The lover or suitor presents to the girl some necklaces,

chains, and bracelets of porcelain. If the girl finds the suitor agreeable,

she receives the present. Then the lover comes and remains with her three

or four nights, without saying anything to her during the time. They

receive thus the fruit of their affections. Whence it happens very often

that, after from eight to fifteen days, if they cannot agree, she quits her

suitor, who forfeits his necklaces and other presents that he has made,

having received in return only a meagre satisfaction. Being thus

disappointed in his hopes, the man seeks another woman, and the girl

another suitor, if it seems to them desirable. Thus they continue to do

until a favorable union is formed. It sometimes happens that a girl thus

passes her entire youth, having more than twenty mates, which twenty are

not alone in the enjoyment of the creature, mated though they are; for when

night comes the young women run from one cabin to another, as do also the

young men on their part, going where it seems good to them, but always

without any violence, referring the whole matter to the pleasure of the

woman. Their mates will do likewise to their women-neighbors, no jealousy

arising among them on that account, nor do they incur any reproach or

insult, such being the custom of the country.

Now the time when they do not leave their mates is when they have

children. The preceding mate returns to her, renews the affection and

friendship which he had borne her in the past, asserting that it is greater

than that of any other one, and that the child she has is his and of his

begetting. The next says the same to her. In time, the victory is with the

stronger, who takes the woman for his wife. Thus it depends upon the

choice of the woman to take and accept him who shall please her best,

having meantime in her searching and loves gained much porcelain and,

besides, the choice of a husband. The woman remains with him without

leaving him; or if she do leave him, for he is on trial, it must be for

some good reason other than impotence. But while with this husband, she

does not cease to give herself free rein, yet remains always at home,

keeping up a good appearance. Thus the children which they have together,

born from such a woman, cannot be sure of their legitimacy. Accordingly, in

view of this uncertainty, it is their custom that the children never

succeed to the property and honors of their fathers, there being doubt, as

above indicated, as to their paternity. They make, however, the children of

their sisters, from whom they are known to have issued, their successors

and heirs.

The following is the way they nourish and bring up their children: they

place them during the day on a little wooden board, wrapping them up in

furs or skins. To this board they bind them, placing them in an erect

position, and leaving a little opening for the child to do its necessities.

If it is a girl, they put a leaf of Indian corn between the thighs, which

presses against its privates. The extremity of the leaf is carried outside

in a turned position, so that the water of the child runs off on it without

inconvenience. They put also under the children the down of certain reeds

that we call hare's-foot, on which they rest very softly. They also clean

them with the same down. As an ornament for the child, they adorn the board

with beads, which they also put on its neck, however small it may be. At

night they put it to bed, entirely naked, between the father and mother. It

may be regarded as a great miracle that God should thus preserve it so that

no harm befalls it, as might be expected, from suffocation, while the

father and mother are in deep sleep, but that rarely happens. The children

have great freedom among these tribes. The fathers and mothers indulge them

too much, and never punish them. Accordingly they are so bad and of so

vicious a nature, that they often strike their mothers and others. The most

vicious, when they have acquired the strength and power, strike their

fathers. They do this whenever the father or mother does anything that

does not please them. This is a sort of curse that God inflicts upon them.

In respect to laws, I have not been able to find out that they have any, or

anything that approaches them, inasmuch as there is not among them any

correction, punishment, or censure of evil-doers except in the way of

vengeance, when they return evil for evil, not by rule but by passion,

which produces among them conflicts and differences, which occur very

frequently.

Moreover, they do not recognize any divinity, or worship any God and

believe in anything whatever, but live like brute beasts. They have,

however, some respect for the devil, or something so called, which is a

matter of uncertainty, since the word which they use thus has various

significations and comprises in itself various things. It is accordingly

difficult to determine whether they mean the devil or something else, but

what especially leads to the belief that what they mean is the devil is

this: whenever they see a man doing something extraordinary, or who is more

capable than usual, or is a valiant warrior, or furthermore who is in a

rage as if out of his reason and senses, they call him _oqui_, or, as we

should say, a great knowing spirit, or a great devil. However this may be,

they have certain persons, who are the _oqui_, or, as the Algonquins and

Montagnais call them, _manitous_; and persons of this kind are the

medicine-men, who heal the sick, bind up the wounded, and predict future

events, who in fine practise all abuses and illusions of the devil to

deceive and delude them. These _oquis_ or conjurers persuade their patients

and the sick to make, or have made banquets and ceremonies that they may be

the sooner healed, their object being to participate in them finally

themselves and get the principal benefit therefrom. Under the pretence of a

more speedy cure, they likewise cause them to observe various other

ceremonies, which I shall hereafter speak of in the proper place. These

are the people in whom they put especial confidence, but it is rare that

they are possessed of the devil and tormented like other savages living

more remote than themselves.

