Mahadev.--A synonym of Daira Muhammadan.

Mahankudo.--A title of Gaudo and Gudiya. The headman of the latter

caste goes by this name.

Mahant.--The Mahant is the secular head and trustee of the temple at

Tirumala (Upper Tirupati) in the North Arcot district, and looks after

the worldly affairs of the swami (god). "Tirupati," Mr. H. A. Stuart

writes, [147] "unlike most other temples, has no dancing-girls

attached to it, and not to be strictly continent upon the sacred hill

is a deadly sin. Of late years, however, even celibate Bairagis and

priests take their paramours up with them, and the pilgrims follow

suit. Everything is held to betoken the approaching downfall of

the temple's greatness. The irregular life of the Mahant Balaram

Das sixty years ago caused a great ferment, though similar conduct

now would probably hardly attract notice. He was ejected from his

office by the unanimous voice of his disciples, and one Govardhan

Das, whose life was consistent with the holy office, was elected,

and installed in the math (monastery) near the temple. Balaram Das,

however, collected a body of disbanded peons from the palaiyams,

and, arming them, made an attack upon the building. The walls were

scaled, and the new Mahant with his disciples shut themselves up in

an inner apartment. In an attempt at rescue, one man was killed, and

three were seriously wounded. A police force was sent to co-operate

with the Tirupati poligars (feudal chiefs), but could effect nothing

till the insurgent peons were threatened with the loss of all their

lands. This broke up the band, and Balaram Das' followers deserted

him. When the gates were broken open, it was found that he and a few

staunch followers had committed suicide. But perhaps the greatest

scandal which has occurred in the history of the math was that

which ended in the conviction of the present Mahant's predecessor,

Bhagavan Das. He was charged with having misappropriated a number of

gold coins of considerable value, which were supposed to have been

buried beneath the great flagstaff. A search warrant was granted,

and it was discovered that the buried vessels only contained copper

coins. The Mahant was convicted of the misappropriation of the gold,

and was sentenced to two years' rigorous imprisonment, but this was

reduced to one year by the High Court. On being released from jail,

he made an effort to oust his successor, and acquire possession of

the math by force. For this he was again sent to jail, for six months,

and required to furnish security to be of good behaviour."

It is recorded by Sir M. E. Grant Duff, [148] formerly Governor

of Madras, that "while the municipal address was being read to me,

a huge elephant, belonging to the Zemindar of Kalahastri, a great

temporal chief, charged a smaller elephant belonging to the Mahant

or High Priest of Tripaty, thus disestablishing the church much more

rapidly, alas! than we did in Ireland."

Mahanti.--Mahanti is, in the Madras Census Report, 1901, defined as "a

caste akin to the Koronos or Karnams (writers and accountants). The

name is sometimes taken by persons excommunicated from other

castes." The word means great, or prestige. According to a note

submitted to me, the Mahantis gradually became Karnams, with the

title of Patnaik, but there is no intermarriage between them and

the higher classes of Karnams. The Mahantis of Orissa are said to

still maintain their respectability, whereas in Ganjam they have as

a class degenerated, so much so that the term Mahanti is now held up

to ridicule.

Mahapatro.--Said to be a title sold by the caste council to

Khoduras. Also a title of Badhoyis, and other Oriya castes.

Maharana.--A title of Badhoyi.

Maheswara (Siva).--A synonym of Jangams (priests of the Lingayats). The

Jangams of the Silavants, for example, are known by this name.

Mailari.--The Mailaris are a class of beggars, who are said [149] to

"call themselves a sub-division of the Balijas, and beg from Komatis

only. Their ancestors were servants of Kannyakammavaru (or Kannika

Amma, the virgin goddess of the Komatis), who burnt herself to avoid

falling into the hands of Raja Vishnu Vardhana. On this account, they

have the privilege of collecting certain fees from all the Komatis. The

fee, in the Kurnool district, is eight annas per house. When he demands

the fee, a Mailari appears in full dress (kasi), which consists of

brass human heads tied to his loins, and brass cups to his head;

a looking-glass on the abdomen; a bell ringing from his girdle; a

bangle on his forearm ; and wooden shoes on his feet. In this dress

he walks, holding an umbrella, through the streets, and demands his

fee. If the fee is not paid, he again appears, in a more frightful

form called Bhuthakasi. He shaves his whiskers, and, almost naked,

proceeds to the burning-ground, where he makes rati, or different kinds

of coloured rice, and, going to the Komatis, extorts his fee." I am

informed that the Mailaris travel about with an image of Kannyakamma,

which they exhibit, while they sing in Telugu the story of her life.

The Mailaris are stated, in the Madras Census Report, 1901, to be

also called Bala Jangam. Mailari (washerman) is also an exogamous

sept of the Malas.

Majji.--Recorded as a title of Bagatas, Doluvas, and Kurumos, and as a

sept of Nagaralus. In the Madras Census Report, 1901, it is described

as a title given to the head peons of Bissoyis in the Maliahs.

Majjiga (butter-milk).--An exogamous sept of Boya.

Majjula.--A sub-division of Korono.

Majjulu.--Recorded, in the Madras Census Report, 1901, as "cultivators

in Vizagapatam, and shikaris (hunters) and fishermen in Ganjam. They

have two endogamous divisions, the Majjulus and the Racha Majjulus,

the members of the latter of which wear the sacred thread, and will

not eat with the former. In their customs they closely resemble the

Kapus, of which caste they are perhaps a sub-division. For their

ceremonies they employ Oriya Brahmans, and Telugu Nambis. Widow

marriage is allowed. They burn their dead, and are said to perform

sraddhas (memorial services). They worship all the village gods and

goddesses, and eat meat. They have no titles."

Makado (monkey).--An exogamous sept of Bottada.

Makkathayam.--The name, in the Malayalam country, for the law of

inheritance from father to son. The Canarese equivalent thereof is

makkalsanthanam.

Mala.--"The Malas," Mr. H. A. Stuart writes, [150] "are the Pariahs of

the Telugu country. Dr. Oppert derives the word from a Dravidian root

meaning a mountain, which is represented by the Tamil malai, Telugu

mala, etc., so that Mala is the equivalent of Paraiyan, and also

of Mar or Mhar and the Mal of Western and Central Bengal. I cannot

say whether there is sufficient ground for the assumption that the

vowel of a Dravidian root can be lengthened in this way. I know of

no other derivation of Mala. [In C. P. Brown's Telugu Dictionary it

is derived from maila, dirty.] The Malas are almost equally inferior

in position to the Madigas. They eat beef and drink heavily, and are

debarred entrance to the temples and the use of the ordinary village

wells, and have to serve as their own barbers and washermen. They

are the musicians of the community, and many of them (for example in

the villages near Jammalamadugu in the Cuddapah district) weave the

coarse white cotton fabrics usually worn by men."

