Contemporary with these great efforts in design were innumerable

smaller houses, essentially English in expression, and charmingly

simple. In them lived men and women who helped to make the eighteenth

century famous--Addison and Cowper, Reynolds and Garrick, Mrs

Thrale and Frances Burney. But all through the eighteenth century

the artificiality which marks much of its sentiment becomes every

now and then apparent in its houses and their lay outs, wherein are

sometimes to be found manufactured ruins and strange attempts at Gothic

temples. Yet always is perceptible an earnest attempt at design. If in

architecture itself the sense of design became somewhat dulled, it was

still acute in the smaller matters of decoration, of furniture, and of

articles for household use; the ornament which prevailed towards the

close of the long period under review is quite admirable of its kind.

Such, very briefly indicated, is the ground to be traversed in the

following inquiry. Some of it must be trodden with a light and hasty

step; but it is hoped that the journey may not be without interest,

and may perhaps induce the reader to explore at his leisure parts of

the country of which here he will possibly catch but a glimpse. In the

meantime let us return to our starting-point, where the old order began

to give way to the new.

The history of English houses, from the time of James I. onwards, is

a record of development on lines that were laid down in the time of

Elizabeth. It was in her days that the great change from mediævalism

took place, and houses were built for comfort and pleasure without

any serious thought of defence. Such houses are still habitable;

there are plenty of people living to-day in Elizabethan houses,

but the enthusiasts are comparatively few who live from choice in

the ill-lighted, vaulted rooms of the Middle Ages. Spaciousness,

cheerfulness, dignity, and often magnificence, were the qualities aimed

at in houses of the end of the sixteenth century; and these qualities

are appropriate in the present day. Convenience is another matter; it

is a relative term, and its significance varies with the varying wants

of mankind, changes with their changing habits and customs.

An Elizabethan house provided admirable rooms for the common use of the

family and guests--reception rooms as they would be called now. It also

provided an adequate number of bedrooms. Further, so long as the great

hall was the customary place for eating, the kitchen was conveniently

situated, and the food was cooked within a reasonable distance of

where it was consumed. In these respects, therefore, a house of that

period fulfilled some of the chief requirements of the present day. The

direction in which it failed when measured by modern standards was in

its sanitary arrangements, which, indeed, judged by our own ideas, did

not exist at all. But we must be careful not to argue backwards, and

conclude that because things were lacking which we consider essential,

therefore houses were found uncomfortable at the time. The better way

is to accept what existed as satisfying the wants of the period, and to

argue from that, if we please, how vastly we have improved in our own

habits upon those of our ancestors.

[Illustration: FIG. 2.--ASTON HALL, NEAR BIRMINGHAM

(FINISHED 1635).]

In tracing the changes which took place in the arrangement and

disposition of rooms during the seventeenth and eighteenth centuries,

therefore, it will be found that not much was done which made houses

essentially more comfortable, according to modern notions, than they

had been in the late sixteenth century. Indeed, during much of the

time comfort was very little studied, and it is one of the reproaches

levelled at the architects of the early eighteenth century, more

especially those who were concerned with houses of vast size, that

their first thought was for display and their last for comfort. Pope’s

exclamation about Blenheim palace, “’Tis very fine, but when d’ye sleep

and where d’ye dine?” crystallises much of the criticism that might be

bestowed upon the large houses of that period, which, however, only

reflected the spirit of the age. In these houses the most striking

change that occurred was the abolition of homeliness. When the great

Elizabethan house was planned, the household was in the nature of a

large family. It is true that the members of the actual family grouped

themselves in one wing and the servants in another, but the great hall

was their common meeting ground, and the relations between the heads

of the household and their servants were more affectionate than they

became in later years. All the rooms, moreover, were intended for

daily use, however finely they were decorated. The whole effect was

one of stately homeliness. When the Queen Anne mansion was planned,

much of it was devoted to state functions as a first consideration,

and was intended for occasional use only; apartments suitable for this

purpose having been provided, the rest of the space was allotted to

the ordinary use of the family, and the servants were relegated to the

basement (which they sometimes shared with their employers) or to a

detached wing. Stateliness, not homeliness, was now the keynote. The

nobleman stood on a pedestal of grandeur, round which his dependants

grouped themselves as best they could, and among them struggled the

parson, the poet, and the man of letters. The glorification of the

individual found expression in his house and his gardens which were all

designed with theatric magnificence.