This gives additional reason and ground to believe that their conversion to

the knowledge of God would be more easy, if their country were inhabited by

persons who would take the trouble and pains to instruct them. But it is

not enough to send to them friars, unless there are those to support and

assist them. For although these people have the desire to-day to know what

God is, to-morrow this disposition will change when they are obliged to lay

aside and bring under their foul ways, their dissolute manners, and their

savage indulgences. So that there is need of people and families to keep

them in the way of duty, to constrain them through mildness to do better,

and to move them by good example to mend their lives. Father Joseph [195]

and myself have many times conferred with them in regard to our belief,

laws, and customs. They listened attentively in their assemblies, sometimes

saying to us: You say things that pass our knowledge, and which we cannot

understand by words, being beyond our comprehension; but if you would do us

a service come and dwell in this country, bringing your wives and children,

and when they are here we shall see how you serve the God you worship, and

how you live with your wives and children, how you cultivate and plant the

soil, how you obey your laws, how you take care of animals, and how you

manufacture all that we see proceeding from your inventive skill. When we

see all this, we shall learn more in a year than in twenty by simply

hearing you discourse and if we cannot then understand, you shall take our

children, who shall be as your own. And thus being convinced that our life

is a miserable one in comparison with yours, it is easy to believe that we

shall adopt yours, abandoning our own.

Their words seemed to me good common sense, showing the desire they have to

get a knowledge of God. It is a great wrong to let so many men be lost, and

see them perish at our door, without rendering them the succor which can

only be given through the help of kings, princes, and ecclesiastics, who

alone have the power to do this. For to them alone belongs the honor of so

great a work; namely, planting the Christian faith in an unknown region and

among savage nations, since we are well informed about these people, that

they long for and desire nothing so much as to be clearly instructed as to

what they should do and avoid. It is accordingly the duty of those who have

the power, to labor there and contribute of their abundance, for one day

they must answer before God for the loss of the souls which they allowed to

perish through their negligence and avarice; and these are not few but very

numerous. Now this will be done when it shall please God to give them grace

to this end. As for myself, I desire this result rather to-day than

to-morrow, from the zeal which I have for the advancement of God's glory,

for the honor of my King, and for the welfare and renown of my country.

When they are sick, the man or woman who is attacked with any disease sends

for the _oqui_, who visits the patient and informs himself about the malady

and the suffering. After this, the _oqui_ sends for a large number of men,

women, and girls, including three or four old women. These enter the cabin

of the sick, dancing, each one having on his head the skin of a bear or

some other wild beast, that of the bear being the most common as it is the

most frightful. There are three or four other old women about the sick or

suffering, who for the most part feign sickness, or are sick merely in

imagination. But they are soon cured of this sickness, and generally make

banquets at the expense of their friends or relatives, who give them

something to put into their kettle, in addition to the presents which they

receive from the dancers, such as porcelain and other bagatelles, so that

they are soon cured; for when they find that they have nothing more to look

for, they get up with what they have secured. But those who are really sick

are not readily cured by plays, dances, and such proceedings.

To return to my narrative: the old women near the sick person receive the

presents, each singing and pausing in turn. When all the presents have been

made, they proceed to lift up their voices with one accord, all singing

together and keeping time with sticks on pieces of dry bark. Then all the

women and girls proceed to the end of the cabin, as if they were about to

begin a ballet or masquerade. The old women walk in front with their

bearskins on their heads, all the others following them, one after the

other. They have only two kinds of dances with regular time, one of four

steps and the other of twelve, as in the _trioli_ de Bretagne. They

exhibit much grace in dancing. Young men often take part with them. After

dancing an hour or two, the old women lead out the sick person to dance,

who gets up dolefully and prepares to dance, and after a short time she

dances and enjoys as much as the others. I leave it to you to consider how

sick she was. Below is represented the mode of their dances.

The medicine-man thus gains honor and credit, his patient being so soon

healed and on her feet. This treatment, however, does nothing for those who

are dangerously ill and reduced by weakness, but causes their death rather

than their cure; for I can testify that they sometimes make such a noise

and hubbub from morning until two o'clock at night that it is impossible

for the patient to endure it without great pain. Sometimes the patient is

seized with the desire to have the women and girls dance all together,

which is done in accordance with the direction of the _oqui_. But this is

not all, for he and the _manitou_, accompanied by some others, make

grimaces, perform magic arts, and twist themselves about so that they

generally end in being out of their senses, seemingly crazy, throwing the

fire from one side of the cabin to the other, eating burning coals, holding

them in their hands for a while, and throwing red-hot ashes into the eyes

of the spectators. Seeing them in this condition, one would say that the

devil, the _oqui_, or _manitou_, if he is thus to be called, possesses and

torments them. This noise and hubbub being over, they retire each to his

own cabin.

But those who suffer especially during this time are the wives of those

possessed, and all the inmates of their cabins, from the fear they have

lest the raging ones burn up all that is in their houses. This leads them

to remove everything that is in sight; for as soon as he arrives he is all

in a fury, his eyes flashing and frightful, sometimes standing up,

sometimes seated, as his fancy takes him. Suddenly a fit seizes him, and

laying hold of everything he finds in his way he throws them to one side

and the other. Then he lies down and sleeps for some time. Waking up with a

jump, he seizes fire and stones which he throws about recklessly on all

sides. This rage passes off with the sleep which seizes him again. Then he

rages and calls several of his friends to sweat with him. The latter is the

best means they have for preserving themselves in health. While they are

sweating, the kettle boils to prepare them something to eat. They remain,

two or three hours or so, covered up with great pieces of bark and wrapped

in their robes, with a great many stones about them which have been heated

red hot in the fire. They sing all the time while they are in the rage,

occasionally stopping to take breath. Then they give them many draughts of

water to drink, since they are very thirsty, when the demoniac, who was

crazy or possessed of an evil spirit, becomes sober.

