129. Having, then, directed the studies of our youth so as to make them

practically serviceable men at the time of their entrance into life,

that entrance should always be ready for them in cases where their

private circumstances present no opening. There ought to be government

establishments for every trade, in which all youths who desired it

should be received as apprentices on their leaving school; and men

thrown out of work received at all times. At these government

manufactories the discipline should be strict, and the wages steady, not

varying at all in proportion to the demand for the article, but only in

proportion to the price of food; the commodities produced being laid up

in store to meet sudden demands, and sudden fluctuations in prices

prevented:--that gradual and necessary fluctuation only being allowed

which is properly consequent on larger or more limited supply of raw

material and other natural causes. When there was a visible tendency to

produce a glut of any commodity, that tendency should be checked by

directing the youth at the government schools into other trades; and the

yearly surplus of commodities should be the principal means of

government provisions for the poor. That provision should be large, and

not disgraceful to them. At present there are very strange notions in

the public mind respecting the receiving of alms: most people are

willing to take them in the form of a pension from government, but

unwilling to take them in the form of a pension from their parishes.

There may be some reason for this singular prejudice, in the fact of the

government pension being usually given as a definite acknowledgment of

some service done to the country;--but the parish pension is, or ought

to be, given precisely on the same terms. A labourer serves his country

with his spade, just as a man in the middle ranks of life serves it with

his sword, pen, or lancet: if the service is less, and therefore the

wages during health less, then the reward, when health is broken, may be

less, but not, therefore, less honourable; and it ought to be quite as

natural and straight-forward a matter for a labourer to take his

pension from his parish, because he has deserved well of his parish, as

for a man in higher rank to take his pension from his country, because

he has deserved well of his country.

130. If there be any disgrace in coming to the parish, because it may

imply improvidence in early life, much more is there disgrace in coming

to the government: since improvidence is far less justifiable in a

highly educated than in an imperfectly educated man; and far less

justifiable in a high rank, where extravagance must have been luxury,

than in a low rank, where it may only have been comfort. So that the

real fact of the matter is, that people will take alms delightedly,

consisting of a carriage and footmen, because those do not look like

alms to the people in the street; but they will not take alms consisting

only of bread and water and coals, because everybody would understand

what those meant. Mind, I do not want any one to refuse the carriage who

ought to have it; but neither do I want them to refuse the coals. I

should indeed be sorry if any change in our views on these subjects

involved the least lessening of self-dependence in the English mind: but

the common shrinking of men from the acceptance of public charity is

not self-dependence, but mere base and selfish pride. It is not that

they are unwilling to live at their neighbours' expense, but that they

are unwilling to confess they do: it is not dependence they wish to

avoid, but gratitude. They will take places in which they know there is

nothing to be done--they will borrow money they know they cannot

repay--they will carry on a losing business with other people's

capital--they will cheat the public in their shops, or sponge on their

friends at their houses; but to say plainly they are poor men, who need

the nation's help and go into an almshouse,--this they loftily

repudiate, and virtuously prefer being thieves to being paupers.

131. I trust that these deceptive efforts of dishonest men to appear

independent, and the agonizing efforts of unfortunate men to remain

independent, may both be in some degree checked by a better

administration and understanding of laws respecting the poor. But the

ordinances for relief and the ordinances for labour must go together;

otherwise distress caused by misfortune will always be confounded, as

it is now, with distress caused by idleness, unthrift, and fraud. It is

only when the State watches and guides the middle life of men, that it

can, without disgrace to them, protect their old age, acknowledging in

that protection that they have done their duty, or at least some portion

of their duty, in better days.

I know well how strange, fanciful, or impracticable these suggestions

will appear to most of the business men of this day; men who conceive

the proper state of the world to be simply that of a vast and

disorganized mob, scrambling each for what he can get, trampling down

its children and old men in the mire, and doing what work it finds

_must_ be done with any irregular squad of labourers it can bribe or

inveigle together, and afterwards scatter to starvation. A great deal

may, indeed, be done in this way by a nation strong-elbowed and

strong-hearted as we are--not easily frightened by pushing, nor

discouraged by falls. But it is still not the right way of doing things,

for people who call themselves Christians. Every so named soul of man

claims from every other such soul, protection and education in

childhood,--help or punishment in middle life,--reward or relief, if

needed, in old age; all of these should be completely and unstintingly

given; and they can only be given by the organization of such a system

as I have described.