The Malas will not take water from the same well as the Madigas,

whom they despise for eating carrion, though they eat beef themselves.

Both Malas and Tamil Paraiyans belong to the right-hand section. In

the Bellary district the Malas are considered to be the servants of

the Banajigas (traders), for whom they do certain services, and act

as caste messengers (chalavathi) on the occasion of marriages and

funerals. At marriages, six Malas selected from certain families, lead

the procession, carrying flags, etc., and sit in the pial (verandah)

of the marriage house. At funerals, a Mala carries the brass ladle

bearing the insignia of the right-hand section, which is the emblem

of the authority of the Desai or headman of the section.

The Malas have their own dancing girls (Basavis), barbers, and

musicians (Bainedus), Dasaris or priests, and beggars and bards called

Mastigas and Pambalas (drum people), who earn their living by reciting

stories of Ankamma, etc., during the funeral ceremonies of some Telugu

castes, acting as musicians at marriages and festivals to the deities,

begging, and telling fortunes. Other beggars are called Nityula

(Nitiyadasu, immortal). In some places, Tsakalas (washerman caste)

will wash for the Malas, but the clothes must be steeped in water,

and left till the Tsakala comes for them. The Malas will not eat

food prepared or touched by Kamsalas, Medaras, Madigas, Beri Chettis,

Boyas, or Bhatrazus. The condition of the Malas has, in recent times,

been ameliorated by their reception into mission schools.

In a case, which came before the High Court of Madras on appeal a few

years ago, a Mala, who was a convert to Christianity, was sentenced

to confinement in the stocks for using abusive language. The Judge,

in summing up, stated that "the test seems to be not what is the

offender's creed, whether Muhammadan, Christian, or Hindu, but what is

his caste. If he belongs to one of the lower castes, a change of creed

would not of itself, in my judgment, make any difference, provided he

continues to belong to the caste. If he continues to accept the rules

of the caste in social and moral matters, acknowledges the authority of

the headmen, takes part in caste meetings and ceremonies, and, in fact,

generally continues to belong to the castes, then, in my judgment, he

would be within the purview of the regulation. If, on the other hand,

he adopts the moral standards of Christianity instead of those in his

caste, if he accepts the authority of his pastors and teachers in place

of that of the headman of the caste, if he no longer takes part in

the distinctive meetings and ceremonies of the caste ... then he can

no longer be said to belong to one of the lower castes of the people,

and his punishment by confinement in the stocks is no longer legal."

Between the Malas and Madigas there is no love lost, and the latter

never allow the former, on the occasion of a festival, to go in

palanquins or ride on horseback. Quite recently, in the Nellore

district, a horse was being led at the head of a Madiga marriage

procession, and the Malas followed, to see whether the bridegroom

would mount it. To the disgust of the Madigas, the young man refused

to get on it, from fear lest he should fall off.

The Malas will not touch leather shoes, and, if they are slippered

with them, a fine is inflicted, and the money spent on drink.

Of the share which the Malas take in a village festival in the Cuddapah

district, an excellent account is given by Bishop Whitehead. [151]

"The village officials and leading ryots," he writes, "collect money

for the festival, and buy, among other things, a barren sheep and

two lambs. Peddamma and Chinnamma are represented by clay images of

female form made for the occasion, and placed in a temporary shrine

of cloth stretched over four poles. On the appointed evening, rice is

brought, and poured out in front of the idol by the potter, and rice,

ghi (clarified butter), and curds are poured on the top of it. The

victims are then brought, and their heads cut off by a washerman. The

heads are placed on the ground before the idol. The people then pour

water on the heads, and say 'speak' (paluku). If the mouth opens,

it is regarded as a sign that the goddess is propitious. Next, a

large pot of boiled cholam (millet) is brought, and poured in a heap

before the image, a little further away than the rice. Two buffaloes

are then brought by the Malas and Madigas. One of the Malas, called

the Asadi, chants the praises of the goddess during the ceremony. The

animals are killed by a Madiga, by cutting their throats with a knife,

one being offered to Peddamma, and the other to Chinnamma. Some of

the cholam is then taken in baskets, and put under the throat of the

buffaloes till it is soaked with blood, and then put aside. A Madiga

then cuts off the heads of the buffaloes with a sword, and places

them before the idol. He also cuts off one of the forelegs of each,

and puts it crosswise in the mouth. Some of the cholam is then put

on the two heads, and two small earthen saucers are put upon it. The

abdomens are then cut open, and some of the fat taken out, melted,

and put in each saucer with a lighted wick. A layer of fat is spread

over the eyes and mouths of the two heads, some of the refuse of the

stomach is mixed with the cholam soaked in blood, and a quantity of

margosa (Melia Azadirachta) leaves put over the cholam. The Asadi then

takes some of this mixture, and sprinkles it round the shrine, saying

'Ko, bali,' i.e., accept the sacrifice. Then the basket is given to

another Mala, who asks permission from the village officials and ryots

to sprinkle the cholam. He also asks that a lamb may be killed. The

lamb is killed by a washerman, and the blood allowed to flow into the

cholam in the basket. The bowels of the lamb are taken out, and tied

round the wrist of the Mala who holds the basket, and puts it round his

neck. He then goes and sprinkles the cholam mixed with blood, etc., in

some cases round the village, and in others before each house, shouting

'Ko, bali' as he goes. The people go in procession with him, carrying

swords and clubs to drive away evil spirits. During the procession,

limes are cut in half, and thrown into the air to propitiate evil

spirits. Other lambs are killed at intervals during the course of

the procession. In the afternoon, the carcases of the two buffaloes

offered the night before are taken away by the Malas and Madigas. One

is cut open, and some of the flesh cooked near the shrine. Part of it,

with some of the cholam offered before the images, is given to five

Mala children, called Siddhulu, i.e., holy or sinless, who, in some

cases, are covered with a cloth during the meal. The rest is eaten by

Malas. The remainder of the carcases is divided among the Malas and

Madigas, who take it to their own homes for a feast. The carcases of

the lambs belong to the Malas and washermen. The carcase of the barren

sheep is the perquisite of the village officials, though the Kurnam,

being a Brahmin, gives his portion away."

