The unbridled talk of d’Holbach’s mother-in-law continually set the

table in a roar. Diderot himself was at his best--full of _bonhomie_ and

_joie-de-vivre_--laughing one minute and crying the next, warm in

generous pity for sorrow, quick to be irritated or appeased, pouring out

torrents of splendid ideas and then of grossest ribaldry, his mouth

speaking always from the fulness of his heart, utterly indiscreet,

brilliant, ingenuous, delightful; an orator ‘drunk with the exuberance

of his own verbosity,’ who could argue that black was white, and then

that white was black again, and whose seduction and danger lay in the

fact that he always fully believed both impossibilities himself. No

subject that was started found him cool or neutral. ‘He is too hot an

oven,’ said Voltaire; ‘everything gets burnt in him.’

When the dinner was over he would thrust his arm through his host’s and

walk in the garden with him. He at least did his best to imbue the

dogmatic atheism of d’Holbach with luxuriance and warmth. At seven they

came back to the house, and supper was followed by picquet and by talk

till they went to bed.

Among many other visitors whom Diderot met while he was what he called

‘veuf’ at Grandval were at least four Englishmen--Sterne, Wilkes,

Garrick, and Hume.

Diderot has been well called the most English of the Frenchmen of the

eighteenth century. He began his literary career by making translations

from our language. In a passion of admiration he had fallen at the feet

of the ‘divine Richardson,’ and imitated ‘Pamela’ in a very bad novel of

his own, ‘The Nun;’ in another, ‘Jacques, the Fatalist,’ he tried to

accustom France to romance in the style of Sterne. He had taught his

fellow-citizens, he said, to read and to esteem Bacon. He was familiar

with the works of Pope, Chaucer, Tillotson, and Locke; and he has left a

noble and famous criticism upon Shakespeare: ‘He is like the St.

Christopher of Notre-Dame, an unshapen Colossus, rudely carven, but

beneath whose legs we can all walk without our brows touching him.’

To Garrick, Diderot paid exaggerated homage, and went into raptures over

the wonderful play of his face. He admired Wilkes’s morals as well as

his mind, and in 1768 wrote him a flattering letter. As for Hume, he

liked the delightful Diderot better than any other philosopher he met in

France. It is Diderot who tells the story of Hume saying at d’Holbach’s

table, ‘I do not believe there is such a thing as an atheist; I have

never seen one,’ and of d’Holbach’s replying, ‘Then you have been a

little unfortunate; you are sitting now with seventeen.’ Sterne, whose

‘Tristram Shandy’ was delighting France in general and Diderot in

particular when its author was at Grandval, on his return home sent

Denis English books.

In 1761 Diderot produced a play. ‘The Father of the Family’ is, it must

be confessed, a sad bore with his lachrymose moralities; but he is

exhilarating compared to ‘The Natural Son,’ Diderot’s second play, which

was acted in 1771. The universal Denis was no playwright.

In 1772 he published the ten volumes of plates which he had laboriously

prepared to supplement the text of the Encyclopædia; and in May 1773,

when he was sixty years old, he visited Catherine the Great.

He had had relations with her for some years. One fine day, in 1765, it

had suddenly occurred to him that his dearest Angélique, over whom he

had poured such streams of paternal sentiment, would have positively no

_dot_. Her fond, improvident father had, of course, never attempted to

save anything for her, and, if he knew his own disposition, must have

known too he never would save anything. The only thing he had of value

in the world, besides his head, was his library. Catherine the Great was

a magnificent patron of letters; and Diderot was her especial _protégé_.

He would sell his books to her! She delightedly accepted the offer. She

gave him for them a sum equal to about seven hundred pounds, and

appointed him her librarian at a salary of a thousand livres a year,

fifty years’ payment being made in advance.

For the first time in his history Diderot found himself rich. When a

patron so munificent asked him to visit her, how could he decline? All

the Encyclopædists were her warm admirers; she herself used to say

modestly that Voltaire had made her the fashion. Denis hated long

journeys and loved Paris, but go he must. He left France on May 10,

1773. He stopped at The Hague--where he characteristically admired the

beauty of the women, and the turbot--and at last arrived at St.

Petersburg.

