CHAPTER VII

CHARACTER AND SOCIAL CONDITIONS

When I see all the wrangling and all the coarse abuse of opponents

which form the staple of the different party newspapers at home, I now

and then wonder what these worthy politicians would say if they knew

anything of the Eskimo community, and whether they would not blush

before the people whom that man of God, Hans Egede, characterises as

follows:--'These ignorant, cold-blooded creatures, living without order

or discipline, with no knowledge of any sort of worship, in brutish

stupidity.' With what good right would these 'savages' look down upon

us, if they knew that here, even in the public press, we apply to each

other the lowest terms of contumely, as for example 'liar,' 'traitor,'

'perjurer,' 'lout,' 'rowdy,' &c., while they never utter a syllable of

abuse, their very language being unprovided with words of this class, in

which ours is so rich.

This contrast typifies a radical difference of character. The

Greenlander is of all God's creatures gifted with the best disposition.

Good-humour, peaceableness, and evenness of temper are the most

prominent features in his character. He is eager to stand on as good a

footing as possible with his fellow-men, and therefore refrains from

offending them and much more from using coarse terms of abuse. He is

very loth to contradict another even should he be saying what he knows

to be false; if he does so, he takes care to word his remonstrance in

the mildest possible form, and it would be very hard indeed for him to

say right out that the other was lying. He is chary of telling other

people truths which he thinks will be unpleasant to them; in such

cases he chooses the vaguest expressions, even with reference to such

indifferent things as, for example, wind and weather. His peaceableness

even goes so far that when anything is stolen from him, which seldom

happens, he does not as a rule reclaim it even if he knows who has taken

it. 'Give to every man that asketh of thee; and of him that taketh away

thy goods ask them not again' (Luke vi. 30).

The result is that there is seldom or never any quarrelling among them.

The Greenlanders cannot afford to waste time in wrangling amongst

themselves; the struggle to wring from nature the necessities of life,

that great problem of humanity, is there harder than anywhere else, and

therefore this little people has agreed to carry it on without needless

dissensions.

On the whole, the Greenlander is a happy being, his soul being light and

cheerful as a child's. If sorrow overtakes him, he may perhaps suffer

bitterly for the moment; but it is soon forgotten, and he is once more

as radiantly contented with existence as he used to be.

This happy levity of his saves him from brooding much upon the future.

If he has enough to eat for the moment, he eats it and is happy, even if

he has afterwards to suffer want--which is now, unfortunately, often the

case, and becomes so oftener year by year.

His carelessness has frequently been made a subject of bitter reproach

to him. The missionaries declare, no doubt rightly, that it makes him

inaccessible to civilisation, and have tried to exhort him to greater

providence and frugality. They quite overlook the fact that it is

written, 'Take ye no thought for the morrow.... Behold the fowls of the

air: for they sow not, neither do they reap, nor gather into barns; yet

your heavenly Father feedeth them.'

This levity of mind has also its bright side; it is even, in a way, the

Eskimo's chief strength.

Poverty and want have, with us, two consequences. The most immediate

is, of course, the physical suffering; but together with it and after

it comes mental suffering, 'the cares of bread,' the unceasing anxiety

which pursues one night and day, even in sleep, and embitters every hour

of life. In the majority of cases, this is probably what tells most upon

our poor people; but for this, the bodily sufferings, which, after all,

are generally transitory, would be easily supported. But it is precisely

from this phase of suffering that the Eskimo's elastic spirit saves him.

Even a long period of starvation and endurance is at once forgotten

so soon as he is fed; and the memory of bygone sufferings can no more

destroy his enjoyment and happiness, than can the fear of those which

to-morrow or the next day may bring. The only thing that really makes

him unhappy is to see others in want, and therefore he shares with them

whenever he has anything to share.

What chiefly cuts the Eskimos to the heart is to see their children

starving; 'and therefore,' says Dalager, 'they give food to their

children even if they themselves are ready to die of hunger; for they

live every day in the hope of a happy change of fortune--a hope which

really sustains life in many of them.'

In order to obtain a clearer conception of the radical difference

between the Eskimo character and ours, we ought to study the Eskimos in

their social relations.

It is not unusual to hear people express the opinion that the Eskimo

community is devoid of law and order. This is a mistake.