The changes here indicated will be dealt with at length in subsequent

chapters; the first step towards them was taken when the hall ceased to

be a living-room and became a vestibule, as the result of an alteration

in domestic habits, an alteration which rendered easy the adoption

of a house-plan more closely related than was formerly possible to

those Italian models to which architects had been approximating their

designs for half a century. So far, the models had been copied but

halfheartedly, partly because of the conservatism of English habits,

partly from incomplete knowledge of Italian methods of design.

But as knowledge increased, both from the study of books and from

the first-hand investigations of travelling students, so was the

Italianising of English buildings accelerated; and a great obstacle

to this progress was removed when the ancient use and position of the

hall--which had a tradition of three centuries behind them--were no

longer preserved. The movement indicated was by no means regular; it

was quicker in some places than in others, and in some hands than in

others: much depended upon the architects employed. Those who were

learned, those who had travelled, and again those who were influenced

by the cultured few, departed more completely from old-fashioned ways

than did those who had not enjoyed the same advantages. The main stream

of architectural development is fairly well marked and continuous; but

there are innumerable backwaters in which the impetus of the current

is hardly perceptible. As a consequence there are to be found as late

as the end of the seventeenth century buildings which look almost

contemporary with those of the beginning.

The man who did more than anyone else to bring learning to bear on

design, and to introduce into England a true and correct knowledge

of Italian detail, was that great artist, Inigo Jones. His first

architectural work of importance was the Banqueting House at Whitehall,

which was finished in 1622. It has no trace of traditional English

design about it (see Fig. 22). To us it appears a beautiful building,

but by no means abnormal, because we can see many others of the same

type. But to those who saw it when it was just built, it was something

entirely novel, something in which they sought in vain for any of the

customary devices for producing architectural effect. Doubtless it was

a stimulant, but it did not revolutionise English architecture. Indeed,

it was only Inigo Jones, and after him his pupil John Webb, who could

pretend to work on such learned lines. The ordinary surveyors--of

whom there must have been a large number, although their names have

not survived--still worked in the hybrid style in which they had

been trained, with the result that such a house as Aston Hall, near

Birmingham, which was completed in 1635, is thoroughly Jacobean in

character (Fig. 2), although of sufficient importance to have warranted

the adoption of the latest ideas in design, had they been at all

widespread.

There is one point, however, in which Aston Hall shows the impending

change in house-planning, and that is the disposition of the great

hall. It is entered in the middle of one side, instead of through

screens at the end, thus making a large vestibule of it instead of a

living-room. The same treatment is to be found in some of the plans of

John Smithson, an eminent architect of the time; and an examination of

his drawings will presently be undertaken, in order to illustrate the

steps which led from the Jacobean style to the more fully developed

classic.

Nothing illustrates this change more aptly than a comparison between

Smithson’s drawings and those of Inigo Jones and John Webb. The

first are Jacobean, the second are classic. In the Jacobean are seen

efforts to sever the ties which ancient traditions still imposed; a

striving after Italian detail, which was never thoroughly achieved; a

mixture of a little old-fashioned romance, with a little new-fashioned

learning. In the classic are seen an ignoring of tradition; a mastery

of Italian methods; a mixture of sound knowledge with a feeling for

good proportion. As an illustration of the first large building in

England conceived in the fully developed classic style, nothing could

be better than the drawing made by Thomas Sandby about the middle of

the eighteenth century, showing how the great palace designed for

Charles I. would have appeared (see Fig. 1). It is also interesting in

connection with the inquiry into the Jones and Webb drawings, which

will be fully dealt with in Chapter IV.