Thus it happens that three or four of these sick persons get well, rather

by a happy coincidence and chance than in consequence of any intelligent

treatment, and this confirms their false belief that they are healed by

means of these ceremonies, not considering that, for two who are thus

cured, ten others die on account of the noise, great hubbub and hissing,

which are rather calculated to kill than cure a sick person. But that they

expect to recover their health by this noise, and we on the contrary by

silence and rest, shows how the devil does everything in hostility to the

good.

There are also women who go into these rages, but they do not do so much

harm. They walk on all fours like beasts. Seeing this, the magician, called

_oqui_, begins to sing; then, with some contortions of the face, he blows

upon her, directing her to drink certain waters, and make at once a banquet

of fish or flesh, which must be procured although very scarce at the

time. When the shouting is over and the banquet ended, they return each to

her own cabin. At another time he comes back and visits her, blowing upon

her and singing in company with several others, who have been summoned for

this purpose, and who hold in the hand a dry tortoise-shell filled with

little pebbles, which they cause to resound in the ears of the sick woman.

They direct her to make at once three or four banquets with singing and

dancing, when all the girls appear adorned and painted as I have

represented in figure G. The _oqui_ orders masquerades, and directs them to

disguise themselves, as those do who run along the streets in France on

_Mardi-gras_. [196] Thus they go and sing near the bed of the sick woman

and promenade through the village while the banquet is preparing to receive

the maskers, who return very tired, having taken exercise enough to be able

to empty the kettle of its _migan_.

According to their custom each household lives on what it gets by fishing

and planting, improving as much land as it needs. They clear it up with

great difficulty, since they do not have the implements adapted to this

purpose. A party strip the trees of all their branches, which they burn at

their base in order to kill them. They clear carefully the land between the

trees, and then plant their corn at distances of a pace, putting in each

place some ten kernels, and so on until they have made provision for three

or four years, fearing that a bad year may befall them. The women attend to

the planting and harvesting, as I have said before, and to procuring a

supply of wood for winter. All the women aid each other in procuring this

provision of wood, which they do in the month of March or April, in the

order of two days for each. Every household is provided with as much as it

needs; and if a girl marries, each woman and girl is expected to carry to

the newly married one a parcel of wood for her provision, since she could

not procure it alone, and at a season when she has to give her attention to

other things.

The following is their mode of government: the older and leading men

assemble in a council, in which they settle upon and propose all that is

necessary for the affairs of the village. This is done by a plurality of

voices, or in accordance with the advice of some one among them whose

judgment they consider superior: such a one is requested by the company to

give his opinion on the propositions that have been made, and this opinion

is minutely obeyed. They have no particular chiefs with absolute command,

but they show honor to the older and more courageous men, whom they name

captains, as mark of honor and respect, of which there are several in a

village. But, although they confer more honor upon one than upon others,

yet he is not on that account to bear sway, nor esteem himself higher than

his companions, unless he does so from vanity. They make no use of

punishments nor arbitrary command, but accomplish everything by the

entreaties of the seniors, and by means of addresses and remonstrances.

Thus and not otherwise do they bring everything to pass.

They all deliberate in common, and whenever any member of the assembly

offers to do anything for the welfare of the village, or to go anywhere for

the service of the community, he is requested to present himself, and if he

is judged capable of carrying out what he proposes, they exhort him, by

fair and favorable words, to do his duty. They declare him to be an

energetic man, fit for undertakings, and assure him that he will win honor

in accomplishing them. In a word, they encourage him by flatteries, in

order that this favorable disposition of his for the welfare of his fellow-

citizens may continue and increase. Then, according to his pleasure, he

refuses the responsibility, which few do, or accepts, since thereby he is

held in high esteem.

When they engage in wars or go to the country of their enemies, two or

three of the older or valiant captains make a beginning in the matter, and

proceed to the adjoining villages to communicate their purpose, and make

presents to the people of these villages, in order to induce them to

accompany them to the wars in question. In so far they act as generals of

armies. They designate the place where they desire to go, dispose of the

prisoners who are captured, and have the direction of other matters of

especial importance, of which they get the honor, if they are successful;

but, if not, the disgrace of failure in the war falls upon them. These

captains alone are looked upon and considered as chiefs of the tribes.

They have, moreover, general assemblies, with representatives from remote

regions. These representatives come every year, one from each province, and

meet in a town designated as the rendezvous of the assembly. Here are

celebrated great banquets and dances, for three weeks or a month, according

as they may determine. Here they renew their friendship, resolve upon and

decree what they think best for the preservation of their country against

their enemies, and make each other handsome presents, after which they

retire each to his own district.

In burying the dead, they take the body of the deceased, wrap it in furs,

and cover it very carefully with the bark of trees. Then they place it in a

cabin, of the length of the body, made of bark and erected upon four posts.