For a monarch who complained that she might have been the head of

Medusa--everyone turned to stone when she entered the room--Diderot must

have been a singularly refreshing guest. It was one of the most charming

traits in his character that he respected persons no more than a child

does, or a dog. All etiquette fled before his breezy, impulsive

personality. The very clothes he arrived in were so shabby, her Majesty

had to present him immediately with a court suit. He was with her every

afternoon. He said what he liked, and as much as he liked, which was a

very great deal. In the heat and excitement of his arguments he would

hammer the Imperial knees black and blue, till the Empress had to put a

table in front of her for safety. If he ever did recollect her august

position, ‘_Allons!_’ she would cry; ‘between men everything is

permissible.’ He evolved the most magnificent, impossible schemes for

the government of her empire--which would have upset it in a week if she

had tried them, said she. During his stay, his dearest Grimm was also a

guest. In March 1774, Denis left; and by the time he reached Paris

again, was persuaded that he had enjoyed himself very much indeed.

Four years later, in 1778, he first saw in the flesh the great elder

brother of his order, the master-worker in the temple slowly lifting

its gorgeous towers towards the light--Voltaire. They had not always

agreed on paper: their goal had been the same, but not the road to it.

‘But we are not so far apart,’ says old Voltaire; ‘we only want a

conversation to understand each other.’ Accordingly, when he came on his

last triumph to the capital, Diderot went to see him in the Villettes’

house on what is now the Quai Voltaire. Few details of their interviews

have been preserved; but it is said that they discussed Shakespeare, and

that when Diderot left, Voltaire said of him: ‘He is clever, but he

lacks one very necessary talent--that of dialogue.’ On his part, Diderot

compared Voltaire to a haunted castle falling into ruins--‘but one can

easily see it is still inhabited by a magician.’

Voltaire died. Diderot was himself growing old; he had acquired, he

thought in Russia, the seeds of a lung disease. Angélique married a M.

de Vandeul, on the strength of the _dot_ provided by the sale of the

library. Madame Diderot, poor soul, had become not a little worried and

embittered. It is the careless who make the care-worn, and Diderot was

almost to the last the engaging, light-hearted scamp whose troubles are

always flung on to some patient scapegoat.

In 1783, or 1784, the death of Mademoiselle Volland gave him a real

grief. Twenty years before he had written to her with an exquisite

eloquence of the calm and gentle approach of the great rest, Death: ‘One

longs for the end of life as, after hard toil, one longs for the end of

the day.’ He proved in himself the truth of his own words. He had not

even a hope of the immortality of the soul; but he had worked hard, the

evening was come, and he was weary. He was still working--writing the

‘Life of Seneca.’ He was still his all too lovable, spontaneous self,

talking with that marvellous inspiration of which the best of his books

can convey little idea.

A fortnight before he died he moved into a new home, given him by

Catherine the Great, in the Rue Richelieu, opposite the birthplace of

Molière and almost next door to the house where Voltaire had lived with

Madame du Châtelet, and after her death. The _curé_ of Saint-Sulpice

came to see him, and suggested that a retractation of his sceptical

opinions would produce good effect. ‘I dare say it would,’ said Denis,

‘but it would be a most impudent lie.’ In his last conversation Madame

de Vandeul records that she heard him say: ‘The first step towards

philosophy is unbelief.’

The end came very suddenly. On the last day of July 1784, he was supping

with his wife and daughter, and at dessert took an apricot. Nanette

gently remonstrated. ‘Mais que diable de mal veux-tu que cela me fasse?’

he cried. They were his last words and perfectly characteristic. He died

as he sat, a few minutes later.

If to be great means to be good, then Denis Diderot was a little man.

But if to be great means to do great things in the teeth of great

obstacles, then none can refuse him a place in the temple of the

Immortals.

His fiction, taken from rottenness, has returned to it, and is justly

dead. His plays were damned on their appearance. His moving criticisms

on art and the drama, his satirical dialogue, ‘Rameau’s Nephew’--nearly

all the printed talk of this most matchless of all talkers--are rarely

read. His letters to Mademoiselle Volland will last so long as the

proper study of mankind is man. But it is as the father of the

Encyclopædia that Denis Diderot merits eternal recognition. Guilty as he

was in almost every relation of life towards the individual, for

mankind, in the teeth of danger and of infidelity, at the ill-paid

sacrifice of the best years of his exuberant life, he produced that book

which first levelled a free path to knowledge and enfranchised the soul

of his generation.

III

_GALIANI: THE WIT._

‘How can you say I do not know Galiani?’ wrote Voltaire to Madame

d’Épinay. ‘I have read him; therefore I have seen him.’

