THE RISE AND FALL OF COMMUNISM IN YUGOSLAVIA

... As for the Communists in the Skup[vs]tina, it may be argued that

though this party of over fifty members has ceased to exist we should

have said not simply that they are innocuous but that they have been

rendered so. They were in principle against any State which violated

their somewhat hazy ideas on the subject of Capital: while professing to

aim at the holding of wealth in common they secured a great deal of

their success at the polls through the bait of more land for the

individual, which they dangled before the eyes of the most ignorant

classes. Some of the electors who supported them were prosperous farmers

unable to resist the idea of a still larger farm; but the majority of

their adherents were as ignorant as they were gullible. Yet one should

remember that for most of them this was practically their first

experience of an election: the constituencies which had formerly been in

Austria-Hungary had always seen the booths under the supervision of the

police, while the Macedonian voter (three Communists were returned for

Skoplje) had only known the institutions of the Turkish Empire. Being

told by the Communists that their box at the polling-station was really

the box for the poor, the Fukara, all the gypsies and so forth of

Skoplje, who had never voted in their lives, hastened to claim the

privilege, under the impression that a Communist Government would

liberate them from taxes and military service. Other reasons for the

success of the Communists in Yugoslavia, an essentially non-industrial

State, were the general discontent with post-war conditions, and the

virus which so many of the voters had acquired in Russia or on the

Dobrudja front during the War. The activity in the Skup[vs]tina of this

very indigestible party--largely composed of Turks, Magyars, Albanians,

Germans and others--their activity in and out of Parliament was not

confined to words. In June 1920 they only refrained from throwing bombs

in the Skup[vs]tina because one of their own members would have been in

peril, and in December a plot against the Prince-Regent and some of the

Ministers was foiled. Thereupon the Emergency Act of December 27, the

so-called Obznana, came into existence. It suspended all Communist

associations. This Act was issued for the good of the country, but was

not previously presented to the Constituent Assembly or provided with

the royal signature. How justified were the authorities in thus putting

a stop to this party could be seen when some of the Communist deputies

were interrogated, for either they were dangerous fanatics or else very

ignorant individuals, who knew no more about any other question than

about Communism, and had only been elected because they professed

dissatisfaction with things in general. A few months later Mr.

Dra[vs]kovi['c], the very able Minister of the Interior, who had drawn

up the Obznana, but who by that time had laid down the seals of office,

was murdered by Communists at a seaside resort in the presence of his

wife and little children. The object of this particular outrage was to

persuade the authorities in panic to withdraw the hated Obznana, whereas

the previous attempts on various personages seem to have been greatly

due to the desire to show some positive result in return for the cash

which came to them from Moscow. (One of the leaders of the party, the

ex-professor of mathematics, was arrested last summer in Vienna on his

return from Moscow, with a large and very miscellaneous collection of

English, French, American, Russian and other money.) After the murder of

Mr. Dra[vs]kovi['c] the mandates of the Communist deputies were

suppressed; seven or eight of them were detained, for speedy trial, and

the rest were told to go to their homes. The Communist parliamentary

party was at an end--it was established that their Committee room in the

Skup[vs]tina had been used for highly improper purposes--but there was

nothing to prevent these ex-deputies from being elected as members of

any other party, and it was rather beside the mark for an English

review, the _Labour Monthly_,[51] to talk of the "White Terror in

Jugo-Slavia," as if there prevailed in that country anything comparable

with Admiral Horthy's regime in Hungary.

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