Others they place in the ground, propping up the earth on all sides, that

it may not fall on the body, which they cover with the bark of trees,

putting earth on top. Over this trench they also make a little cabin. Now

it is to be understood that the bodies remain in these places, thus

inhumed, but for a period of eight or ten years, when the men of the

village recommend the place where their ceremonies are to take place; or,

to speak more precisely, they hold a general council, in which all the

people of the country are present, for the purpose of designating the place

where a festival is to be held. After this they return each to his own

village, where they take all the bones of the deceased, strip them and make

them quite clean. These they keep very carefully, although they smell like

bodies recently interred. Then all the relatives and friends of the

deceased take these bones, together with their necklaces, furs, axes,

kettles, and other things highly valued, and carry them, with a quantity of

edibles, to the place assigned. Here, when all have assembled, they put the

edibles in a place designated by the men of the village, and engage in

banquets and continual dancing. The festival continues for the space of ten

days, during which time other tribes, from all quarters, come to witness it

and the ceremonies. The latter are attended with great outlays.

Now, by means of these ceremonies, including dances, banquets, and

assemblies, as above stated, they renew their friendship to one another,

saying that the bones of their relatives and friends are to be all put

together, thus indicating by a figure that, as their bones are gathered

together and united in one and the same place, so ought they also, during

their life, to be united in one friendship and harmony, like relatives and

friends, without separation. Having thus mingled together the bones of

their mutual relatives and friends, they pronounce many discourses on the

occasion. Then, after various grimaces or exhibitions, they make a great

trench, ten fathoms square, in which they put the bones, together with the

necklaces, chains of porcelain, axes, kettles, sword-blades, knives, and

various other trifles, which, however, are of no slight account in their

estimation. They cover the whole with earth, putting on top several great

pieces of wood, and placing around many posts, on which they put a

covering. This is their manner of proceeding with regard to the dead, and

it is the most prominent ceremony they have. Some of them believe in the

immortality of the soul, while others have only a presentiment of it,

which, however, is not so very different; for they say that after their

decease they will go to a place where they will sing, like crows, a song,

it must be confessed, quite different from that of angels. On the following

page are represented their sepulchres and manner of interment.

It remains to describe how they spend their time in winter; namely, from

the month of December to the end of March, or the beginning of our spring,

when the snow melts. All that they might do during autumn, as I have before

stated, they postpone to be done during winter; namely, their banquetings,

and usual dances for the sake of the sick, which I have already described,

and the assemblages of the inhabitants of various villages, where there are

banquetings, singing, and dances, which they call _tabagies_ [197] and

where sometimes five hundred persons are collected, both men, women, and

girls. The latter are finely decked and adorned with the best and most

costly things they have.

On certain days they make masquerades, and visit each other's cabins,

asking for the things they like, and if they meet those who have what they

want, these give it to them freely. Thus they go on asking for many things

without end; so that a single one of those soliciting will have robes of

beaver, bear, deer, lynxes, and other furs, also fish, Indian corn,

tobacco, or boilers, kettles, pots, axes, pruning-knives, knives, and other

like things. They go to the houses and cabins of the village, singing these

words, That one gave me this, another gave that, or like words, by way of

commendation. But if one gives them nothing they get angry, and show such

spite towards him that when they leave they take a stone and put it near

this man or that woman who has not given them anything. Then, without

saying a word, they return singing, which is a mark of insult, censure, and

ill-will. The women do so as well as the men, and this mode of proceeding

takes place at night, and the masquerade continues seven or eight days.

There are some of their villages which have maskers or merry-makers, as we

do on the evening of _Mardi-gras_, and they invite the other villages to

come and see them and win their utensils, if they can. Meanwhile banquets

are not wanting. This is the way they spend their time in winter.

Moreover the women spin, and pound meal for the journeys of their husbands

in summer, who go to other tribes to trade, as they decide to do at the

above-mentioned councils, in which it is determined what number of men may

go from each village, that it may not be deprived of men of war for its

protection; and nobody goes from the country without the general consent of

the chiefs, or if they should go they would be regarded as behaving

improperly. The men make nets for fishing, which they carry on in summer,

but generally in winter, when they capture the fish under the ice with the

line or with the seine.

The following is their manner of fishing. They make several holes in a

circular form in the ice, the one where they are to draw the seine being

some five feet long and three wide. Then they proceed to place their net at

this opening, attaching it to a rod of wood from six to seven feet long,

which they put under the ice. This rod they cause to pass from hole to

hole, when one or more men, putting their hands in the holes, take hold of

the rod to which is attached an end of the net, until they unite at the

opening of five to six feet. Then they let the net drop to the bottom of

the water, it being sunk by little stones attached to the end. After it is

down they draw it up again with their arms at its two ends, thus capturing

the fish that are in it. This is, in brief, their manner of fishing in

winter.

The winter begins in the month of November and continues until the month of

April, when the trees begin to send forth the sap and show their buds.

On the 22d of the month of April we received news from our interpreter, who

had gone to Carantoüan, through those who had come from there. They told us

that they had left him on the road, he having returned to the village for

certain reasons.

Now, resuming the thread of my narrative, our savages assembled to come

with us, and conduct us back to our habitation, and for this purpose we set

out from their country on the 20th of the month, [198] and were forty days

on the way. We caught a large number of fish and animals of various kinds,

together with small game, which afforded us especial pleasure, in addition

to the provisions thus furnished us for our journey. Upon our arrival among

the French, towards the end of the month of June, I found Sieur du Pont

Gravé, who had come from France with two vessels, and who had almost

despaired of seeing me again, having heard from the savages the bad news,

that I was dead.