* * * * *

Note 3rd, p. 27.--"_Trial Schools._"

132. It may be seriously questioned by the reader how much of painting

talent we really lose on our present system,[17] and how much we should

gain by the proposed trial schools. For it might be thought that, as

matters stand at present, we have more painters than we ought to have,

having so many bad ones, and that all youths who had true painters'

genius forced their way out of obscurity.

[Note 17: It will be observed that, in the lecture, it is _assumed_

that works of art are national treasures; and that it is desirable to

withdraw all the hands capable of painting or carving from other

employments, in order that they may produce this kind of wealth. I do

not, in assuming this, mean that works of art add to the monetary

resources of a nation, or form part of its wealth, in the vulgar sense.

The result of the sale of a picture in the country itself is merely that

a certain sum of money is transferred from the hands of B, the

purchaser, to those of A, the producer; the sum ultimately to be

distributed remaining the same, only A ultimately spending it instead of

B, while the labour of A has been in the meantime withdrawn from

productive channels; he has painted a picture which nobody can live

upon, or live in, when he might have grown corn or built houses: when

the sale therefore is effected in the country itself, it does not add

to, but diminishes, the monetary resources of the country, except only

so far as it may appear probable, on other grounds, that A is likely to

spend the sum he receives for his picture more rationally and usefully

than B would have spent it. If, indeed, the picture, or other work of

art, be sold in foreign countries, either the money or the useful

products of the foreign country being imported in exchange for it, such

sale adds to the monetary resources of the selling, and diminishes those

of the purchasing nation. But sound political economy, strange as it may

at first appear to say so, has nothing whatever to do with separations

between national interests. Political economy means the management of

the affairs of _citizens_; and it either regards exclusively the

administration of the affairs of one nation, or the administration of

the affairs of the world considered as one nation. So when a transaction

between individuals which enriches A impoverishes B in precisely the

same degree, the sound economist considers it an unproductive

transaction between the individuals; and if a trade between two nations

which enriches one, impoverishes the other in the same degree, the sound

economist considers it an unproductive trade between the nations. It is

not a general question of political economy, but only a particular

question of local expediency, whether an article, in itself valueless,

may bear a value of exchange in transactions with some other nation. The

economist considers only the actual value of the thing done or produced;

and if he sees a quantity of labour spent, for instance, by the Swiss,

in producing woodwork for sale to the English, he at once sets the

commercial impoverishment of the English purchaser against the

commercial enrichment of the Swiss seller; and considers the whole

transaction productive only as far as the woodwork itself is a real

addition to the wealth of the world. For the arrangement of the laws of

a nation so as to procure the greatest advantages to itself, and leave

the smallest advantages to other nations, is not a part of the science

of political economy, but merely a broad application of the science of

fraud. Considered thus in the abstract, pictures are not an _addition_

to the monetary wealth of the world, except in the amount of pleasure or

instruction to be got out of them day by day: but there is a certain

protective effect on wealth exercised by works of high art which must

always be included in the estimate of their value. Generally speaking,

persons who decorate their houses with pictures will not spend so much

money in papers, carpets, curtains, or other expensive and perishable

luxuries as they would otherwise. Works of good art, like books,

exercise a conservative effect on the rooms they are kept in; and the

wall of the library or picture gallery remains undisturbed, when those

of other rooms are repapered or re-panelled. Of course this effect is

still more definite when the picture is on the walls themselves, either

on canvas stretched into fixed shapes on their panels, or in fresco;

involving, of course, the preservation of the building from all

unnecessary and capricious alteration. And, generally speaking, the

occupation of a large number of hands in painting or sculpture in any

nation may be considered as tending to check the disposition to indulge

in perishable luxury. I do not, however, in my assumption that works of

art are treasures, take much into consideration this collateral monetary

result. I consider them treasures, merely as permanent means of pleasure

and instruction; and having at other times tried to show the several

ways in which they can please and teach, assume here that they are thus

useful, and that it is desirable to make as many painters as we can.]