At a festival to the village goddess which is held at Dowlaishweram

in the Godavari district once every three years, a buffalo is

sacrificed. "Votive offerings of pots of buttermilk are presented

to the goddess, who is taken outside the village, and the pots are

emptied there. The head of the buffalo and a pot of its blood are

carried round the village by a Mala, and a pig is sacrificed in an

unusual and cruel manner. It is buried up to its neck, and cattle

are driven over it until it is trampled to death. This is supposed

to ensure the health of men and cattle in the ensuing year." [152]

In connection with a village festival in the Godavari district,

Bishop Whitehead writes as follows. [153] "At Ellore, which is a town

of considerable size and importance, I was told that in the annual

festival of Mahalakshmi about ten thousand animals are killed in one

day, rich people sending as many as twenty or thirty. The blood then

flows down into the fields behind the place of sacrifice in a regular

flood, and carts full of sand are brought to cover up what remains on

the spot. The heads are piled up in a heap about fifteen feet high in

front of the shrine, and a large earthen basin, about 1 1/2 feet in

diameter, is then filled with gingelly oil and put on the top of the

heap, a thick cotton wick being placed in the basin and lighted. The

animals are all worshipped with the usual namaskaram (folded hands

raised to the forehead) before they are killed. This slaughter of

victims goes on all day, and at midnight about twenty or twenty-five

buffaloes are sacrificed, their heads being cut off by a Madiga pujari

(priest), and, together with the carcases, thrown upon the large heaps

of rice, which have been presented to the goddess, till the rice is

soaked with blood. The rice is collected in about ten or fifteen large

baskets, and is carried on a large cart drawn by buffaloes or bullocks,

with the Madiga pujari seated on it. Madigas sprinkle the rice along

the streets and on the walls of the houses, as the cart goes along,

shouting poli, poli (food). A large body of men of different castes,

Pariahs and Sudras, go with the procession, but only the Madigas

and Malas (the two sections of the Pariahs) shout poli, the rest

following in silence. They have only two or three torches to show

them the way, and no tom-toms or music. Apparently the idea is that,

if they make a noise or display a blaze of lights, they will attract

the evil spirits, who will swoop down on them and do them some injury,

though in other villages it is supposed that a great deal of noise

and flourishing of sticks will keep the evil spirits at bay. Before

the procession starts, the heads of the buffaloes are put in front

of the shrine, with the right forelegs in their mouths, and the fat

from the entrails smeared about half an inch thick over the whole

face, and a large earthen lamp on the top of each head. The Pambalas

play tom-toms, and chant a long story about Gangamma till daybreak,

and about 8 A.M. they put the buffalo heads into separate baskets

with the lighted lamps upon them, and these are carried in procession

through the town to the sound of tom-toms. All castes follow, shouting

and singing. In former times, I was told, there was a good deal of

fighting and disturbance during this procession, but now the police

maintain order. When the procession arrives at the municipal limits,

the heads are thrown over the boundary, and left there. The people

then all bathe in the canal, and return home. On the last day of the

festival, which, I may remark, lasts for about three months, a small

cart is made of margosa wood, and a stake fixed at each of the four

corners, and a pig and a fowl are tied to each stake, while a fruit,

called dubakaya, is impaled on it instead of the animal. A yellow

cloth, sprinkled with the blood of the buffaloes, is tied round the

sides of the cart, and some margosa leaves are tied round the cloth. A

Pambala sits on the cart, to which are fastened two large ropes, each

about 200 yards long. Then men of all castes, without distinction,

lay hold of the ropes, and drag the cart round the town to the sound

of tom-toms and music. Finally it is brought outside the municipal

limits and left there, the Pariahs taking away the animals and fruits."

The following detailed account of the Peddamma or Sunkulamma jatra

(festival) in the Kurnool district, is given in the Manual. "This is

a ceremony strictly local, in which the entire community of a village

takes part, and which all outsiders are excluded from participating

in. It is performed whenever a series of crops successively fail or

cattle die in large numbers of murrain, and is peculiarly adapted,

by the horrible nature of the attendant rites and the midnight hour

chosen for the exhibition of its most ghastly scenes, to impress

the minds of an ignorant people with a belief in its efficacy. When

the celebration of the jatra is resolved on, a dark Tuesday night is

selected for it, and subscriptions are collected and deposited with

the Reddi (headman) or some respectable man in the village. Messengers

are sent off to give intimation of the day fixed for the jatra to

the Bynenivadu, Bhutabaligadu, and Poturaju, three of the principal

actors in the ceremony. At the same time a buffalo is purchased, and,

after having its horns painted with saffron (turmeric) and adorned

with margosa leaves, is taken round the village in procession with

tom-toms beating, and specially devoted to the sacrifice of the

goddess Peddamma or Sunkulamma on the morning of the Tuesday on which

the ceremony is to take place. The village potter and carpenter are

sent for, and ordered to have ready by that evening two images of

the goddess, one of clay and the other of juvi wood, and a new cloth

and a quantity of rice and dholl (peas: Cajanus indicus) are given

to each of them. When the images are made, they are dressed with

the new cloths, and the rice and dholl are cooked and offered as

naivedyam to the images. In some villages only one image, of clay,

is made. Meanwhile the villagers are busy erecting a pandal (booth)