We also saw all the holy fathers who had remained at our settlement. They

too were very happy to see us again, and we none the less so to see them.

Welcomes, and felicitations on all sides being over, I made arrangements to

set out from the Falls of St. Louis for our settlement, taking with me my

host D'Arontal. I took leave also of all the other savages, assuring them

of my affection, and that, if I could, I would see them in the future, to

assist them as I had already done in the past, bringing them valuable

presents to secure their friendship with one another, and begging them to

forget all the disputes which they had had when I reconciled them, which

they promised to do.

Then we set out, on the 8th of July, and arrived at our settlement on the

11th of that month. Here I found everybody in good health, and we all, in

company with our holy fathers, who chanted the Divine service, returned

thanks to God for His care in preserving us, and protecting us amid the

many perils and dangers to which we had been exposed.

After this, and when everything had become settled, I proceeded to show

hospitalities to my host, D'Arontal, who admired our building, our conduct,

and mode of living. After carefully observing us, he said to me, in

private, that he should never die contented until he had seen all of his

friends, or at least a good part of them, come and take up their abode with

us, in order to learn how to serve God, and our way of living, which he

esteemed supremely happy in comparison with their own. Moreover he said

that, if he could not learn it by word of mouth, he would do so much better

and more easily by sight and by frequent intercourse, and that, if their

minds could not comprehend our arts, sciences, and trades, their children

who were young could do so, as they had often represented to us in their

country in conversation with Father Joseph. He urged us, for the promotion

of this object, to make another settlement at the Falls of St. Louis, so as

to secure them the passage of the river against their enemies, assuring us

that, as soon as we should build a house, they would come in numbers to

live as brothers with us. Accordingly I promised to make a settlement for

them as soon as possible.

After we had remained four or five days together, I gave him some valuable

presents, with which he was greatly pleased, and I begged him to continue

his affection for us, and come again to see our settlement with his

friends. Then he returned happy to the Falls of St Louis, where his

companions awaited him.

When this Captain D'Arontal had departed, we enlarged our habitation by a

third at least in buildings and fortifications, since it was not

sufficiently spacious, nor convenient for receiving the members of our own

company and likewise the strangers that might come to see us. We used, in

building, lime and sand entirely, which we found very good there in a spot

near the habitation. This is a very useful material for building for those

disposed to adapt and accustom themselves to it.

The Fathers Denis and Joseph determined to return to France, in order to

testify there to all they had seen, and to the hope they could promise

themselves of the conversion of these people, who awaited only the

assistance of the holy fathers in order to be converted and brought to our

faith and the Catholic religion.

During my stay at the settlement I had some common grain cut; namely,

French grain, which had been planted there and which had come up very

finely, that I might take it to France, as evidence that the land is good

and fertile. In another part, moreover, there was some fine Indian corn,

also scions and trees which had been given us by Sieur du Monts in

Normandy. In a word all the gardens of the place were in an admirably fine

condition, being planted with peas, beans, and other vegetables, also

squashes, and very superior radishes of various sorts, cabbages, beets, and

other kitchen vegetables. When on the point of departure, we left two of

our fathers at the settlement; namely, Fathers Jean d'Olbeau and Pacifique,

[199] who were greatly pleased with all the time spent at that place, and

resolved to await there the return of Father Joseph, [200] who was expected

to come back in the following year, which he did.

We sailed in our barques the 20th day of July, and arrived at Tadoussac the

23d day of the month, where Sieur du Pont Gravé awaited us with his vessel

ready and equipped. In this we embarked and set out the 3d day of the month

of August. The wind was so favorable that we arrived in health by the grace

of God, at Honfleur, on the 10th day of September, one thousand six hundred

and sixteen, and upon our arrival rendered praise and thanks to God for his

great care in preserving our lives, and delivering and even snatching us,

as it were, from the many dangers to which we had been exposed, and for

bringing and conducting us in health to our country; we besought Him also

to move the heart of our King, and the gentlemen of his council, to

contribute their assistance so far as necessary to bring these poor savages

to the knowledge of God, whence honor will redound to his Majesty, grandeur

and growth to his realm, profit to his subjects, and the glory of all these

undertakings and toils to God, the sole author of all excellence, to whom

be honor and glory. Amen.

ENDNOTES:

78. Champlain's first voyage was made in 1603, and this journal was

published in 1619. It was therefore fully fifteen years since his

explorations began.

79. _Vide Histoire du Canada_, par Sagard, Trois ed., pp 27, 28. The reader

is likewise referred to the Memoir of Champlain, Vol. I. pp 122-124.

80. Bernard du Verger, a man of exalted virtue--_Laverdière_.

81. Robert Ubaldim was nuncio at this time. _Vide Laverdière in loco_.

82. Denis Jamay. Sagard writes this name _Jamet_.

83. Jean d'Olbeau. _Vide Histoire du Canada_, par Gabriel Sagard, Paris,

1636, Tross ed., Vol. I. p. 28.

84. Pacifique du Plessis was a lay-brother, although the title of Father is

given to him by several early writers. _Vide citations by Laverdière in

loco_, Quebec ed., Vol. IV. p. 7.