Of that Brotherhood of Progress, united by a love, sometimes for each

other and always for mankind, if Voltaire was the leader, and d’Alembert

the thinker, Galiani was certainly the wit. In his own day he was

celebrated as the man who made Paris laugh--and ponder--by his famous

‘Dialogues on Corn;’ and in our day he is remembered as the gay little

buffoon of the eighteenth century and the author of a most amusing

correspondence. Voltaire went on to declare the Abbé must be as much

like his Dialogues as two jets of fire are like each other; and Diderot

swore that if he had written a word of the book, he _must_ have written

it exactly as it was.

Light, sparkling, irresponsible, like the brilliant babble of some

precocious child, not in the

[Illustration: THE ABBÉ FERDINAND GALIANI.

_From a Print._]

least hampered by respect for the _convenances_, as quick and flashing

as sunshine on diamonds, as bubbling and spontaneous as a dancing little

mountain torrent, perfectly free from the bitterness, the malignity, and

the sarcasm which make Voltaire’s jests so terrible--the talk and the

writing of Galiani are alike unique. The ‘dear little Abbé’ of the

women, with his dwarf’s figure and his great head, his crafty Italian

brain to conceive a brilliant scheme and his easy flow of wit to present

it to his world, stands out alone against the horizon of the eighteenth

century.

Ferdinand Galiani first saw the light at Chieti, in Abruzzo, on December

2, 1728. He was born with a silver spoon in his mouth, in two senses at

least. His father was Royal Auditor in one of the provinces of the

Neapolitan Government; and his uncle was Monseigneur Celestin Galiani,

first chaplain to the King of Naples, and a most wealthy, learned, and

enlightened churchman.

Little Ferdinand was eight when he was sent to be educated, with his

elder brother, Bernard, under this uncle’s supervision at Naples. For a

time the two children were taught at the convent of the Celestins, as

Monseigneur was in Rome, negotiating a peace on behalf of the King of

the Two Sicilies. When he returned, he took the boys back to his own

palace and gave them the best and the most delightful of all forms of

learning, the society of clever people. The visitors soon recognised

that the way to the uncle’s heart was through the precocious brain of

the little nephew--that to teach Ferdinand was to delight Monseigneur.

Whatever brother Bernard may have been, Ferdinand was surely the aptest

and sharpest of infant prodigies. He heard discussed around him

antiquarianism, history, literature, commerce; and not one seed of

information fell on barren ground. Many years after Grimm declared that

there was only one man in Paris who really knew Latin, and he was the

Abbé Galiani.

He was still a mere boy when he represented Bernard at a meeting of the

Academy of Naples and read an article on the Immaculate Conception. The

worthy Academicians, naturally shocked at such a little creature

attempting a subject so serious, forbade him to read it. ‘Very well,’

thinks young Ferdinand, ‘I can wait.’ The executioner of Naples died

soon after. The Academy was famous for its _éloges funèbres_. And

behold, there appears, in wicked and most unmistakable travesty of the

Academical funeral orations, the _éloge_ of the executioner! The Academy

was very indignant, the world very much amused, and Galiani had made his

bow to the public in the _rôle_ he was never to relinquish. He confessed

all to the First Minister, Tanucci. Tanucci introduced him to the King

and Queen of Naples, who were delighted, and then appeased the Academy

by condemning the delinquent to ten days’ spiritual exercises in a

neighbouring convent.

At sixteen the boy was already an ardent Political Economist. As England

was the country where that science was brought to perfection, he learnt

English, translated Locke’s ‘Essay on Money,’ and set to work to write

one himself. All the time he was studying diligently the ancient

navigation, peoples, and commerce of the Mediterranean, throwing off a

satire here, a mocking set of verses there, and cultivating that pretty

talent for epigram and story-telling.

When ‘Money’ was finished, he read it to Monseigneur, without mentioning

its authorship. ‘Why do not _you_ give your mind to serious works such

as that?’ said the King’s chaplain, and praised the thing extravagantly.

When Galiani told his secret, Monseigneur was so delighted that he at

once set to work at Court to procure this promising nephew something

really worth having. At two-and-twenty years old, having never studied

theology and having taken minor orders only, and with the sole object of

obtaining these emoluments, Galiani found himself the possessor of the

benefice of Centola and the abbey of Saint-Laurent, while a

dispensation from Rome gave him the title of Monseigneur and the honour

of the mitre. Soon after, the admiring Court of Naples also presented

him with the rich abbey of Saint Catherine of Celano.