in front of the village chavidi (caste meeting-house), underneath

which a small temple is erected of cholam straw. The Bynenivadu takes

a handful of earth, and places it inside this little temple, and the

village washerman builds a small pyal (dais) with it, and decorates

it with rati (streaks of different coloured powders). New pots are

distributed by the potter to the villagers, who, according to their

respective capabilities, have a large or small quantity of rice cooked

in them, to be offered as kumbham at the proper time. After dark, when

these preparations are over, the entire village community, including

the twelve classes of village servants, turn out in a body, and,

preceded by the Bynenivadu and Asadivandlu, proceed in procession

with music playing to the house of the village potter. There the

image of the goddess is duly worshipped, and a quantity of raw rice

is tied round it with a cloth. A ram is sacrificed on the spot, and

several limes are cut and thrown away. Borne on the shoulders of the

potter, the image is then taken through the streets of the village,

Bynenivadu and Asadivandlu dancing and capering all the way, and the

streets being drenched with the blood of several rams sacrificed at

every turning of the road, and strewed with hundreds of limes cut and

thrown away. The image is then finally deposited in the temple of straw

already referred to, and another sheep is sacrificed as soon as this is

done. The wooden image, made by the carpenter, is also brought in with

the same formalities, and placed by the side of the image of clay. A

pot of toddy is similarly brought in from the house of the Idigavadu

(toddy-drawer), and set before the images. Now the devarapotu, or

buffalo specially devoted to the sacrifice of the goddess, is led

in from the Reddi's house in procession, together with a sheep and a

large pot of cooked rice. The rice in the pot is emptied in front of

the images and formed into a heap, which is called the kumbham, and

to it are added the contents of many new pots, which the villagers

have ready filled with cooked rice. The sheep is then sacrificed,

and its blood shed on the heap. Next comes the turn of the devarapotu,

the blood of which also, after it has been killed, is poured over the

rice heap. This is followed by the slaughter of many more buffaloes

and sheep by individuals of the community, who might have taken vows to

offer sacrifices to the goddess on this occasion. While the carnage is

going on, a strict watch is kept on all sides, to see that no outsider

enters the village, or steals away any portion of the blood of the

slaughtered animals, as it is believed that all the benefit which

the villagers hope to reap from the performance of the jatra will be

lost to them if an outsider should succeed in taking away a little

of the blood to his village. The sacrifice being over, the head and

leg of one of the slaughtered buffaloes are severed from its body,

and placed before the goddess with the leg inserted into the mouth

of the head. Over this head is placed a lighted lamp, which is fed

with oil and buffalo's fat. Now starts a fresh procession to go round

the village streets. A portion of the kumbham or blood-stained rice

heaped up before the image is gathered into two or three baskets, and

carried with the procession by washermen or Madigas. The Bhutabaligadu

now steps forward in a state of perfect nudity, with his body clean

shaven from top to toe, and smeared all over with gore, and, taking

up handfuls of rice (called poli) from the baskets, scatters them

broadcast over the streets. As the procession passes on, bhutams or

supernatural beings are supposed to become visible at short distances

to the carriers of the rice baskets, who pretend to fall into trances,

and, complaining of thirst, call for more blood to quench it. Every

time this happens, a fresh sheep is sacrificed, and sometimes limes are

cut and thrown in their way. The main streets being thus sprinkled over

with poli or blood-stained rice, the lanes or gulleys are attended

to by the washermen of the village, who give them their share of

the poli. By this time generally the day dawns, and the goddess is

brought back to her straw temple, where she again receives offerings

of cooked rice from all classes of people in the village, Brahmins

downwards. All the while, the Asadivandlu keep singing and dancing

before the goddess. As the day advances, a pig is half buried at the

entrance of the village, and all the village cattle are driven over

it. The cattle are sprinkled over with poli as they pass over the

pig. The Poturaju then bathes and purifies himself, and goes to the

temple of Lingamayya or Siva with tom-toms and music, and sacrifices

a sheep there. The jatra ends with another grand procession, in which

the images of the goddess, borne on the heads of the village potter

and carpenter, are carried to the outskirts of the village, where

they are left. As the villagers return home, they pull to pieces the

straw temple constructed in front of the chavidi, and each man takes

home a straw, which he preserves as a sacred relic. From the day the

ceremony is commenced in the village till its close, no man would

go to a neighbouring village, or, if he does on pressing business,

he would return to sleep in his own village. It is believed that the

performance of this jatra will ensure prosperity and health to the

villagers and their cattle.

"The origin of this Sunkulamma jatra is based on the following legend,

which is sung by the Byneni and Asadivandlu when they dance before the

images. Sunkulamma was the only daughter of a learned Brahmin pandit,

who occasionally took pupils, and instructed them in the Hindu shastras

gratuitously. One day, a handsome youth of sixteen years came to the

pandit, and, announcing himself as the son of a Brahmin of Benares

come in quest of knowledge, requested that he might be enlisted as

a pupil of the pandit. The pandit, not doubting the statement of the

youth that he was a Brahmin, took him as a pupil, and lodged him in

his own house. The lad soon displayed marks of intelligence, and,

by close application to his studies, made such rapid progress that he

became the principal favourite of his master, who was so much pleased

with him that, at the close of his studies, he married him to his

daughter Sunkulamma. The unknown youth stayed with his father-in-law

till he became father of some children, when he requested permission

to return to his native place with his wife and children, which was

granted, and he accordingly started on his homeward journey. On the

way he met a party of Mala people, who, recognising him at once as

a man of their own caste and a relation, accosted him, and began

to talk to him familiarly. Finding it impossible to conceal the

truth from his wife any longer, the husband of Sunkulamma confessed

to her that he was a Mala by caste, and, being moved by a strong

desire to learn the Hindu shastras, which he was forbidden to read,

he disguised himself as a Brahmin youth, and introduced himself to

her father and compassed his object; and, as what had been done in

respect to her could not be undone, the best thing she could do was

to stay with him with her children. Sunkulamma, however, was not to

be so persuaded. Indignant at the treachery practiced on her and her

parent, she spurned both her husband and children, and returning to

her village, sent for her parent, whose house she would not pollute

by going in, and asked him what he would do with a pot denied by

the touch of a dog. The father replied that he would commit it to

the flames to purify it. Taking the hint, she caused a funeral pile

to be erected, and committed suicide by throwing herself into the

flames. But, before doing so, she cursed the treacherous Mala who bad

polluted her that he might become a buffalo, and his children turn

into sheep, and vowed she would revive as an evil spirit, and have

him and his children sacrificed to her, and get his leg put into his

mouth, and a light placed on his head fed with his own fat."

The following additional information in connection with the jatra

may be recorded. In some places, on a Tuesday fifteen days before

the festival, some Malas go in procession through the main streets

of the village without any noise or music. This is called mugi

chatu (dumb announcement). On the following Tuesday, the Malas go

through the streets, beating tom-toms, and proclaiming the forthcoming

ceremony. This is called chatu (announcement). In some villages, metal

idols are used. The image is usually in the custody of a Tsakala

(washerman). On the jatra day, he brings it fully decorated, and

sets it up on the Gangamma mitta (Gangamma's dais). In some places,

this is a permanent structure, and in others put up for the jatra at a

fixed spot. Asadis, Pambalas, and Bainedus, and Madiga Kommula vandlu

(horn-blowers) dance and sing until the goddess is lifted up from

the dais, when a number of burning torches are collected together,

and some resinous material is thrown into the flames. At the same

time, a cock is killed, and waved in front of the goddess by the

Tsakala. A mark is made with the blood on the forehead of the idol,

which is removed to a hut constructed by Malas with twigs of margosa

(Melia Azadirachta), Eugenia Jambolana and Vitex Negundo. In some

villages, when the goddess is brought in procession to the outskirts

of the village, a stick is thrown down in front of her. The Asadis

then sing songs, firstly of a most obscene character, and afterwards

in praise of the goddess.

The following account of "the only Mala ascetic in Bharatavarsha"

(India) is given by Mr. M. N. Vincent. [154] The ascetic was living

on a hill in Bezwada, at the foot of which lay the hamlets of the

Malas. The man, Govindoo by name, "was a groom in the employ of

a Muhammadan Inspector of Police, and he was commissioned on one

occasion to take a horse to a certain town. He was executing his

commission, when, on the way, and not far from his destination, the

animal shied and fell into the Krishna river, and was swept along

the current, and poor Govindoo could not help it. But, knowing the

choleric temper of his employer, and in order to avoid a scolding,

he roamed at large, and eventually fell in with a company of Sadhus,

one of whose disciples he became, and practiced austerities, though

not for the full term, and settled eventually on the hill where we

saw him occupying the old cave dwelling of a former Sadhu. It appears

that there was something earthly in the man, Sadhu though he was,

as was evidenced from his relations with a woman votary or disciple,

and it was probably because of this phase of his character that some

people regarded him as a cheat and a rogue. But this unfavourable

impression was soon removed, and, since the time he slept on a bed of

sharp thorns, as it were in vindication of his character, faulty though

it had been, he has been honoured. A good trait in the man should be

mentioned, namely, that he wrote to his parents to give his wife in

marriage to some one else, as he had renounced his worldly ties."