85. Read April 24. It is obvious from the context that it could not be

August. Sagard says _le_ 24 _d'Auril_. _Vide Histoire du Canada_, Trois

ed., Vol. I. p 36.

86. The Recollect Father Joseph le Caron.

87. _Vide Laverdière in loco_.

88. Father Denis Jamay.

89. Jean d'Olbeau and Pacifique du Plessis.

90. This refers to the volume bearing date 1613, but which may not have

been actually issued from the press till 1614.

91. Our views of the war policy of Champlain are stated at some length in

Vol I. pp 189-193.

92. Laverdière thinks it probable that Champlain left the Falls of St Louis

on the 23d of June, and that the Holy Mass was celebrated on the

Rivière des Prairies on the 24th, the festival of St John the Baptist.

93. This interpreter was undoubtedly Etienne Brûlé. It was a clearly

defined policy of Champlain to send suitable young men among the

savages, particularly to learn their language, and subsequently to act

as interpreters. Brûlé is supposed to have been of this class.

94. The Lake of Two Mountains.

95. The River Ottawa, which Champlain had explored in 1613, as far as

Allumet Island, where a tribe of the Algonquins resided, called later

_Kichesipinni_. _Vide Relation des Jésuites_, 1640, p 34.

96. This is an over-estimate.

97. Champlain here again, _Vide_ note 90, refers to the issue bearing date

1613. It is not unlikely that while it bears the imprint of 1613, it

did not actually issue from the press till 1614.

98. The lake or expansion of the Ottawa on the southern side of Allumet

Island was called the Lake of the Algonquins, as Allumet Island was

oftentimes called the Island of the Algonquins.

99. The River Ottawa.

100. Père Vimont calls this tribe _Kotakoutouemi_. _Relation des Jésuites_,

1640, p. 34. Père Rogueneau gives _Outaoukotouemiouek_, and remarks

that their language is a mixture of Algonquin and Montagnais. _Vide

Relation des Jésuites_, 1650. p. 34; also _Laverdière in loco_.

101. _Blues_, blueberries. The Canada blueberry. _Vaccinium Canadense_.

Under the term _blues_ several varieties may have been included.

Charlevoix describes and figures this fruit under the name _Bluet du

Canada_. _Vide Description des Plantes Principales de l'Amérique

Septentrionale_, in _Histoire de la Nouvelle France_, Paris. 1744,

Tom. IV. pp. 371, 372; also Vol. I: p 303, note 75, of this work.

102. At its junction with the Mattawan, the Ottawa's course is from the

north. What is known as its east branch rises 150 miles north of the

city of Ottawa. Extending towards the west in a winding course for the

distance of about 300 miles, it turns towards the southeast, and a few

miles before it joins the Mattawan its course is directly south. From

its northeastern source by a short portage is reached the river

Chomouchouan, an affluent of Lake St. John and the Saguenay.

103. Mattawa is 197 miles from Ottawa. We have no means of giving the

latitude with entire accuracy, but it is about 46° 20'.

104. Lac du Talon and Lac la Tortue.

105. Nipissings, or Nipissirini. Champlain writes _Nipisierinii_.

106. On the 26th of July, The distance from the junction of the Ottawa and

the Mattawan to Lake Nipissing is about thirty-two miles. If _lieues_

were translated miles, it would be a not very incorrect estimate.

107. _Vide_ the representations here referred to.

108. Lake Nipissing, whose dimensions are over-stated.

109. Sturgeon River.

110. Père Vimont gives the names of these tribes as follows,--_Timiscimi,

Outimagami, Ouachegami, Mitchitamou, Outurbi, Kiristinon_. _Vide

Relation des Jésuites_. 1640. p. 34.

111. French River.

112. _Blues_. _Vide antea_, note 101.

113. This significant name is given with reference to their mode of

dressing their hair.

114. Blueberries, _Vaccinium Canadense_.

115. _De cuir beullu_, for _cuir bouilli_, literally "boiled leather."

116. The shields of the savages of this region may have been made of the

hide of the buffalo, although the range of this animal was far to the

northwest of them. Champlain saw undoubtedly among the Hurons skins of

the buffalo. _Vide postea_, note 180.

117. Lake Huron is here referred to.

118. The greatest length of Lake Huron on a curvilinear line, between the

discharge of St Mary's Strait and the outlet, is about 240 miles; its

length due north and south is 186 miles, and its extreme breadth about

220 miles. _Bouchette_.

119. Coasting along the eastern shore of the Georgian Bay, when they

arrived at Matchedash Bay they crossed it in a southwesterly course

and entered the country of the Attigouautans, or, as they are

sometimes called, the Attignaouentans. _Relation des Jésuites,_ 1640,

p. 78. They were a principal tribe of the Hurons, living within the

limits of the present county of Simcoe. It is to be regretted that the

Jesuit Fathers did not accompany their relations with local maps by

which we could fix, at least approximately, the Indian towns which

they visited, and with which they were so familiar. For a description

of the Hurons and of their country, the origin of the name and other

interesting particulars, _vide Pere Hierosine Lalemant, Relation des

Jésuites_, 1639, Quebec ed. p. 50.

120. _Sitrouilles_ for _citrouilles_. _Vide_ Vol II. p. 64, note 128.