The wonder is, not that Galiani writhed with laughter (like the little

Punchinello his friends dubbed him) when he alluded to the religion of

his fathers, but that to the end of his days he saw in that religion,

beneath its shameless venality and its hideous moral corruptions, some

saving truth to bless and comfort man’s soul. When all Paris laughed at

the credulity of Madame Geoffrin, whose death was said to have been

brought about from over-devotion to her religious duties, it was Galiani

who wrote that he considered that unbelief was ‘the greatest effort the

mind of man could make against his natural instincts and wishes.... As

the soul grows old, belief reappears.’ Unlike nearly all his philosophic

friends, if his own illusions were few, he was careful to leave

undisturbed those of happier people.

In respect to the emoluments he received from Rome, and on which he

fattened all his life, it may be justly said that he took them as a man

takes a fortune out of a business he knows to be rotten, congratulating

himself on his own perspicacity, and believing that beneath the

rottenness there still lies the making of a true and honest enterprise.

The Neapolitan Government having adopted all the ideas suggested in

‘Money,’ the fortunate young gentleman who had written it started off in

excellent spirits, in November 1751, for Rome, Florence, and Venice. The

Pope, and all the grandees, _savants_, and _littérateurs_ in Italy

petted and made much of the agreeable little prodigy.

In June 1753 his uncle, Celestin, died, leaving Ferdinand his fortune.

Galiani still remained in Naples, the spirit and the delight of the

brilliant society that Monseigneur had gathered about him. But there was

never any time in his life when it was enough for this wit to be wit

only. He said of himself that he had all the vices, and his friends

declared he had all the tastes. The friends were right. He soon began to

make a collection of the stones thrown up by Vesuvius, classified them,

wrote a beautiful dissertation on them, and sent them to the Pope with

the inscription, _Holy Father, command that these stones be made bread_.

Benedict the Fourteenth was a comfortable person who loved a joke and

thought it worth its reward. He replied by giving the little Abbé yet

another benefice, Amalfi, worth three hundred ducats. Then, of course,

the Geological Academy of Herculaneum must do something more for such a

lively geologist than merely make him a member of its body: it presented

him with a pension.

In 1758 this spoilt child of fortune had the honour of composing Pope

Benedict’s funeral oration. Then he was made Chancellor to the King,

and, in 1759, Secretary to the Embassy in Paris.

It was the turning-point of his life, and the greatest event of his

history. But for that appointment, he might have been nothing, after

all, but some brilliant little local light, with his sparkling Southern

talents only employed for the advantage of Italy and certainly never

heard of beyond her borders. To it he owed all his fame and the gayest

and most successful epoch in his existence. To it the world owes its

picture of the man himself, the ‘Dialogues on Corn,’ and the

Correspondence with Madame d’Épinay.

Galiani was at first pleased to go. But he was thirty years old, and had

never yet been out of his own country. She had done generously by him,

and he was extremely rich. On the other hand, the secretaryship involved

further large emoluments, and Galiani was not one of those rare, wise

people who know how easy it is to be rich enough; he had not learned

from the possession of money how very little it can buy. Paris was then

not only the capital of France, but the social capital of the world.

She was at the height of her ancient glory. Revolutions had not

shattered her splendid buildings or the delicate fabric of the most

easy, polished, accomplished society under heaven. She was the finishing

school of Europe. Her language was the language of many Courts, of

Frederick of Prussia, and of the letters of Catherine the Great. From

her printing presses she poured forth, almost daily, masterpieces of

literature, or pamphlets which were to change dynasties and shake

kingdoms. On her throne sat Louis the Fifteenth, as rotten as the

society of which he was the head, but, like that society, with a

rottenness covered by a magnificence which awed investigation into

silence. Choiseul was the minister in name, and Madame de Pompadour in

reality; and over the _salons_, then in the height of their power and

distinction, presided women ‘who in the decline of their beauty revealed

the dawn of their intelligence.’