At Vanavolu, in the Hindupur taluk of the Anantapur district,

there is a temple to Rangaswami, at which the pujari (priest) is a

Mala. People of the upper castes frequent it, but do their own puja,

the Mala standing aside for the time. [155]

It is noted, in the Madras Census Report, 1891, that the chief object

of worship by the Balijas is Gauri, their caste deity. "It is said

that the Malas are the hereditary custodians of the idol of Gauri

and her jewels, which the Balijas get from them whenever they want

to worship her. The following story is told to account for this. The

Kapus and the Balijas, molested by the Muhammadan invaders on the

north of the river Pennar, migrated to the south when the Pennar was

in full flood. Being unable to cross the river, they invoked their

deity to make a passage for them, for which it demanded the sacrifice

of a first-born child. While they stood at a loss what to do, the

Malas, who followed them, boldly offered one of their children to the

goddess. Immediately the river divided before them, and the Kapus

and the Balijas crossed it, and were saved from the tyranny of the

Muhammadans. Ever since that time, the Malas have been respected by

the Kapus and Balijas, and the latter even deposited the images of

Gauri, the bull and Ganesa, which they worshipped in the house of

a Mala. I am credibly informed that the practice of leaving these

images in the custody of Malas is even now observed in some parts of

Cuddapah district and elsewhere."

An expert Mala medicine-man has been known to prescribe for a Brahman

tahsildar (revenue officer), though the consultation was conducted

at a most respectful distance on the part of the honoured physician.

Mala weavers are known as Netpanivandlu (Nethapani, weaving

work). According to the Census Report, 1891, the sub-divisions

of the Malas, which are numerically strongest, are Arava, Kanta,

Murikinadu, Pakanati, and Reddi Bhumi. To these may be added Sarindla,

Savu, Saindla, and Daindla. Concerning some of these divisions,

the following legend is current. A Mala married eighteen wives, one

from each kulam or tribal division. The god Poleramma, objecting to

the sacrifice of sheep and goats, wanted him to offer up a woman

and child in substitution for the animals, and the Mala broke the

news to his wives, one of whom eloped with a Reddi, and gave origin

to the Reddi Bhumis (bhumi, earth). Another ran away, and gave

rise to the Pakanatis (eastern country). A third hid herself, and

escaped by hiding. Hence her descendants are called Daindla vandlu,

concerning whom there is a proverb "Dagipoyina vandlu Daindla vandlu"

or "Those who escaped by hiding are Daindlas." One of the wives,

who fled to the forest, found her way out by clearing the jungle,

and her descendants are called Sarindla (straight). The wife who

consented to be sacrificed with her child was restored to life by

Poleramma, and gave rise to the Savu (death) or Saindla (belonging to

a death house) section. The Daindlas are said to be Tamil Paraiyans,

who settled down in the Telugu country, and adopted the manners and

customs of the Malas. Some call themselves Arava (Tamil) Malas. They

are employed as servants in European houses, horse-keepers, etc.

In connection with the origin of the Malas, the Rev. S. Nicholson

writes as follows. "Originally the Malas belonged to the kudi paita

section of the community, i.e., their women wore the cloth over

the right shoulder, but now there are both right and left paita

sections, and this must be taken as the principal division. The

right-hand (right paita) section is again divided into (a) Reddi

Bhumalavaru, (b) Pokunativaru. The left-hand (left paita) section

are Murikinativaru. The following legend professes to account for the

existence of the three divisions. When Virabahuvu went to the rescue

of Harischandra, he promised Kali that, if she granted him success, he

would sacrifice to her his wives, of whom he had three. Accordingly,

after his conquest of Vishvamithrudu, he returned, and called his

wives that he might take them to the temple in order to fulfil his

vow. The wives got some inkling of what was in store for them, and

one of them took refuge in the house of a Reddi Bhumala, another

ran away to the eastern country (Pokunati), while the third, though

recently confined, and still in her dirty (muriki) cloth, determined

to abide by the wish of her lord. She was, therefore, sacrificed to

Kali, but the goddess, seeing her devotion, restored her to life,

and promised to remain for ever her helper. The reason given for

the change in the method of wearing the cloth is that, after the

incident described above took place, the women of the Murikinati

section, in order to express their disapproval of the two unfaithful

wives, began to wear their cloths on the opposite, viz., the left,

shoulder. In marriages, however, whatever the paita of the bride,

she must wear the cloth over the right shoulder.

"The Reddi Bhumalu and Pokunativaru say that the reason they wear

the cloth over the right shoulder is that they are descendants of the

gods. According to a legend, the goddess Parvati, whilst on a journey

with her lord Parameshvarudu, discarded one of her unclean (maila)

cloths, from which was born a little boy. This boy was engaged as a

cattle-herd in the house of Parameshvarudu. Parvati received strict

injunctions from her lord that she should on no account allow the

little Mala to taste cream. One day, however, the boy discovered some

cream which had been scraped from the inside of the pot sticking to a

wall. He tasted it, and found it good. Indeed, so good was it that he

came to the conclusion that the udder from which it came must be even

better still. So one day, in order to test his theory, he killed the

cow. Then came Parameshvarudu in great anger, and asked him what he

had done, and, to his credit be it said, the boy told the truth. Then

Parameshvarudu cursed the lad and all his descendants, and said that

from henceforth cattle should be the meat of the Malas--the unclean."

The Malas have, in their various sub-divisions, many exogamous septs,

of which the following are examples:--

(a) Reddi Bhumi.

Avuka, marsh.

Bandi, cart.

Bommala, dolls.

Bejjam, holes.

Dakku, fear.

Dhidla, platform or back-door.

Dhoma, gnat or mosquito.

Gera, street.

Kaila, measuring grain in threshing-floor.

Katika, collyrium.

Naththalu, snails.

Paida, money or gold.

Pilli, cat.

Rayi, stone.

Samudrala, ocean.

Silam, good conduct.

Thanda, bottom of a ship.

(b) Pokunati.

Allam, ginger.

Dara, stream of water.

Gadi, cart.

Gone, sack.

Gurram, horse.

Maggam, loom.

Mailari, washerman.

Parvatha, mountain.

Pindi, flour-powder.

Pasala, cow.

Thummala, sneezing.

(c) Sarindla.

Boori, a kind of cake.

Ballem, spear.

Bomidi, a fish.