This is not so. It is difficult to analyse the characters of mind which

cause youths to mistake their vocation, and to endeavour to become

artists, when they have no true artist's gift. But the fact is, that

multitudes of young men do this, and that by far the greater number of

living artists are men who have mistaken their vocation. The peculiar

circumstances of modern life, which exhibit art in almost every form to

the sight of the youths in our great cities, have a natural tendency to

fill their imaginations with borrowed ideas, and their minds with

imperfect science; the mere dislike of mechanical employments, either

felt to be irksome, or believed to be degrading, urges numbers of young

men to become painters, in the same temper in which they would enlist or

go to sea; others, the sons of engravers or artists, taught the business

of the art by their parents, and having no gift for it themselves,

follow it as the means of livelihood, in an ignoble patience; or, if

ambitious, seek to attract regard, or distance rivalry, by fantastic,

meretricious, or unprecedented applications of their mechanical skill;

while finally, many men, earnest in feeling, and conscientious in

principle, mistake their desire to be useful for a love of art, and

their quickness of emotion for its capacity, and pass their lives in

painting moral and instructive pictures, which might almost justify us

in thinking nobody could be a painter but a rogue. On the other hand, I

believe that much of the best artistical intellect is daily lost in

other avocations. Generally, the temper which would make an admirable

artist is humble and observant, capable of taking much interest in

little things, and of entertaining itself pleasantly in the dullest

circumstances. Suppose, added to these characters, a steady

conscientiousness which seeks to do its duty wherever it may be placed,

and the power, denied to few artistical minds, of ingenious invention in

almost any practical department of human skill, and it can hardly be

doubted that the very humility and conscientiousness which would have

perfected the painter, have in many instances prevented his becoming

one; and that in the quiet life of our steady craftsmen--sagacious

manufacturers, and uncomplaining clerks--there may frequently be

concealed more genius than ever is raised to the direction of our

public works, or to be the mark of our public praises.