121. _Herbe au soleil_. The sunflower of Northeast America, _Helianthus

multiflorus_. This species is found from Quebec to the Saskatchewan, a

tributary of Lake Winnipeg. _Vide Chronological History of Plants_, by

Charles Pickering, M.D., Boston, 1879. p. 914. Charlevoix, in the

description of his journey through Canada in 1720, says: "The Soleil

is a plant very common in the fields of the savages, and which grows

seven or eight feet high. Its flower, which is very large, is in the

shape of the marigold, and the seed grows in the same manner. The

savages, by boiling it, draw out an oil, with which they grease their

hair." _Letters to the Dutchess of Lesdiguieres_, London, 1763, p. 95.

122. _Vignes_ Probably the frost grape, _Vitis cordifolia_.

123. _Prunes_. The Canada plum, _Prunus Americana_.

124. _Framboises_. The wild red raspberry, _Rubus strigosus_.

125. _Fraises_. The wild strawberry, _Fragaria Virginiana_. _Vide

Pickering Chro. Hist. Plants_, p. 771.

126. _Petites pommes sauuages_. Probably the American crab-apple, _Pyrus

coronaria_.

127. _Noix_ This may include the butternut and some varieties of the

walnut. _Vide_ Vol. I. p. 264.

128. Doubtless the May-apple, _Podophyllum peltatum_. In the wilds of

Simcoe this fruit may have seemed tolerable from the absence of others

more desirable. Gray says, "It is slightly acid, mawkish, eaten by

pigs and boys." _Cf. Florula Bostioniensis_, by Jacob Bigelow,

M.D. Boston, 1824, pp. 215, 216.

129. _Les Chesnes, ormeaux, & heslres_. For oaks see Vol I. p. 264. Elms,

plainly the white elm, _Ulmus Americana_, so called in

contradistinction to the red or slippery elm, _Ulmus fulva_. The

savages sometimes used the bark of the slippery elm in the

construction of their canoes when the white birch could not be

obtained. _Vide Charlevoix's Letters_, 1763, p. 94. For the beech, see

Vol. I. p. 264.

130. _Perdrix_. Canada Grouse, _Tetrao Canadensis_, sometimes called the

Spruce Partridge, differing from the partridge of New England, which

is the Ruffed Grouse, _Bonasa umbellus_. This latter species is,

however, found likewise in Canada.

131. _Lapins_. The American hare, _Lepus Americanus_.

132. _Cerises petites_. Reference is evidently here made to the wild red

cherry, _Prunus Pennsylvanica_, which is the smallest of all the

native species. _Cf_. Vol. I. p. 264.

133. _Merises_. The wild black cherry, _Prunus serotina_.

134. The Carantouanais. _Vide Carte de la Nouvelle France_, 1632, _also_

Vol. I. p. 304. This tribe was probably situated on the upper waters

of the Susquehanna, and consequently south of the Five Nations,

although we said inadvertently in Vol. I. p. 128 that they were on the

west of them. General John S. Clark thinks their village was at

Waverly, near the border of Pennsylvania In Vol. I. p. 143. in the

13th line from the top, we should have said the Carantouanais instead

of _Entouhonorons_.

135. The Entouhonorons were a part, it appears, of the Five Nations.

Champlain says they unite with the Iroquois in making war against all

the other tribes except the Neutral Nation. Lake Ontario is called

_Lac des Entouhonorons_, and Champlain adds that their country is near

the River St. Lawrence, the passage of which they forbid to all other

tribes. _Vide_ Vol. I. pp. 303, 304. He thus appears to apply the name

_Iroquois_ to the eastern portion of the Five Nations, particularly

those whom he had attacked on Lake Champlain; and the Huron name,

_Entouhonorons_, to the western portion. The subdivisions, by which

they were distinguished at a later period, were probably not then

known, at least not to Champlain.

136. _Flamens_. The Dutch were at this time on the Hudson, qengaged in the

fur trade with the savages. _Vide History of the State of New York_ by

John Romeyn Brodhead, New York, 1853. pp. 38-65. _History of New

Netherland_ or _New York under the Dutch_, by E. B. O'Callaghan, New

York, 1846, pp. 67-77.

137. Their enemies were the Iroquois.

138. _Chouontouaroüon_, another name for _Entouhoronon_.

139. Lake Couchiching, a small sheet of water into which pass by a small

outlet the waters of Lake Simcoe.

140. Lake Simcoe. Laverdière says the Indian name of this lake was

_Ouentaronk_, and that it was likewise called _Lac aux Claies_.

141. Étienne Brûlé. _Vide postea_, p. 208.

142. _Dans ces lacs_. From Lake Chouchiching, coasting along the

northeastern shore of Lake Simcoe, they would make five or six leagues

in reaching a point nearest to Sturgeon Lake.

143. Undoubtedly Sturgeon Lake.

144. From their entrance of Sturgeon Lake to the point where they reached

Lake Ontario, at the eastern limit of Amherst Island, the distance is,

in its winding and circuitous course, not far from Champlain's

estimate, viz. sixty-four leagues. That part of the river above Rice

Lake is the Otonabee; that below is known as the Trent.