Incidentally a study of the drawings by Jones and Webb forces the

inquirer to reconsider the relations of those two men as hitherto

accepted, and compels him to readjust his ideas as to some of the work

he had been taught to attribute to Jones.

With the seventeenth century we get into much closer touch with the

designers of buildings than was possible in earlier times: in many

cases we can get behind the buildings to their architects. But the

chief purpose of the following pages is to trace the changes that took

place in the houses themselves and their accessories, and although it

would be neither possible nor desirable to omit all mention of the

architects, the latter will be subsidiary to the main theme, and will

be dealt with not so much biographically as by way of showing how their

training, their opportunities and their idiosyncrasies affected the

buildings with which they were concerned.

The present and immediate purpose is to give a brief and broad outlook

over the period dealt with in detail in subsequent chapters; and to

that end a series of houses has been selected, separated from each

other in point of date by intervals of some twenty or thirty years.

The first of the series is Aston Hall (Fig. 2), which may be

considered an example of how the old order lingered on. It has all the

characteristics of Jacobean design, with its two pronounced wings, its

curved gables, its fine chimney-stacks, and its mullioned windows:

not to mention an open arcade and a forecourt with garden houses at

the two outlying corners. These characteristics were gradually to

disappear from houses. The plan became more compact, and wings were

discarded, except that version of them which became fashionable later

on, and which consisted of a separate block on either side of the main

building, connected to it by a colonnade. Gables disappeared, the only

approach to such features being the flat pediments which were often

employed as central ornaments to the façades. Chimney-stacks became

plainer, and the flues were massed into solid blocks, instead of rising

in separate shafts from a common base. Mullioned windows lingered on

for some years, but the mullions were of wood, and were insignificant

compared with their stone predecessors. They were merely part of the

wood window frame, and they disappeared almost entirely after the

advent of the sash-window in the last quarter of the seventeenth

century.

In the meantime, greater attention was paid to the cornices which made

the circuit of the buildings; more especially was the topmost cornice

emphasised--that from which the roof sprang. The general proportions

of the building were more closely studied, and in particular the

proportion of the window openings to the plain wall space.

[Illustration: FIG. 3.--Broadfield Hall, Hertfordshire.

From a Drawing by Buckler, 1832.]

Broadfield Hall, in Hertfordshire (Fig. 3), illustrates the advance

along these lines. There are no wings and no gables. Stone mullions

are still retained; a bold cornice marks each story, the boldest being

that on which the hipped roof rests. The flues are massed in two large

stacks, and their existence is duly acknowledged, no attempt being

made, as was sometimes the case in later times, to conceal them among

irrelevant ornament. The dormer windows rise from the roof, and are

no longer placed in portions of the main wall carried up for their

reception. The unbroken cornice at the eaves necessitated this change.

The old love of light still shows itself in the size of the windows,

which are not yet subordinated to the claims of proportion.

The exact date of this house has not been ascertained, but the style

is characteristic of the middle of the seventeenth century, a period

when no great amount of building was undertaken, owing to the disturbed

state of the country consequent upon the Civil War. The time of

Shakespeare is marked by a distinct style represented in hundreds of

houses, but no such wealth of illustration enriches the time of Milton.

[Illustration: FIG. 4.--Moyles Court, Hampshire.]

With the return of Charles II. a more settled state of affairs came

about, and once more the stream of architecture flowed steadily

onwards. Such houses as Moyles Court, in Hampshire (Fig. 4), were built

in considerable numbers. There is nothing pretentious about them; they

depend for their effect upon the regular spacing of the windows, and

upon the strong shadow cast by the eaves cornice. The intermediate

cornices of Broadfield have given way to a plain string. The windows

are, many of them, sashes; but it would be rash to assert definitely

that originally they were all so, because sashes had only recently been

introduced. The chimney-stacks are large, and have a certain amount

of character about them. This particular example has two projecting

wings, which may indicate that the house followed the lines of an

earlier one, or they may merely be a survival of old ways; in either

case they are not of the essence of the period. The date of the house

is not recorded, but it was probably built between 1670 and 1680, by

that Dame Alice Lisle who suffered death in 1685 at the hands of Judge

Jeffreys for sheltering a Nonconformist minister and a fugitive from

Sedgemoor.