Originally, on the contrary, it was singularly well ordered. It had

its customs and its fixed rules for every possible circumstance, and

these customs and rules were handed down from generation to generation,

and were almost always observed; for the people are really incredibly

well-disposed, as even Egede himself, who has, as we have seen, written

so harshly of them, cannot help admitting in such a passage as, for

example, the following; 'It is wonderful in what peace and unity

they live with each other; for quarrelling and strife, hatred and

covetousness, are seldom heard of among them.[20] And even if one of

them happens to bear an ill-will to another, he does not let it be seen,

nor, on account of their great tenderness for each other, does he take

upon himself to attack him openly with violence or abuse, their language

being indeed devoid of the necessary words.' Observe that this is said

by a missionary of heathens, who, therefore, could not have developed

this peaceful temper through the influence of Christianity.

Then came the Europeans. Without knowing or understanding the people

or its requirements, they started from the assumption that it stood in

need of improvement in every possible way, and consequently set to work

to disturb and overturn the whole social order. They tried to force

upon the Eskimos a totally new character, gave them, all in a moment,

a new religion, and broke down their respect for their old customs

and traditions, of course without being able to give them new ones in

their place. The missionaries thought that they could make this wild,

free people of hunters into a civilised Christian nation, without for

a moment suspecting that at heart these people were in many respects

more Christian than themselves, and, among other things, like so many

primitive people, had put into practice the Christian doctrine of love

(charity) very much more fully than any Christian nation. The Europeans,

in short, conducted themselves in Greenland exactly as they are in the

habit of doing wherever they come forward in the name of the Christian

religion to 'make the poor heathen partakers in the blessings of eternal

truth.'

Very characteristic of this view is the following utterance of Egede's,

of which I have already spoken: 'The inborn stupidity and dulness of the

Greenlanders, their slothful and brutish upbringing, their wandering

and unstable way of life, certainly offer great hindrances to their

conversion, and ought as much as possible to be obviated and remedied.'

What a lack of comprehension! Only think, to want to obviate and remedy

the nomadic life of a tribe of hunters! What would remain to them? I

may add that he at another time proposes to attain this end by means of

'chastisement and discipline.'

The Eskimos at first listened in astonishment to the strangers. They

had hitherto been very well content with themselves and their whole way

of living; they did not know that man and his life on earth were so

miserable as the missionaries again and again assured them they were.

They had not, as Egede says, 'any just realisation of their own profound

corruption,' and had great difficulty in understanding a religion so

cruel as to condemn people to everlasting fire. They could quite well

recognise 'original sin' as a common characteristic of the _kavdlunaks_

(Europeans), for it was clear enough that many of them were bad; but the

_kaladlit_ (Eskimos) were good people, and ought without any trouble to

get into heaven.

When in 1728 a number of Danish men and women came to Godthaab to

colonise the country, many of them gave great offence to the heathens by

their evil ways, so that they 'often asked how it was that so many of

our people were so bad. Women (that is, Greenland women), they said, are

naturally quiet and modest; but these (the Europeans) were boisterous,

brazen, and lacking in all womanly propriety. Yet they surely all knew

God's will.' And the Greenlanders looked down upon and laughed at the

stupid, self-satisfied Europeans who preached so finely but practised so

little what they preached, and who, besides, knew nothing about hunting

or about all the things which the Eskimos regarded as the most important

in life.

The power which comes of a higher development gradually gave the

Europeans the upper hand, so that in the course of time they have

brought about a complete disturbance of the primitive social order, and

replaced it by an indeterminate mixture of Eskimo and modern European

habits and civilisation; while they have also effected a deplorable

mixture of breeds, and produced, without the help of the clergy, an

exceedingly mongrel population.

But, as the Eskimos are a very conservative people, we can still find

many important traces of their primitive condition.

The Greenlanders, like all nations of hunters, have a very restricted

sense of property; but it is a mistake to suppose it entirely

non-existent.

As regards the great majority of things, a certain communism prevails;

but this is always limited to wider or narrower circles according to

the nature of the thing in question. Ascending from the individual, we

find in the family the narrowest social circle; then come housemates and

the nearest kinsfolk, and then all the families of the village. Private

property is most fully recognised in the kaiak, the kaiak-dress and the

hunting-weapons, which belong to the hunter alone, and which no one

must touch. With them he supports himself and his family, and he must

therefore always be sure of finding them where he last laid them; it is

seldom that they are even lent to others. In former times, good hunters

would often own two kaiaks, but that is seldom the case now. Snow-shoes

may almost be regarded as belonging to implements of the chase; but as

they were introduced by the Europeans, they are not considered matters

of private property in the same degree; so that while an Eskimo seldom

or never touches another's weapons he will scarcely think twice about

using another's snow-shoes without asking leave.

