The behaviour of the Communists was far from being the only clog in
Yugoslavia's parliamentary machine. After the first General Election of
November 1920--delayed until then on account of Italy's attitude, which
made it impossible to demobilize the army--no single party nor even one
of the large groups was possessed of a real working majority. Fierce and
determined was the Opposition;[52] to carry on the business of
government it became necessary to secure the coalition of several
parties. The Radical and Democrat _bloc_ had to attract to its side one
or two other parties, and it was truly difficult to make concessions to
anyone of these without rousing the righteous or the envious wrath of
another group. In principle it was proper that the Bosnian Moslems
should receive compensation for their estates; the question is whether
the very large sum was less in the nature of a fair price than of a
bribe. The Radical party was no longer under its happy triumvirate of
Pa[vs]i['c], the old diplomat, Proti['c], the executor of his ideas, and
Patchou, a medical man from Novi Sad, the real brain of the party. We
shall give an example of Patchou's prudence; the long views which he
possessed may be illustrated by what occurred at a meeting of Radical
deputies two days before the outbreak of the second Balkan War. The
Tzar's proposed arbitration was being discussed and certain deputies,
such as the late Dr. Pavlovi['c], who was the first speaker of the
Yugoslav Parliament after the Great War, raised their voices in
opposition; they were supported by the army. "Can we have Bitolje
(Monastir)?" they asked. "It is not known what the Tzar will decide,"
said Pa[vs]i['c]. "Then we can't accept arbitration," said Pavlovi['c].
And Patchou spoke. "I would be very glad to know," said he, "what Mr.
Pavlovi['c] would say if we could get, by possibly now sacrificing
Bitolje, not only Bosnia, but Dalmatia and other Slav countries." "All
that," said Pavlovi['c], "is music of the future." "For you perhaps,"
said Patchou, "but not for us." And the vote in favour of arbitration
was carried. Patchou died in 1915 at Ni[vs]. Besides being an expert in
finance and foreign affairs he was less arbitrary in his methods than
Proti['c]. That very erudite man--no sooner does an important book
appear in Western or Central Europe than a copy of it goes to his
library--has not been much endowed with patience. This brought him into
conflict with his Democratic colleague Mr. Pribi[vc]evi['c], the most
prominent man in that party. It would have been well if Dr.
Davidovi['c], the gentle, tactful leader of the party, could have taken
into his own composition one-half of his lieutenant's excessive
combativeness. Pribi[vc]evi['c] and Proti['c] find it impossible to work
together, and we can sympathize with both of them. One day at a more
than usually disagreeable Cabinet meeting Pribi[vc]evi['c] reminded the
then Prime Minister that he was the first among equals, a point of view
which did not square with the methods of Proti['c], who gives his
support to those Ministers who bend before him. And as Pribi[vc]evi['c]
has hitherto insisted on being in every Cabinet, Proti['c] has withdrawn
and has started a newspaper, the _Radical_, in which he attacks him with
great violence and ability. One charge which he brings against this Serb
from Croatia is perfectly true, for he has succeeded in alienating the
Croats. Only two or three Democrat deputies come from Croatia, and they
are elected by the Serbs who live in that province. It would seem that
the Croats will remain in more or less active opposition so long as
Pribi[vc]evi['c], the arch-centralizer who scorns to wear the velvet
glove, stays in the Government. There is also much doubt as to whether
Proti['c] can break down their particularism, which, of course, is not
an anti-national movement. But luckily, through other men, it will be
stayed. For other reasons one regrets that Mr. Proti['c] is not now in
power; as the Finance Minister he knew how to introduce order,
preferring the interests of the State to those of his party. Both
Radicals and Democrats have been reluctant, for electoral purposes, to
tax the farmer; and Mr. Proti['c] would probably have the courage to
impose a direct tax, as the Radicals did, without losing popular favour,
in the old days. In this respect and concerning the numerous posts that
have been created for party reasons it is thought that Mr. Pa[vs]i['c]
has not displayed sufficient energy.
There was in Yugoslavia a heavy war deficit, both economic and
financial. Communications were out of order and the State, owing to the
adverse exchange (which was not justified by the economic potentialities
of the country, but was probably caused by the unsettled conditions both
internal and external), the State could not obtain the necessary raw
products for industrial undertakings such as iron-works, tanneries,
cloth factories, etc. The Yugoslavs did not borrow from abroad, as they
might have done, in the form of raw materials. The agricultural products
which were exported should have been sold for the needful manufacturers'
material and not for articles of luxury and not for depreciated foreign,
especially Austrian, currency.[53] The Yugoslav public is slow to learn
economy, that it should restrict the importation of luxuries. What makes
it particularly unhappy, in which frame of mind it listens to the voices
prophesying woe for Yugoslavia, is the knowledge that for increased
production and for many other necessary aims more capital is wanted,
whereas under present conditions it has been difficult to borrow. But
happily in this respect the corner has been turned, and in the spring of
1922 a considerable loan was negotiated with an American syndicate.