Challa, butter milk.

Chinthala, tamarind.

Duddu, money.

Gali, wind.

Karna, ear.

Kaki, crow.

Mudi, knot.

Maddili, drum.

Malle, jasmine.

Putta, ant-hill.

Pamula, snake.

Pidigi, handful.

Semmati, hammer.

Uyyala, see-saw.

(d) Daindla.

Dasari, priest.

Doddi, court or backyard.

Gonji, Glycosmis pentaphylla.

Kommala, horn.

Marri, Ficus bengalensis.

Pala, milk.

Powaku, tobacco.

Thumma, Acacia arabica.

Concerning the home of the Malas, Mr. Nicholson writes that "the

houses (with mud or stone walls, roofed with thatch or palmyra palm

leaves) are almost invariably placed quite apart from the village

proper. Gradually, as the caste system and fear of defilement become

less, so gradually the distance of their houses from the village is

becoming less. In the Ceded Districts, where from early times every

village was surrounded by a wall and moat, the aloofness of the houses

is very apparent. Gradually, however, the walls are decaying, and the

moats are being filled, and the physical separation of the outcaste

classes is becoming less apparent."

Mr. Nicholson writes further that "according to their own traditions,

as told still by the old people and the religious mendicants, in former

times the Malas were a tribe of free lances, who, 'like the tiger,

slept during the day, and worked at night.' They were evidently the

paid mercenaries of the Poligars (feudal chiefs), and carried out

raids and committed robberies for the lord under whose protection they

were. That this tradition has some foundation may be gathered from the

fact that many of the house-names of the Malas refer to weapons of war,

e.g., spear, drum, etc. If reports are true, the old instinct is not

quite dead, and even to-day a cattle-stealing expedition comes not

amiss to some. The Malas belong to the subjugated race, and have been

made into the servants of the community. Very probably, in former days,

their services had to be rendered for nothing, but later certain inam

(rent-free) lands were granted, the produce of which was counted as

remuneration for service rendered. Originally, these lands were held

quite free of taxation, but, since the advent of the British Raj,

the village servants have all been paid a certain sum per month,

and, whilst still allowed the enjoyment of their inam lands, they

have now been assessed, and half the actual tax has to be paid to

Government. The services rendered by the Malas are temple service,

jatra or festival service, and village service. The village service

consists of sweeping, scavenging, carrying burdens, and grave-digging,

the last having been their perquisite for long ages. According to

them, the right was granted to them by King Harischandra himself. The

burial-grounds are supposed to belong to the Malas, and the site of a

grave must be paid for, the price varying according to the position and

wealth of the deceased, but I hear that, in our part of the country,

the price does not often exceed two pence. Though the Brahmans do

not bury, yet they must pay a fee of one rupee for the privilege of

burning, besides the fee for carrying the body to the ghat. There is

very little respect shown by the Malas at the burning-ghat, and the

fuel is thrown on with jokes and laughter. The Malas dig graves for

all castes which bury, except Muhammadans, Oddes, and Madigas. Not

only on the day of burial, but afterwards on the two occasions of

the ceremonies for the dead, the grave-diggers must be given food

and drink. The Malas are also used as death messengers to relatives

by all the Sudra castes. When on this work, the messenger must not

on any account go to the houses of his relatives though they live in

the village to which he has been sent.

"The chief occupations of the Malas are weaving, and working as

farm labourers for Sudras; a few cultivate their own land. Though

formerly their inam lands were extensive, they have been, in the

majority of cases, mortgaged away. The Malas of the western part

of the Telugu country are of a superior type to those of the east,

and they have largely retained their lands, and, in some cases, are

well-to-do cultivators. In the east, weaving is the staple industry,

and it is still carried on with the most primitive instruments. In

one corner of a room stands the loom, with a hole in the mud floor

to receive the treadles, and a little window in the wall, level with

the floor, lights the web. The loom itself is slung from the rafters,

and the whole can be folded up and put away in a corner. As a rule,

weaving lasts for eight months of the year, the remainder of the

year being occupied in reaping and stacking crops, etc. Each weaver

has his own customers, and very often one family of Malas will have

weaved for one family of Sudras for generations. Before starting to

weave, the weaver worships his loom, and rubs his shuttle on his nose,

which is supposed to make it smooth. Those who cannot weave subsist

by day labour. As a rule, they stick to one master, and are engaged

in cultivation all the year round. Many, having borrowed money from

some Sudra, are bound to work for him for a mere pittance, and that

in grain, not cash."

In a note on a visit to Jammalamadugu in the Cuddapah district, Bishop

Whitehead writes as follows. [156] "Lately Mr. Macnair has made an

effort to improve the methods of weaving, and he showed us some looms

that he had set up in his compound to teach the people the use of a

cheap kind of fly-shuttle to take the place of the hand-shuttle which

is universally used by the people. The difficulties he has met with

are characteristic of many attempts to improve on the customs and

methods of India. At present the thread used for the hand-shuttle

is spun by the Mala women from the ordinary cotton produced in the

district. The Mala weavers do not provide their own cotton for the

clothes they weave, but the Kapus give them the cotton from their

own fields, pay the women a few annas for spinning it, and then pay

the men a regular wage for weaving it into cloth. But the cotton spun

in the district is not strong enough for the fly-shuttle, which can

only be profitably worked with mill-made thread. The result is that,

if the fly-shuttle were generally adopted, it would leave no market

for the native cotton, throw the women out of work, upset the whole

system on which the weavers work, and, in fact, produce widespread

misery and confusion!"

The following detailed account of the ceremonies in connection with

marriage, many of which are copied from the higher Telugu castes, is

given by Mr. Nicholson. "Chinna Tambulam (little betel) is the name

given to the earliest arrangements for a future wedding. The parents

of the boy about to be married enquire of a Brahman to which quarter

they should go in search of a bride. He, after receiving his pay,

consults the boy's horoscope, and then tells them that in a certain

quarter there is loss, in another quarter there is death, but that

in another quarter there is gain or good. If in the quarter which

the Brahman has intimated as good there are relations, so much the

better; the bride will be sought amongst them. If not, the parents

of the youth, along with an elder of the caste, set out in search

of a bride amongst new people. On reaching the village, they do not

make their object known, but let it appear that they are on ordinary

business. Having discovered a house in which there is a marriageable

girl, after the ordinary salutations, they, in a round-about way,

make enquiries as to whether the warasa or marriage line is right or

not. If it is all right, and if at that particular time the girl's

people are in a prosperous condition, the object of the search is

made known. If, on the other hand, the girl's people are in distress

or grief, the young man's party go away without making their intention

known. Everything being satisfactory, betel nut and leaves are offered,

and, if the girl's people are willing to contract, they accept it;