Next to clothes and hunting implements come the tools which are used in

the houses, such as knives, axes, saws, skin-cutters, &c. Many of these,

and especially the women's sewing materials, are regarded as altogether

private property.

Other household implements are the common property of the family or

even of all the occupants of the house. The woman-boat and the tent

belong to the father of the family or to the family as a whole. The

house belongs to the family, and if several families live together they

own it in common.

The Eskimo knows nothing of private property in land; yet there seems

to be a recognised rule that no one shall pitch a tent or build a house

at a place where people are already settled without obtaining their

consent.

As an example of their consideration for each other in this respect I

may cite a custom which was thus described by Lars Dalager more than

a hundred years ago: 'In the summer, when they take their tents and

baggage with them, and think of settling down at a place where other

Greenlanders are living, they row very slowly towards the shore, and

when they come to within a gunshot of it they stop and lie upon their

oars without saying a word. If those on shore are equally silent and

give no sign, the newcomers think they are not wanted and therefore

row away as fast as possible to some unoccupied place. But if those

on shore, as generally happens, meet them with compliments, such as:

"Look here! here are good places for your tents, a good beach for your

woman-boats--come and rest after the labours of the day!" they, after a

little consideration, lay in to the shore where the others stand ready

to receive them and to help with the landing of the baggage. But when

they are starting again, the people of the place confine themselves

to helping in the launch of the woman-boat, and let the strangers

themselves see to the rest, unless they happen to be very good friends

or near relations, in which case they are despatched with the same marks

of honour with which they were received, and with some such phrases as

this: "Your visit will be a pleasant memory to us."'[21]

We may perhaps find the rudiments of the conception of private property

in land in the fact that where dams have been built in a salmon river

to gather the fish together, it is not regarded as the right thing if

strangers come and interfere with the dams or fish with nets in the

dammed-up waters, as Europeans were often in the habit of doing in

earlier times. This too is mentioned by Dalager.

Driftwood belongs to whoever first finds it floating in the sea,

wherever it may happen to be. In order to sustain his right to it, the

finder is bound to tow it ashore and place it above the high-water line,

if possible marking it in one way or another. For this form of property

the Eskimo has the greatest respect, and one who has left a piece of

drift-wood on the shore may be sure of finding it again even several

years after, unless Europeans have come along in the meantime. Any one

taking it would be regarded as a scoundrel.

As to their customs in lending and trading, I may again quote Dalager:

'If one man lends another anything, for example a boat, a harpoon, a

fishing-line, or other sea-implement, and it comes to harm--if, for

instance, the seal gets away with the harpoon, or the fish breaks the

line, or the fish or seal does injury to the boat--the owner must bear

the loss, the borrower making no reparation. But if anyone borrows darts

or implements without the knowledge of the owner, and they come to

harm, the borrower is bound to make good the damage. This happens very

seldom; for a Greenlander must be hard pushed before he will trouble his

neighbour to lend him anything, for fear of any harm occurring to it.

'When one makes a purchase from another, and the wares do not suit him,

he can return them even after a considerable time has elapsed.

'If one buys of another such costly things as a boat or a gun, and the

buyer is not in a position to satisfy the seller in ready money, he

is allowed credit until he can pay up. But if the debtor dies in the

meantime, the creditor never makes any claim. This,' adds Dalager, 'is

an inconvenient habit for the merchants of the colony, who are always

bound to give credit; whereof I have had several experiences, especially

this year, many of my debtors having departed this life, and thus

brought me into considerable perplexity.'

On his complaining to 'some influential and reasonable Greenlanders,'

they advised him 'to register his claim at once, but to let the man's

lice die in the grave (as they expressed it) before he proceeded to

execution.'

Beyond the articles above enumerated,[22] the Greenlander, according

to his primitive customs, can possess but little. Even if he had a

faculty for laying up riches, which he very seldom has, his needier

fellows would have the right to enforce a claim upon such of his

possessions as were not necessary for himself. Thus we find in Greenland

this unfortunate state of things: that the European immigrants, who

are in reality supported by the natives, often become rich and live

in abundance (at any rate, according to the Eskimo ideas), while the

natives themselves are in want.

