1872. With #cum#, _when_, the imperfect or pluperfect subjunctive is
used to describe the circumstances under which the action of the main
clause took place: as,
#cum rēx Pyrrhus populō Rōmānō bellum intulisset cumque dē imperiō
certāmen esset cum rēge potentī, perfuga ab eō vēnit in castra
Fabriciī#, _Off._ 3, 86, _king Pyrrhus having made war on the Roman
nation, and there being a struggle for sovereignty with a powerful king,
a deserter from him came into Fabricius’s camp_. #eōdem tempore Attalus
rēx moritur alterō et septuāgēsimō annō, cum quattuor et quadrāgintā
annōs rēgnāsset#, L. 33, 21, 1, _the same year Attalus the king dies, in
his seventy-second year, having reigned forty-four years_. #hīc pāgus,
cum domō exīsset patrum nostrōrum memoriā, L. Cassium cōnsulem
interfēcerat#, 1, 12, 5, _this canton, sallying out from home in our
fathers’ recollection, had put Cassius, the consul, to death_. #nam cum
inambulārem in xystō, M. ad mē Brūtus vēnerat#, _Br._ 10, _for as I was
pacing up and down my portico, Brutus had come to see me_. #Antigonus in
proeliō, cum adversus Seleucum et Lȳsimachum dīmicāret, occīsus est#, N.
21, 3, 2, _Antigonus was killed in battle fighting against Seleucus and
Lysimachus_. #haec cum Crassus dīxisset, silentium est cōnsecūtum#,
_DO._ 1, 160, _a deep silence ensued after Crassus had finished
speaking_. #cum annōs iam complūrīs societās esset, moritur in Galliā
Quīnctius, cum adesset Naevius#, _Quinct._ 14, _the partnership having
lasted several years, Quinctius died in Gaul, Naevius being there at the
time_.
In this use, as the examples show, #cum# with the subjunctive is often
equivalent to a participle or an ablative absolute. The use is not found
in Plautus (1861). Ennius and Terence have possibly each an instance
(disputed) of it, but it was certainly rare until the classical period,
when it became one of the commonest of constructions. It must not be
confounded with the special uses of the subjunctive mentioned in 1859.
1873. The difference in meaning between #cum# with the indicative and
#cum# with the subjunctive may be illustrated by the following examples:
#Gallō nārrāvī, cum proximē Rōmae fuī, quid audīssem#, _Att._ 13, 49, 2,
_I told Gallus, when I was last in Rome, what I had heard_ (1866),
#a. d. III kal. Maiās cum essem in Cūmānō, accēpī tuās litterās#, _Fam._
4, 2, 1, _I received your letter on the twenty-eighth of April, being in
my villa at Cumae_ (1872). #cum vāricēs secābantur C. Mariō, dolēbat#,
_TD._ 2, 35, _while Marius was having his varicose veins lanced, he was
in pain_ (1864). #C. Marius, cum secārētur, ut suprā dīxī, vetuit sē
adligārī#, _TD._ 2, 53, _Marius being under the surgeon’s knife, as
above mentioned, refused to be bound_ (1872). #num P. Decius, cum sē
dēvovēret et in mediam aciem inruēbat, aliquid dē voluptātibus suīs
cōgitābat?# _Fin._ 2, 61, _did Decius, offering himself up, and while he
was dashing straight into the host, have any thought of pleasures of his
own?_ (1872, 1864).
(B.) EXPLANATORY AND CAUSAL #cum#.
1874. The indicative is often used with explanatory #cum# when the
action of the protasis is coincident with that of the apodosis (1733).
In this use #cum# passes from the meaning of _when_ to _that_, _in
that_, or _in_ or _by_ with a verbal in _-ing_: as, #hoc verbum quom
illī quoidam dīcō, praemōstrō tibī̆#, Pl. _Tri._ 342, _in laying down
this lesson for your unknown friend I’m warning you_. #cum quiēscunt,
probant#, _C._ 1, 21, _their inaction is approval_. Denoting the means:
as, #tūte tibi prōdes plūrumum, quom servitūtem ita fers ut ferrī
decet#, Pl. _Cap._ 371, _you do yourself most good by bearing slavery as
it should be borne_. For similar uses of #quod#, #quia#, and #quī#, see
1850.
1875. Explanatory #cum# is also used with verbs of emotion; likewise
with #grātulor# and #grātiās agō#: as, #quom tu ’s līber, gaudeō#, Pl.
_Men._ 1148, _that you are free, I’m glad_. #grātulor tibī̆, cum tantum
valēs apud Dolābellam#, _Fam._ 9, 14, 3, _I give you joy that you stand
so well with Dolabella_. #tibī̆ maximās grātiās agō, cum tantum litterae
meae potuērunt#, _Fam._ 13, 24, 2, _I thank you most heartily in that my
letter had such influence_. For similar uses of #quod# and #quia#, see
1851, 1852.