if not, and they refuse, the search has to be resumed. We will take

it for granted that the betel is accepted. The girl's parents then say

'If it is God's will, so let it be; return in eight or nine days, and

we will give you our answer.' If, within that time, there should be

death or trouble of any sort in either of the houses, all arrangements

are abandoned. If, when going to pay the second visit, on the journey

any of the party should drop on the way either staff or bundle of food,

it is regarded as a bad omen, and further progress is stopped for that

day. After reaching the house of the prospective bride on the second

occasion, the party wait outside. Should the parents of the girl bring

out water for them to drink and to wash their faces, it is a sign

that matters may be proceeded with. Betel is again distributed. In

the evening, the four parents and the elders talk matters over, and,

if all is so far satisfactory, they promise to come to the house of

the future bridegroom on a certain date. The boy's parents, after again

distributing betel, this time to every house of the caste, take their

departure. When the party of the bride arrive at the boy's village,

they are treated to toddy and a good feed, after which they give their

final promise. Then, having made arrangements for the Pedda Tambulam

(big betel), they take their departure. This ends the first part of

the negotiations. Chinna Tambulam is not binding. The second part

of the negociations, which is called Pedda Tambulam, takes place at

the home of the future bride. Before departing for the ceremony, the

party of the bridegroom, which must be an odd number but not seven,

and some of the elders of the village, take part in a feast. The

members of the party put on their religious marks, daub their

necks and faces with sandal paste and akshinthulu (coloured rice),

and are sent off with the good wishes of the villagers. After the

party has gone some few miles, it is customary for them to fortify

themselves with toddy, and to distribute betel. The father of the

groom takes with him as a present for the bride a bodice, fried dal

(pea: Cajanus indicus), cocoanut, rice, jaggery, turmeric, dates,

ghi, etc. On arrival at the house, the party wait outside, until

water is brought for their faces and feet. After the stains of travel

have been washed off, the presents are given, and the whole assembly

proceeds to the toddy shop. On their return, the Chalavadhi (caste

servant) tells them to which households betel must be presented,

after which the real business commences. The party of the bridegroom,

the people of the bride, the elders of the caste, and one person from

each house in the caste quarter, are present. A blanket is spread

on the floor, and grains of rice are arranged on it according to a

certain pattern. This is the bridal throne. After bathing, the girl

is arrayed in an old cloth, and seated on a weaver's beam placed upon

the blanket, with her face towards the east. Before seating herself,

however, she must worship towards the setting sun. In her open hands

betel is placed, along with the dowry (usually about sixteen rupees)

brought by her future father-in-law. As the bride sits thus upon

the throne, the respective parents question one another, the bride's

parents as to the groom, what work he does, what jewels he will give,

etc. Whatever other jewels are given or not, the groom is supposed to

give a necklace of silver and beads, and a gold nose jewel. As these

things are being talked over, some one winds 101 strands of thread,

without twisting it, into a circle about the size of a necklace, and

then ties on it a peculiar knot. After smearing with turmeric, it is

given into the hands of the girl's maternal uncle, who, while holding

his hands full of betel, asks first the girl's parents, and then the

whole community if there is any objection to the match. If all agree,

he must then worship the bridal throne, and, without letting any of

the betel in his hands fall, place the necklace round the bride's

neck. Should any of the betel fall, it is looked upon as a very bad

omen, and the man is fined. After this part of the performance is

over, and after teasing the bride, the uncle raises her to her feet,

and, taking from her hands the dowry, etc., sends her off. After

distributing betel to every one in the village, even unborn babies

being counted, the ceremony ends, and, after the usual feast has been

partaken of, the people all depart to their various homes.