[Illustration: FIG. 5.--HANBURY HALL, NEAR DROITWICH,

1701.]

[Illustration: FIG. 6.--HAMPTON COURT.

PART OF THE RIVER FRONT, 1689.]

Of much the same character, but loftier and more dignified, is Hanbury

Hall, near Droitwich, built in 1701 for a certain Thomas Vernon (Fig.

5). The façade is here emphasised by a pediment, which professes to

be partly carried on two columns. Ornament goes but a little way

towards producing the pleasing effect, which, in fact, is obtained by

the windows (including the dormers), the quoins, and the bold eaves

cornice. The cupola adds a note of interest; it is a feature which had

been used by Inigo Jones, and before him, although designed on other

lines, by Jacobean architects.

But a greater figure than the men who designed Moyles Court or Hanbury

Hall occupied the stage at this time. This was Sir Christopher Wren,

the greatest architect that England has produced. His work, however,

lay for the most part outside the scope of the present inquiry which is

chiefly concerned with domestic architecture. It was largely the city

churches, and especially the noble cathedral of St Paul, that occupied

and developed Wren’s uncommon powers. Of ordinary domestic work, but

little can be put to his credit with certainty. However, at the palace

of Hampton Court (Fig. 6), he showed the same strong hand, the same

virility of design which appear in his churches. Wren had mastered the

medium in which he worked, and he used it with freedom, unfettered by

slavish obedience to the rules which kept his less gifted successors in

leading strings, and induced them to tread the paths of safety rather

than those of adventure.

There was, perhaps, one exception to this slavery in the person of

Sir John Vanbrugh, who had a singular gift for grandiose design.

Kings Weston, near Bristol (Fig. 7), is one of his simpler and more

restrained efforts, but even here the scale is large and the detail

verging on coarseness. But it is neither the personal note nor the

minutiæ of design which concerns us at present. Kings Weston is

advanced as illustrating, not so much Vanbrugh’s style, as the complete

departure from the old ways which architectural design had by this time

taken. The date of Kings Weston is about 1715. It is not only in the

external appearance that this departure is noticeable, but also in the

plan, and in the internal embellishments. These points will be dealt

with fully in due course, but even on looking at the outside of Kings

Weston, it is obvious that it is disposed on lines widely different

from those of a Jacobean house.

These differences are still more apparent in the next illustration

of the series, Wolterton Hall, in Norfolk (Fig. 8). This house is

attributed to Ripley, and its date is put at 1736. It is staid and

eminently respectable, but there is none of the picturesqueness of

the Jacobean methods about it, none of those unexpected human touches

which help us to condone the ignorance of classic detail exhibited by

Jacobean designers; no “accident,” as Sir Joshua Reynolds puts it,

which might lead to variety or intricacy. In making the circuit of its

walls, the visitor knows exactly what he is likely to find. The appeal

is to narrower sympathies than of old, to sympathies which spring

from an acquired feeling for proportion, and are not merely roused by

quaint personal incidents attractive to all alike, whether trained in

architecture or not. The dignified effect is produced by the stone

base, the proportion of the windows in relation to the wall space, and

the bold cornice at the eaves. The chimneys are symmetrically placed,

but they have had no design worthy of the name bestowed upon them.