Such a world should have pleased Galiani, or any happy Southerner who

loved to bask in the warmth of prosperity and shrug his shoulders at the

possibility of future disaster. But at first it did not. He was cold and

homesick. His health, he wrote, would certainly not survive the unequal

climate. Foreign customs, bad air, detestable water, everything here is

noxious to my Italian temperament! Then Choiseul received the petted

wit of the Neapolitan parties coldly, nonchalantly, indifferently. And

Versailles--Versailles was yet more objectionable. When Galiani was

presented there in June 1760, with his four-and-a-half-foot figure

overladen with the ridiculous gala dress of the period, the men burst

into open laughter and the women sneered behind their fans. Why should

that cruel age, which had no compassion on the helplessness of little

children, on poverty, on misfortune, on weakness, and which, when it did

not mock at moral suffering, fled from it as from a disease one might

catch--why should such an age pity the sensibilities of a deformed

little foreigner, an absurd dwarf of an abbé, whom no one in Paris

(which is to say the world) had ever heard of before?

Galiani was more than a match for the laughers. ‘Sire,’ he said to the

King, ‘you now see only a sample of the secretary; the secretary will

arrive later.’ The King was delighted; but the secretary retired with

that cruel laughter ringing in his heart. For a whole year he pleaded

passionately for his recall. He wrote bitterly of the French as ‘a

mobile and superficial race full at once of passion and lightness.... My

clothes, my character, my way of thinking, and all my natural defects

will always make me insupportable to this people and to myself.’

From being the most popular and successful man in Naples, he was in

Paris the insignificant secretary at whom, as he passed by, men mocked

with the tongue in the cheek. They did not indeed mock for ever. His own

sharp tongue was bound to win him respect and reputation. First it was a

jest uttered here; and then a story, with his own inimitable

gesticulation, told there. This little secretary is going to be amusing!

Further, he was always accompanied by his _âme damnée_, the most

intelligent of monkeys, who was only something less entertaining than

his master. The master, moreover, could play on the clavecin, and sing

to it, wonderfully. Even for the Parisians of that day his conversation

was free, naïf, unhampered. The man has ideas, as we all have, on the

liberty of the Press and the Masses, on the Deluge that is coming after

us; only he can put those ideas so that the expression reads like a

romance or sounds like a jest!

Then he was introduced to Baron Gleichen, and to Grimm, the first

journalist in Europe. Grimm made him known to Madame d’Épinay; and his

acquaintance with her, with Madame Necker, with Madame Geoffrin, and

with Mademoiselle de Lespinasse, implied an introduction to the society

of all witty Paris, and of all travelling England. He became the friend

of d’Alembert, who had just published his ‘Elements of Philosophy,’ of

Diderot, of d’Holbach, of Helvétius, of Morellet, and of Marmontel. He

met that magnificent icicle, Saint Lambert, still writing his ‘Seasons’

and stealing Madame d’Houdetot from Rousseau. He knew Suard, Thomas,

Raynal, and that picturesque and ill-fated young Spaniard, the Marquis

de Mora.

In a word, by 1760, Galiani was launched--the gayest little skiff that

ever danced into a summer sea. The Parisian climate improved in the

twinkling of an eye; the bad water became drinkable; the light and

fickle people turned into one ‘loving and worthy to be loved.’ Some fool

of a wit, who had declared that the Abbé would never succeed at Court

because he thought too loud and spoke too low, must needs eat his words.

However low he spoke now, the audience always heard. They expected a

_bon mot_ or a _naïveté_, every time he opened his mouth, and he did not

disappoint them. Instead of a poor little dwarf from that God-forsaken

Naples, the secretary became ‘the prettiest little Harlequin Italy has

produced,’ ‘the incomparable Abbé,’ ‘the head of Machiavelli,’

‘Machiavellino,’ ‘ce drôle de Napolitain,’ ‘Plato, with the verve and

gestures of Harlequin.’ In a word, he was the mode. The women raved

about him--he understood them so well!--and fought among each other for

his presence at their parties. If Choiseul remained cold, his

Duchess--‘the gentlest, amiablest, civil little creature that ever came

out of a fairy egg,’ said Horace Walpole--was as fond of her Abbé as

were her society sisters. Galiani was asked everywhere and went

everywhere. He had found his true element at last. How tame and

provincial the Neapolitan parties looked now! How dull and restricted

were ambitions that limited one to Italy! Paris was the theatre of

Europe--with a crowded audience of all nations watching, half laughing

and half afraid, the next move in her breathless tragi-comedy. There was

hardly ever a more effective actor on her boards than this buffoon, this

keen-set little wit, this jester, with here and there, now and then, as

if by accident, some poignant meaning, some thrilling prophecy beating

beneath his jests, and startling his hearers to a brief and sudden

gravity.

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