133. It is indeed probable, that intense disposition for art will

conquer the most formidable obstacles, if the surrounding circumstances

are such as at all to present the idea of such conquest to the mind; but

we have no ground for concluding that Giotto would ever have been more

than a shepherd, if Cimabue had not by chance found him drawing; or that

among the shepherds of the Apennines there were no other Giottos,

undiscovered by Cimabue. We are too much in the habit of considering

happy accidents as what are called 'special Providences'; and thinking

that when any great work needs to be done, the man who is to do it will

certainly be pointed out by Providence, be he shepherd or seaboy; and

prepared for his work by all kinds of minor providences, in the best

possible way. Whereas all the analogies of God's operations in other

matters prove the contrary of this; we find that "of thousand seeds, He

often brings but one to bear," often not one; and the one seed which He

appoints to bear is allowed to bear crude or perfect fruit according to

the dealings of the husbandman with it. And there cannot be a doubt in

the mind of any person accustomed to take broad and logical views of the

world's history, that its events are ruled by Providence in precisely

the same manner as its harvests; that the seeds of good and evil are

broadcast among men, just as the seeds of thistles and fruits are; and

that according to the force of our industry, and wisdom of our

husbandry, the ground will bring forth to us figs or thistles. So that

when it seems needed that a certain work should be done for the world,

and no man is there to do it, we have no right to say that God did not

wish it to be done; and therefore sent no men able to do it. The

probability (if I wrote my own convictions, I should say certainty) is,

that He sent many men, hundreds of men, able to do it; and that we have

rejected them, or crushed them; by our previous folly of conduct or of

institution, we have rendered it impossible to distinguish, or

impossible to reach them; and when the need for them comes, and we

suffer for the want of them, it is not that God refuses to send us

deliverers, and specially appoints all our consequent sufferings; but

that He has sent, and we have refused, the deliverers; and the pain is

then wrought out by His eternal law, as surely as famine is wrought out

by eternal law for a nation which will neither plough nor sow. No less

are we in error in supposing, as we so frequently do, that if a man be

found, he is sure to be in all respects fitted for the work to be done,

as the key is to the lock: and that every accident which happened in the

forging him, only adapted him more truly to the wards. It is pitiful to

hear historians beguiling themselves and their readers, by tracing in

the early history of great men the minor circumstances which fitted them

for the work they did, without ever taking notice of the other

circumstances which as assuredly unfitted them for it; so concluding

that miraculous interposition prepared them in all points for

everything, and that they did all that could have been desired or hoped

for from them; whereas the certainty of the matter is that, throughout

their lives, they were thwarted and corrupted by some things as

certainly as they were helped and disciplined by others; and that, in

the kindliest and most reverent view which can justly be taken of them,

they were but poor mistaken creatures, struggling with a world more

profoundly mistaken than they;--assuredly sinned against or sinning in

thousands of ways, and bringing out at last a maimed result--not what

they might or ought to have done, but all that could be done against the

world's resistance, and in spite of their own sorrowful falsehood to

themselves.

134. And this being so, it is the practical duty of a wise nation, first

to withdraw, as far as may be, its youth from destructive

influences;--then to try its material as far as possible, and to lose

the use of none that is good. I do not mean by "withdrawing from

destructive influences" the keeping of youths out of trials; but the

keeping them out of the way of things purely and absolutely mischievous.

I do not mean that we should shade our green corn in all heat, and

shelter it in all frost, but only that we should dyke out the inundation

from it, and drive the fowls away from it. Let your youth labour and

suffer; but do not let it starve, nor steal, nor blaspheme.

135. It is not, of course, in my power here to enter into details of

schemes of education; and it will be long before the results of

experiments now in progress will give data for the solution of the most

difficult questions connected with the subject, of which the principal

one is the mode in which the chance of advancement in life is to be

extended to all, and yet made compatible with contentment in the pursuit

of lower avocations by those whose abilities do not qualify them for the

higher. But the general principle of trial schools lies at the root of

the matter--of schools, that is to say, in which the knowledge offered

and discipline enforced shall be all a part of a great assay of the

human soul, and in which the one shall be increased, the other directed,

as the tried heart and brain will best bear, and no otherwise. One

thing, however, I must say, that in this trial I believe all emulation

to be a false motive, and all giving of prizes a false means. All that

you can depend upon in a boy, as significative of true power, likely to

issue in good fruit, is his will to work for the work's sake, not his

desire to surpass his school-fellows; and the aim of the teaching you

give him ought to be, to prove to him and strengthen in him his own

separate gift, not to puff him into swollen rivalry with those who are

everlastingly greater than he: still less ought you to hang favours and

ribands about the neck of the creature who is the greatest, to make the

rest envy him. Try to make them love him and follow him, not struggle

with him.

136. There must, of course, be examination to ascertain and attest both

progress and relative capacity; but our aim should be to make the

students rather look upon it as a means of ascertaining their own true

positions and powers in the world, than as an arena in which to carry

away a present victory. I have not, perhaps, in the course of the

lecture, insisted enough on the nature of relative capacity and

individual character, as the roots of all real _value_ in Art. We are

too much in the habit, in these days, of acting as if Art worth a price

in the market were a commodity which people could be generally taught to

produce, and as if the _education_ of the artist, not his _capacity_,

gave the sterling value to his work. No impression can possibly be more

absurd or false. Whatever people can teach each other to do, they will

estimate, and ought to estimate, only as common industry; nothing will

ever fetch a high price but precisely that which cannot be taught, and

which nobody can do but the man from whom it is purchased. No state of

society, nor stage of knowledge, ever does away with the natural

pre-eminence of one man over another; and it is that pre-eminence, and

that only, which will give work high value in the market, or which ought

to do so. It is a bad sign of the judgment, and bad omen for the

progress, of a nation, if it supposes itself to possess many artists of

equal merit. Noble art is nothing less than the expression of a great

soul; and great souls are not common things. If ever we confound their

work with that of others, it is not through liberality, but through

blindness.