The Greenlander has not even unrestricted rights over the game he

himself secures. There have been fixed rules from time immemorial

according to which it is divided, and there are only a few sorts of

animals which he can keep pretty well to himself and to his family. To

these belong the _atak_ or Greenland seal; but even in its case he must

give a portion of blubber to each of the kaiak-men who are present when

he takes it, and in the same way the children of the village, when he

comes home, receive a little scrap of blubber apiece. There are fixed

rules for other sorts of game, in accordance with which the whole animal

is divided among those who were present when it was killed or even among

all the houses of the village. This is especially the case with regard

to the walrus and several sorts of whales, as, for example, the white

whale; of this the hunter receives only a comparatively small portion,

even when he has killed it without help from others. When a whale of

any size is brought to shore, it is said to be quite a horrible sight

to see all the inhabitants of the village, armed with knives, flinging

themselves upon it to secure each his share, while it is still in the

water.

The scene is so sanguinary that Dalager declares that he has 'never

seen or heard of a whale being cut up without someone or other being

mutilated, or at least badly wounded, so great is the careless eagerness

with which several hundred people will rush upon the fish, each one

doing his best for himself, and, therefore, paying very little heed

as to where he slashes with his knife.' It is characteristic of their

amiability, however, that 'when one of them has thus come to harm, he

does not bear any grudge against the man who injured him, but regards it

as an accident.'

It is not only with respect to the larger animals that such rules hold

good; they also apply in the case of certain fishes. Thus if a halibut

is caught, the fisher is bound to give the other kaiak-men upon the

hunting-ground a piece of the skin for division among themselves; and

in addition to this, when he comes home, he generally gives some of the

animal to his housemates and neighbours.[23]

[Illustration: FISHING]

Even when a Greenlander has fulfilled all the aforesaid laws, he cannot

always keep to himself his own share of his booty. For instance, if he

makes a catch at a time when there is scarcity or famine in the village,

it is regarded as his duty either to give a feast or to divide his prey

among other families, who may perhaps have had to go for long without

fresh meat.

After a good haul, they make a feast, and eat as long as they can. If

everything is not eaten up, and there is plenty in the other houses

as well, what remains is stored against the winter; but in times of

scarcity it is regarded as the duty of those who have anything to

help those who have nothing, even to the last remnant of food. After

that, they starve in company, and sometimes starve to death. That some

people should live in profusion while others suffer need, as we see

it occurring daily in European communities, is an unheard of thing

in Greenland; except that the European settlers, with the habitual

providence of our race, have often stores of food while the Greenlanders

are starving.

It will be understood from what has been said that the tendency of

the law is, as much as possible, to let the whole village benefit by

the captured prey, so that no family shall be entirely dependent upon

the daily 'take' of those who provide for it. These are laws which

have developed through the experience of long ages, and have become

established by the habit of many generations.

The Greenlander is, on the whole, like a sympathetic child with respect

to the needs of others; _his first social law is to help his neighbour_.

Upon it, and upon their habit of clinging together through good and ill,

depends the existence of the little Greenland community. A hard life has

taught the Eskimo that however capable he may be, and able as a rule to

look after himself, there may come times when without the help of his

fellow-men he would have to go to the wall; therefore, it is best to

help others. 'Therefore, all things whatsoever ye would that men should

do to you, do ye even so to them'--this commandment, one of the first

and most important of Christianity, Nature itself has instilled into

the Greenlander, and he always acts up to it, which can scarcely be

affirmed of Christian nations. It is unfortunate that, as he advances in

civilisation, this commandment seems to lose its power over him.

Hospitality to strangers is a no less binding law among the Eskimos

than helpfulness to neighbours. The traveller enters the first hut he

comes to, and remains there as long as convenient. He is kindly received

and entertained with what the house can offer, even if he be an enemy.

When he proceeds on his way, he often takes a store of food along

with him; I have seen kaiak-men leave houses where they had remained

weatherbound for several days, loaded with halibut flesh, which had

been presented to them on their departure. No payment is ever made for

the entertainment. A European, too, is everywhere hospitably received,

although the Greenlanders would not think of making similar claims upon

his hospitality. Europeans, however, often make some sort of recompense

by treating their entertainers to coffee and such other delicacies as

they may have with them.

That hospitality is considered a very binding duty upon the east coast

of Greenland appears from several remarkable instances related by

Captain Holm. I may refer the reader to what he tells of the murderer

Maratuk, who had killed his stepfather. He was a bad man, and no one

liked him; yet when he presented himself at the house of the murdered

man's nearest relatives, he was received and entertained for a long

time--but they spoke ill of him when he had gone.