At Fonthill House, in Wiltshire, built about 1760 (Fig. 9), there is a

reversion to a type of plan which had almost died out, a central block,

namely, with detached wings connected to it by curved colonnades. This

type had been frequently adopted in the earlier part of the eighteenth

century, and was still advocated in some of the text-books on house

design. But its obvious inconveniences in dissipating the forces of

domestic service instead of concentrating them, so far outweighed

the advantages of stateliness and grandeur which it bestowed, that

it fell into disuse. Fonthill House was built by Alderman Beckford

in succession to a house which was burnt in 1755, and it is doing

the alderman no injustice to suppose that he strove to make his new

house a very splendid affair, and accordingly adopted a striking,

if inconvenient, plan. He succeeded to such an extent that the result

of his labours has been referred to as “Fonthill splendens.” His son,

the author of “Vathek,” is said to have been born at Fonthill in

1759, possibly in the new house, but there is no record of the actual

date of its erection. The son eventually sold it for £9,000, a mere

bagatelle in comparison with its cost, which was nearly a quarter of

a million. He was then, about 1795, building on a vast scale, with

the help of Wyatt, one of those freaks in which the late eighteenth

century delighted, a mansion in the guise of a sham abbey, costing

another quarter of a million. This wonderful edifice had but a short

life, for in 1825, two years after he had sold the estate, the great

tower fell and started the decay of the whole structure. So famous were

Fonthill Abbey and its contents that half England had flocked to the

sale, filling every inn for miles around, and eating the countryside

bare. Beckford the younger, like many of his contemporaries, was a man

of great wealth and of considerable culture; a great collector of art

treasures, and one who spent large sums in building in an ancient style

of which neither he nor anyone living knew the rudiments. Reynolds,

however, may be held to have countenanced the practice, for he says

that the imagination being affected by the association of ideas, and we

having naturally a veneration for antiquity, whatever building brings

to our remembrance ancient customs and manners, such as the castles of

the barons of ancient chivalry, is sure to give delight.

[Illustration: FIG. 7.--KINGS WESTON, NEAR BRISTOL,

_cir._ 1715.]

[Illustration: FIG. 8.--WOLTERTON HALL, NORFOLK,

1736.]

It is often very difficult to determine the date of old country

houses; no records of the building of them survive, or if they do they

are stowed away in unexplored muniment rooms. Tradition is vague or

unreliable. Additions may have been made from time to time of which no

precise account remains. The lapse of years may have toned everything

down to the same antique appearance, rendering the disentanglement of

the various periods a laborious task, and the results uncertain. The

work of a later period may, perhaps, predominate to such an extent as

to overwhelm what remains from an earlier, and cause the whole house

to be dated half a century later than it ought to be. This is the case

at Normanton Park, in Rutland, where such considerable alterations

were made about 1780 that the house is held to be of the Adam period,

whereas its main disposition was almost certainly settled fifty years

before that time. Enough of the earlier work remains in various

parts to support this idea, and to show that the plan adopted--that

of a central block with detached wings connected by colonnades--was

the production of the beginning of the century rather than of the end.

At the later period, however, many of the external walls must have

been recased if not rebuilt, and the garden front (Fig. 10) is a good

example of the time. The circular bay is a characteristic feature,

and so are the attic stories of the wings, although the placing of a

plainly treated attic over a more majestic substructure was by no means

a novelty. The real touch of the Adam period is to be found in the

detail, which has all the delicacy and refinement connected with the

name of the accomplished brothers Adam. That it is useless to argue

about matters of taste is a dictum as old as the time when thoughts

were usually expressed in the Latin tongue. Whether the delicacy of

Adam or the vigour of Vanbrugh is to be preferred is a matter of

individual liking. Some people admire Ganymede, others regard Hercules

as a finer type; yet others admire both. With such predilections we

need not be concerned; all that is necessary at present is to point

out the change that had taken place in architectural treatment during

the course of the eighteenth century.

[Illustration: FIG. 9.--FONTHILL HOUSE, WILTSHIRE,

_cir._ 1760.]

[Illustration: FIG. 10.--Normanton Park, Rutland, _cir._

1780.]

The English Home from Charles I. to George IV. Its Architecture, Decoration and Garden Design · 第 2 / 21 段