1876. Explanatory #cum# is also used in the sense of _since_,
_although_, or _even though_. In these meanings it introduces the
indicative in old Latin (1878): as,
Denoting cause: #istō tū pauper es, quom nimis sānctē piu ’s#, Pl. _R._
1234, _that’s why you are poor yourself, since you are over-scrupulously
good_. #quom hoc nōn possum, illud minus possem#, T. _Ph._ 208, _since
this I can’t, that even less could I_. Adversative cause: #īnsānīre mē
aiunt, quom ipsī īnsāniunt#, Pl. _Men._ 831, _they say I’m mad, whereas
they are mad themselves_. Concession: #sat sīc suspectus sum, quom careō
noxiā#, Pl. _B._ 1005, _I am enough distrusted as it is, even though I’m
void of wrong_.
1877. #cum#, _since_, _although_, _even though_, usually introduces the
subjunctive: as,
Denoting cause: #cum in commūnibus suggestīs cōnsistere nōn audēret,
contiōnārī ex turrī altā solēbat#, _TD._ 5, 59, _since he did not dare
to stand up on an ordinary platform, he always did his speaking from a
lofty tower_, of Dionysius, tyrant of Syracuse. #Aeduī cum sē dēfendere
nōn possent, lēgātōs ad Caesarem mittunt#, 1, 11, 2, _since the Aeduans
could not defend themselves, they sent ambassadors to Caesar_.
Adversative cause: #fuit perpetuō pauper, cum dīvitissimus esse posset#,
N. 19, 1, 2, _he was always poor, whereas he might have been very rich_,
of Phocion. #Pyladēs cum sīs, dīcēs tē esse Orestēn?# _Fin._ 2, 79,
_whereas you are Pylades, will you declare yourself Orestes?_
Concession: #ipse Cicerō, cum tenuissimā valētūdine esset, nē nocturnum
quidem sibī̆ tempus ad quiētem relinquēbat#, 5, 40, 7, _Cicero himself,
though he was in extremely delicate health, did not allow himself even
the night-time for rest_. #ille Catō, cum esset Tusculī nātus, in populī
Rōmānī cīvitātem susceptus est#, _Leg._ 2, 5, _the great Cato, though
born at Tusculum, was received into the citizenship of the Roman
nation_.
1878. This use of the subjunctive is not found in Plautus. It is thought
to have begun in the time of Terence, who may have a couple of instances
(disputed). Thereafter, it grew common and was the regular mood used
with explanatory and causal #cum# in the classical period.
1879. Explanatory #cum# is sometimes introduced by #quippe#, rarely by
#ut pote#, _naturally_: as,
#tum vērō gravior cūra patribus incessit, quippe cum prōdī causam ab
suīs cernerent#, L. 4, 57, 10, _then the senators were still more
seriously concerned, and naturally enough, since they beheld their cause
betrayed by their own people_. #valētūdō, ē quā iam ēmerseram, ut pote
cum sine febrī labōrāssem#, _Att._ 5, 8, 1, _an illness from which I had
already recovered, naturally, since it was unaccompanied by fever_.
#quippe cum# occurs in Cicero, Nepos, and Livy; #ut pote cum# is used
once in Cicero’s letters, once by Pollio to Cicero, and in late writers.
For #quippe# and #ut pote# with a causal relative, see 1827.
1880. The adversative idea is often emphasized by the use of #tamen# in
the main clause: as, #cum prīmī ōrdinēs hostium concidissent, tamen
ācerrimē reliquī resistēbant#, 7, 62, 4, _though the front ranks of the
enemy had fallen, yet the rest made a most spirited resistance_.
(C.) #cum . . . tum.#
1881. A protasis with #cum# is often followed by an emphatic apodosis
introduced by #tum#.
The protasis denotes what is general or common or old; the apodosis what
is special or strange or new. In classical Latin #tum# is often
emphasized by #maximē#, #in prīmīs#, #vērō#, &c.
In this use the mood is more commonly the indicative and the time of the
two verbs is apt to be identical: as, #quom mihi paveō, tum Antiphō mē
excruciat animī#, T. _Ph._ 187, _whilst for myself I tremble, Antipho
puts me in a perfect agony of soul_. But #cum anteā distinēbar maximīs
occupātiōnibus, tum hōc tempore multō distineor vehementius#, _Fam._ 12,
30, 2, _I was distracted by most important engagements before, but now I
am very much more distracted_. Less frequently the subjunctive, to
denote cause or concession (1877): as, #cum tē ā pueritiā tuā dīlēxerim,
tum hōc multō ācrius dīligō#, _Fam._ 15, 9, 1, _whereas I have always
loved you from your boyhood, for this I love you with a far intenser
love_. By abridgement of the sentence (1057), #cum . . . tum# come to be
copulative conjunctions (1687): as, #mōvit patrēs cōnscrīptōs cum causa
tum auctor#, L. 9, 10, 1, _both the cause and its supporter touched the
conscript fathers_.