Hospitality is of course forced upon them by their natural surroundings;

for it often happens that they are overtaken by storms when far

from home, so that they are compelled to take refuge in the nearest

dwelling-place.

It seems, unhappily, as though hospitality had declined of late years on

the west coast. Doubtless it is once more the Europeans who have given

the example. And the fact that the people are by no means so well-to-do

as in earlier times, and are therefore less able to entertain strangers,

has no doubt tended in the same direction.

Many of my readers are probably of opinion that I am unjust to us

Europeans; but that is far from my intention. If the Europeans have not

had the best influence, the fact cannot always be directly laid to their

charge; circumstances have rendered it inevitable, in spite of excellent

intentions on their part. For example, they have conscientiously

laboured to foster the sense of property among the Greenlanders,

encouraging them to save up portions of their booty, instead of

lavishing it abroad in their usual free-handed way, and so forth; the

principle being that a more highly developed sense of property is the

first condition of civilisation. Whether this is a benefit may seem

doubtful to many; for my part I have no doubt about the matter. I must

admit, of course, that civilisation presupposes a much greater faculty

for the acquisition of worldly goods than the Eskimo is possessed of;

but what I cannot understand is what these poor people have to do with

civilisation. It assuredly makes them no happier, it ruins what is fine

and admirable in their character, makes them weaker in the struggle for

existence, and inevitably leads them to poverty and misery. But more of

this at a later opportunity.

The laws upon which the heathen community in Greenland rests are, as we

have seen, as nearly as possible socialism carried into practice. In

this respect, accordingly, they are more Christian than those of any

Christian community. The social reformers of to-day might learn much in

these high latitudes.

Spencer has in one of his books pointed out that mankind has

two religions. The first and most natural is the instinct of

self-preservation, which impels the individual to protect himself

against all outward opposition or hostile interference. This he calls

the religion of enmity. The other is the instinct of association, which

impels men to join fellowship with their neighbours; and to it we trace

the Christian doctrine that you should love your neighbour as yourself,

and should even love your enemies. This he calls the religion of

friendship. The former is the religion of the past, the latter that of

the future.

Precisely this religion of the future the Eskimo seems to have made his

own to a peculiar degree.

The men of some tribes or races are driven to combine with each other

by the pressure of human enemies, others by inhospitable natural

surroundings. The latter has been the case with the Eskimos. Where

the instinct of association and mutual help has been most strongly

developed, there has the community's power of maintaining itself been

greatest, and it has increased in numbers and in well-being; while other

small communities, with less of this instinct, have declined or even

succumbed altogether.

In so far as we believe with Spencer that the religion of friendship is

that of the future, that self-sacrifice for the benefit of the community

is the point towards which development is tending, we must assign to the

Eskimo a high place in the scale of nations.

It is a question, however, whether our forefathers also, in long bygone

ages, did not act upon a similar principle. It may be that social

development proceeds in a spiral with ever wider and wider convolutions.

Footnotes.

[20: 'When they have seen our dissolute sailors quarrelling and

fighting, they regard such behaviour as inhuman, and say: "They do

not treat each other as human beings." In the same way, if one of the

officers strikes a subordinate, they at once exclaim: "He behaves to his

fellow-men as if they were dogs."']

[21: Dalager, _Grönlandske Relationer_, Copenhagen, 1752, pp. 15-16.]

[22: Dogs, however, must be added to the list, and, in the case of the

North and East Greenlanders, dog-sledges.]

[23: When several are hunting in company, there are fixed rules to

determine to whom the game belongs. If two or more shoot at a reindeer,

the animal belongs to him who first hit it, even if he only wounded

it slightly. As to the rules for seal-hunting, Dalager says: 'If a

Greenlander strikes a seal or other marine animal with his light dart,

and it is not killed, but gets away with the dart, and if another then

comes and kills it with his darts, it nevertheless belongs to the first;

but if he has used the ordinary harpoon, and the line breaks, and

another comes and kills the animal, the first has lost his right to it.

If, however, they both throw at the same time and both harpoons strike,

the animal is cut lengthwise in two, and divided between them, skin and

all.' 'If two throw at a bird simultaneously, it is divided between

them.' 'If a dead seal is found with a harpoon fixed in it, if the owner

of the harpoon is known in the neighbourhood, he gets his weapon back,

but the finder keeps the seal.' Similar rules seem also to be in force

upon the east coast.]

Eskimo Life · 第 7 / 18 章