* * * * *

Note 4th, p. 28.--"_Public favour._"

137. There is great difficulty in making any short or general statement

of the difference between great and ignoble minds in their behaviour to

the 'public.' It is by no means _universally_ the case that a mean mind,

as stated in the text, will bend itself to what you ask of it: on the

contrary, there is one kind of mind, the meanest of all, which

perpetually complains of the public, and contemplates and proclaims

itself as a 'genius,' refuses all wholesome discipline or humble office,

and ends in miserable and revengeful ruin; also, the greatest minds are

marked by nothing more distinctly than an inconceivable humility, and

acceptance of work or instruction in any form, and from any quarter.

They will learn from everybody, and do anything that anybody asks of

them, so long as it involves only toil, or what other men would think

degradation. But the point of quarrel, nevertheless, assuredly rises

some day between the public and them, respecting some matter, not of

humiliation, but of Fact. Your great man always at last comes to see

something the public don't see. This something he will assuredly persist

in asserting, whether with tongue or pencil, to be as _he_ sees it, not

as _they_ see it; and all the world in a heap on the other side, will

not get him to say otherwise. Then, if the world objects to the saying,

he may happen to get stoned or burnt for it, but that does not in the

least matter to him; if the world has no particular objection to the

saying, he may get leave to mutter it to himself till he dies, and be

merely taken for an idiot; that also does not matter to him--mutter it

he will, according to what he perceives to be fact, and not at all

according to the roaring of the walls of Red Sea on the right hand or

left of him. Hence the quarrel, sure at some time or other to be started

between the public and him; while your mean man, though he will spit and

scratch spiritedly at the public, while it does not attend to him, will

bow to it for its clap in any direction, and say anything when he has

got its ear, which he thinks will bring him another clap; and thus, as

stated in the text, he and it go on smoothly together.

There are, however, times when the obstinacy of the mean man looks very

like the obstinacy of the great one; but if you look closely into the

matter, you will always see that the obstinacy of the first is in the

pronunciation of "I;" and of the second, in the pronunciation of "It."

* * * * *

Note 5th, p. 56.--"_Invention of new wants._"

138. It would have been impossible for political economists long to have

endured the error spoken of in the text,[18] had they not been confused

by an idea, in part well founded, that the energies and refinements, as

well as the riches of civilised life, arose from imaginary wants. It is

quite true, that the savage who knows no needs but those of food,

shelter, and sleep, and after he has snared his venison and patched the

rents of his hut, passes the rest of his time in animal repose, is in a

lower state than the man who labours incessantly that he may procure for

himself the luxuries of civilisation; and true also, that the difference

between one and another nation in progressive power depends in great

part on vain desires; but these idle motives are merely to be

considered as giving exercise to the national body and mind; they are

not sources of wealth, except so far as they give the habits of industry

and acquisitiveness. If a boy is clumsy and lazy, we shall do good if we

can persuade him to carve cherry-stones and fly kites; and this use of

his fingers and limbs may eventually be the cause of his becoming a

wealthy and happy man; but we must not therefore argue that

cherry-stones are valuable property, or that kite-flying is a profitable

mode of passing time. In like manner, a nation always wastes its time

and labour _directly_, when it invents a new want of a frivolous kind,

and yet the invention of such a want may be the sign of a healthy

activity, and the labour undergone to satisfy the new want may lead,

_indirectly_, to useful discoveries or to noble arts; so that a nation

is not to be discouraged in its fancies when it is either too weak or

foolish to be moved to exertion by anything but fancies, or has attended

to its serious business first. If a nation will not forge iron, but

likes distilling lavender, by all means give it lavender to distil; only

do not let its economists suppose that lavender is as profitable to it

as oats, or that it helps poor people to live, any more than the

schoolboy's kite provides him his dinner. Luxuries, whether national or

personal, must be paid for by labour withdrawn from useful things; and

no nation has a right to indulge in them until all its poor are

comfortably housed and fed.

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