#quoniam.#
1882. #quoniam#, compounded of #quom# and #iam#, _when now_, refers
primarily to time, but is seldom so used and only by early writers. The
temporal meaning passed early into an exclusively causal meaning,
_since_. In both meanings it regularly introduces the indicative (1721).
For special reasons, however, the subjunctive is used, as in indirect
discourse (1725), or by attraction (1728).
1883. (1.) #quoniam#, _when now_, used of time in early Latin, has
sometimes as a correlative #continuō#, #subitō#, or #extemplō#; it
usually introduces the present indicative (1590): as,
#is quoniam moritur, numquam indicāre id fīliō voluit suō#, Pl. _Aul._
9, _when he was on his dying bed, he ne’er would point it out to his own
son_, of a hidden treasure. #quoniam sentiō quae rēs gererētur, nāvem
extemplō statuimus#, Pl. _B._ 290, _when now I saw what was doing, we
stopped the ship at once_.
1884. (2.) #quoniam#, _since_, _seeing that_, _now that_, with the
indicative, introduces a reason, usually one known to the person
addressed, or one generally known: as,
#vēra dīcō, sed nēquīquam, quoniam nōn vīs crēdere#, Pl. _Am._ 835, _the
truth I speak, but all in vain, since thou wilt not believe_. #vōs,
Quirītēs, quoniam iam nox est, in vestra tecta discēdite#, _C._ 3, 29,
_do you, citizens, since it is now grown dark, depart and go to your own
several homes_. #quoniam in eam ratiōnem vītae nōs fortūna dēdūxit, ut
sempiternus sermō dē nōbīs futūrus sit, caveāmus#, _QFr._ 1, 1, 38,
_since fortune has set us in such a walk of life that we are to be
eternally talked about, let us be on our guard_. Often in transition:
as, #quoniam dē genere bellī dīxī, nunc dē magnitūdine pauca dīcam#,
_IP._ 20, _since I have finished speaking about the character of the
war, I will now speak briefly about its extent_. With the subjunctive in
indirect discourse (1725): as, #crēbrīs Pompēī litterīs castīgābantur,
quoniam prīmō venientem Caesarem nōn prohibuissent#, Caes. _C._ 3, 25,
3, _they were rebuked in numerous letters of Pompey, ‘because they had
not kept Caesar off as soon as he came.’_
#quotiēns#, #quotiēnscumque#.
1885. The relative particle #quotiēns# (711), or #quotiēnscumque#,
_every time that_, _whenever_, introduces the indicative: as,
#quotiēns quaeque cohors prōcurrerat, magnus numerus hostium cadēbat#,
5, 34, 2, _as the cohorts successively charged, a great number of the
enemy fell every time_. #quoius quotiēns sepulcrum vidēs, sacruficās#,
Pl. _E._ 175, _every time you see her tomb, you offer sacrifice_. #nec
quotiēnscumque mē vīderit, ingemīscet#, _Sest._ 146, _neither shall he
fall a-groaning whenever he sees me_ (1736). #quotiēnsque# is late and
rare.
1886. #quotiēns# has sometimes as a correlative #totiēns#, or a
combination with #tot# which is equivalent to #totiēns#: as, #quotiēns
dīcimus, totiēns dē nōbīs iūdicātur#, _DO._ 1, 125, _every time we make
a speech, the world sits in judgement on us_. #sī tot cōnsulibus
meruisset, quotiēns ipse cōnsul fuit#, _Balb._ 47, _if he had been in
the army as many years as he was consul_.
1887. The subjunctive imperfect and pluperfect are common in the later
writers to indicate repeated action (1730): as, #quotiēns super tālī
negōtiō cōnsultāret, ēditā domūs parte ac lībertī ūnīus cōnscientiā
ūtēbātur#, _Ta._ 6, 27, _whenever he had recourse to astrologers, it was
in the upper part of his house and with the cognizance of only a single
freedman_.
#quam.#
1888. #quam#, _as_ or _than_, introduces an indicative protasis in
periods of comparison. For special reasons, however, the subjunctive is
used, as by attraction (1728), or of action conceivable (1731); see also
1896, 1897.
But usually periods of comparison are abridged (1057) by the omission of
the verb or of other parts in the protasis (1325).