145. _Gruës_ The white crane, _Grus Americanus_ Adult plumage pure white

_Coues's Key to North American Birds_, Boston, 1872, p 271 Charlevoix

says, "We have cranes of two colors, some white and others _gris de

lin_," that is a purple or lilac color. This latter species is the

brown crane, _Grus Canadensis_. "Plumage plumbeous gray." _Coues_.

_Vide Charlevoix's Letters_, London. 1763, p 83.

146. The latitude of the eastern end of Amherst Island is about 44° 11'.

147. This traverse, it may be presumed, was made by coasting along the

shore, as was the custom of the savages with their light canoes.

148. It appears that, after making by estimate about fourteen leagues in

their bark canoes, and four by land along the shore, they struck

inland. Guided merely by the distances given in the text, it is not

possible to determine with exactness at what point they left the

lake. This arises from the fact that we are not sure at what point the

measurement began, and the estimated distances are given, moreover,

with very liberal margins. But the eighteen leagues in all would take

them not very far from Little Salmon River, whether the estimate were

made from the eastern end of Amherst Island or Simcoe Island, or any

place in that immediate neighborhood. The natural features of the

country, for four leagues along the coast north of Little Salmon

River, answer well to the description given in the text. The chestnut

and wild grape are still found there. _Vide MS. Letters of the

Rev. James Cross, D.D., LL.D., and of S.Z. Smith, Esq._, of Mexico,

New York.

149. Lake Ontario, or Lake of the Entouhonorons, is about a hundred and

eighty miles long, and about fifty-five miles in its extreme width.

150. The river here crossed was plainly Oneida River, flowing from Oneida

Lake into Lake Ontario. The lake is identified by the islands in it.

Oneida Lake is the only one in this region which contains any islands

whatever, and consequently the river flowing from it must be that now

known as Oneida River.

151. For the probable site of this fort, see Vol. I. p. 130, note 83.

152. They were of the tribe called Carantouanais. _Vide antea_, note 134.

153. This was in the month of October.

154. _Et après auoir trauersé le bout du lac de laditte isle_. From this

form of expression this island would seem to have been visited before.

But no particular island is mentioned on their former traverse of the

lake. It is impossible to fix with certainty upon the island referred

to. It may have been Simcoe or Wolf Island, or some other.

155. Probably Cataraqui Creek. _Vide_ Vol. I. p. 136.

156. Perhaps Loughborough Lake, or the system of lakes of which this is a

part.

157. _Cygnes_, swans. Probably the Trumpeter Swan, _Cygnus buccinator_.

They were especially found in Sagard's time about Lake Nipissing.

"Mais pour des Cignes, qu'ils appellent _Horhev_, il y en a

principalement vers les Epicerinys." _Vide Le Grand Voyage av Pays des

Hurons_ par Fr. Gabriel Sagard, Paris, 1632, p. 303.

158. _Gruës blanches_. _Vide antea_, n. 145.

159. _Houstardes_. _Vide antea_, note 32.

160. _Mauuis_, Song-Thrush. Doubtless the Robin, _Turdus migratorius_.

161. _Allouettes_, larks. Probably the Brown Lark, _Anthus ludovicianus_.

Found everywhere in North America.

162. _Beccassines_. Probably the American Snipe, _Gallinago Wilsonii_.

163. _Oyes_, geese. The common Wild Goose, _Branta Canadensis_, or it may

include all the species taken collectively. For the several species

found in Canada, _vide antea_, note 32.

164. _Les loups_. The American Wolf, _Lupus occidentalis_.

165. The thirty-eight days during which they were there would include the

whole period from the time they began to make their preparations on

the 28th of October on the shores of Lake Ontario till they began

their homeward journey on the 4th of December. _Vide antea_, p. 137;

_postea_, p. 143.

166. The author here refers to the chief D'Arontal, whose guest he

was. _Vide antea_, 137. Cf. also Quebec ed. 1632, p. 928.

167. _Trainees de bois_, a kind of sledge. The Indian's sledge was made of

two pieces of board, which, with his stone axe and perhaps with the

aid of fire, he patiently manufactured from the trunks of trees. The

boards were each about six inches wide and six or seven feet long,

curved upward at the forward end and bound together by cross pieces.

The sides were bordered with strips of wood, which served as brackets,

to which was fastened the strap that bound the baggage upon the

sledge. The load was dragged by a rope or strap of leather passing

round the breast of the savage and attached to the end of the sledge.

The sledge was so narrow that it could be drawn easily and without

impediment wherever the savage could thread his way through the

pathless forests.

The journey from their encampment northeast of Kingston on Lake

Ontario to the capital of the Hurons was not less in a straight line

than a hundred and sixty miles. Without a pathway, in the heart of

winter, through water and melting snow, with their heavy burdens, the

hardship and exhaustion can hardly be exaggerated.

168. Namely at Cahiagué. In the issue of 1632, Champlain says they arrived

on the 23d day of the month. _Vide_ Quebec ed, p. 929. Leaving on the

4th and travelling nineteen days, as stated above, they would arrive

on the 23d December.

169. Probably the 4th of January.

170. Father Joseph Le Caron had remained at Carhagouha, during the absence

of the war party in their attack upon the Iroquois, where Champlain

probably arrived on the 5th of January.

171. In the issue of 1632, the arrival of Champlain and Le Caron is stated

to have occurred on the 17th of January. This harmonizes with the

correction of dates in notes 169, 170.