"The wedding, contrary to the previous ceremonies, takes place at the

home of the bridegroom. A Brahman is asked to tell a day on which the

omens are favourable, for which telling he receives a small fee. A

few days before the date foretold, the house is cleaned, the floor

cow-dunged, and the walls are whitewashed. In order that the evil

eye may be warded off, two marks are made, one on each side of the

door, with oil and charcoal mixed. Then the clothes of the bride and

bridegroom are made ready. These, as a rule, are yellow and white,

but on no account must there be any indigo in them, as that would be a

sign of death. The grain and betel required for the feast, a toe-ring

for the bridegroom, and a tali (marriage badge) for the bride, are then

purchased. The toe-ring is worn on the second toe of the right foot,

and the tali, which is usually about the size of a sixpence, is worn

round the woman's neck. The goldsmith is paid for these not only in

coin, but also in grain and betel, after receiving which he blesses

the jewels he has made, and presents them to the people. Meanwhile,

messengers have been sent, with the usual presents, to the bride's

people and friends, to inform them that the auspicious day has been

fixed, and bidding them to the ceremony. In all probability, before

the preparations mentioned above are complete, all the money the

bridegroom's people have saved will be expended. But there is seldom

any difficulty in obtaining a loan. It is considered an act of great

merit to advance money for a wedding, and people of other and richer

castes are quite ready to lend the amount required. In former days,

it was customary to give these loans free of interest, but it is not so

now. The next item is the preparation of the pandal or bower. This is

generally erected a day or two before the actual marriage in front of

the house. It consists of four posts, one at each corner, and the roof

is thatched with the straw of large millet. All round are hung garlands

of mango leaves, and cocoanut leaves are tied to the four posts. On

the left side of the house door is planted a branch of a tree (Nerium

odorum), to which is attached the kankanam made in the following

way. A woollen thread and a cotton thread are twisted together,

and to them are tied a copper finger-ring, a piece of turmeric root,

and a betel leaf. The tree mentioned is watered every day, until the

whole of the marriage ceremonies are completed. As a rule, the whole

of the work in connection with the erection of the pandal is carried

out by the elders, who receive in payment food and toddy. At this time,

also, the fire-places for the cooking of the extra amount of food are

prepared. These are simply trenches dug in the mud floor of the house,

usually three in number. Before they are dug, a cocoanut is broken,

and offered over the spot. A journey is now made to the potter's for

the pots required in the cooking of the marriage feast. This in itself

is quite a ceremony. A canopy is formed of an ordinary wearing cloth

supported at its four corners by four men, whilst a boy with a long

stick pushes it into a tent shape in the middle. Beneath the canopy

is one of the women of the bridegroom's family, who carries on a

tray two sacred lamps, an eight-anna piece, some saffron (turmeric),

akshinthulu, betel, frankincense, cocoanut, etc. On arriving at the

potter's house, the required pots are placed in a row outside, and a

cocoanut, which has been held in the smoke of the incense, is broken

into two equal parts, the two halves being placed on the ground about

a yard apart. To these all the people do puja (worship), and then

take up the pots, and go home. The eight-anna piece is given to the

potter, and the betel to the Chalavadhi. On the way to the potter's,

and on the return thence, the procession is accompanied with music,

and the women sing songs. Meanwhile, the groom, and those who have

remained at home, have been worshipping the goddess Sunkalamma. The

method of making this goddess, and its worship, are as follows. Rice

and green gram are cooked together, and with this cooked food a cone

is made minus the point. A little hollow is made on the top, and this

is filled with ghi (clarified butter), onions, and dal. Four wicks are

put into it, so forming a lamp. A nose jewel is stuck somewhere on the

outside of the lump, two garlands are placed round it, and the whole

is decorated with religious marks. This goddess is always placed in

the north-east corner of the house, called the god's corner, which has

been previously cleaned, and an image of Hanuman, or some other deity,

is drawn with rice-powder on the floor. Upon this drawing the image of

Sunkalamma is placed. Before her are put several little balls of rice,

with which ghi has been mixed. The worship consists in making offerings

of frankincense and camphor, and a cocoanut, which is broken in half,

the halves being put in front of the goddess. A ram or a he-goat

is now brought, nim (Melia Azadirachta) leaves are tied round the

horns, religious marks are made on the forehead, water is placed in

its mouth, and it is then sacrificed. After the sacrifice has been

made, those assembled prostrate themselves before the image for some

time in silence, after which they go outside for a minute or two,

and then, returning, divide the goddess, and eat it. The groom now

has his head shaved, and the priest cuts his finger and toe nails,

eyelashes, etc. The cuttings are placed, along with a quarter of a

rupee which he has kept in his mouth during the process, in an old

winnowing tray, with a little lamp made of rice, betel and grain. The

priest, facing west and with the bridegroom in front of him, makes

three passes with the tray from the head to the foot. This is supposed

to take away the evil eye. The priest then takes the tray away, all the

people getting out of the way lest the blight should come on them. He

throws away what is useless, but keeps the rest, especially the quarter

of a rupee. After this little ceremony, the future husband takes a

bath, but still keeps on his old clothes. He is given a knife, with

which to keep away devils, and is garlanded with the garlands which

were round the goddess. His toe-ring is put on, and the next ceremony,

the propitiation of the dead, is proceeded with. The sacrificed animal

is dismembered, and the bones, flesh, and intestines are put into

separate pots, and cooked. Rice also is prepared, and placed in a heap,

to which the usual offerings are made. Then rice, and some of the flesh

from each pot, is placed upon two leaf plates. These are left before

the heap of rice, with two lamps burning. The people all salute the

rice, and proceed to eat it. The rice on the two plates is reserved

for members of the family. By this time, the bride has most likely

arrived in the village, but, up to this stage, will have remained in

a separate house. She does not come to the feast mentioned above, but

has a portion of food sent to her by the bridegroom's people. After

the feast, bride and bridegroom are each anointed in their separate

houses with nalugu (uncooked rice and turmeric). When the anointing

of the bride takes place, the groom sends to her a cloth, a bodice,

cocoanut, pepper and garlic. The bride leaves her parents' house,

dressed in old clothes. Her people provide only a pair of sandals,

and two small toe-rings. She also carries a fair quantity of rice in

the front fold of her cloth. Again a procession is formed as before for

the cooking-pots, and another visit is paid to the potter's house, but,

on this occasion, in place of eight annas grain is taken. The potter

presents them with two wide-mouthed pots, and four small-mouthed pots,

two of which are decorated in four colours. As before, these are placed

in a row outside, and again the party, after worshipping them, takes

them to the bridegroom's house. These pots are supposed to represent

Lakshmi, the goddess of wealth, and, as they are being carried to

the house, no pregnant woman or mother with small children should

meet them, or they will have trouble. On arriving at the house, and

before entering, a cock is sacrificed, and a cocoanut offered. [In some

places, a goat is killed in front of the room in which the marriage

pots are kept, and marks are made with the palms of the hands covered

with the blood on the side-walls of the entrance.] Water is sprinkled

on the door step, and the pots are taken inside. During the whole of

the above performance, the pots are held in the hands, and must not

be put down. After entering the house, grain is spread on the floor

in the north-east corner, and upon this are placed the pots, one upon

the other, in two or four rows. The topmost pot is covered with a lid,

and on the lid is placed a lighted lamp. From the beams exactly above

the lamps are suspended, to which are fastened small bundles containing

dates, cocoanut, jaggery, sugar, and saffron. Round each pot is tied

a kankanam (wrist-thread). These pots are worshipped every day as

long as the wedding ceremonies last, which is usually three days. Not

only so, but the lamps are kept continually burning, and there is

betel arranged in a brass pot in the form of a lotus ever before

them. Beneath the pandal is now arranged a throne exactly similar to

the one which was used on the occasion of the Pedda Tambulam. Until

now the bride has kept to her separate house, but she now dresses

in her new clothes. Putting on the sandals she brought from her own

home, she proceeds to the house of the bridegroom. There she waits

in the pandal for her future husband, who comes out dressed in his

wedding garments, wearing his sandals, and carrying a blanket, gochi,

[157] shoulder-cloth, and knife. Both bride and bridegroom now have

fastened on to their foreheads a kind of philactery or nuptial crown

called bhasingalu. They are also garlanded with flowers, in addition to

which the bridegroom has tied on to his wrists the kankanam. In order

that the two most intimately concerned persons may not see one another

(and up to this point they have not done so), a screen is erected,

the bride standing on one side, and the bridegroom on the other. As

a rule, they each of them keep their heads bent during the whole

of the proceedings, and look as miserable as possible. Indeed, it

would be a breach of etiquette for either of them to appear as though

they were enjoying the ceremony. Except for the screen, the two are

now face to face, the groom looking towards the east, and the bride

towards the west. Upon the bridal throne there is now placed for the

bride to stand upon a basket filled with grain, and for the groom

the beam of a loom. The screen is now taken away, and the priest,

a Dasari, asks whether the elders, the Mala people generally, and

the village as a whole, are in favour of the marriage. This he asks

three times. Probably, in former times, it was possible to stop a

marriage at this point, but now it is never done, and the marriage is

practically binding after Pedda Tambulam has been gone through. Indeed,

in hard times, if the bride is of marriageable age, the couple will

live together as man and wife, putting off the final ceremony until

times are better. The groom now salutes the priest, the bride places

her foot on the weaving beam, and the groom places his foot upon that

of the woman as a token of his present and continued lordship. After

this, the bride also is invested with the kankanam. After the groom

has worshipped the four quarters of heaven, the priest, who holds in

his hands a brass vessel of milk, hands the golden marriage token to

the groom, who ties it round the bride's neck. This is the first time

during the ceremony that either of them has looked on the other. Before

the groom ties the knot, he must ask permission from the priest and

people three times. The priest now dips a twig of the jivi tree

(Ficus Tsiela) into the milk, and hands it to the husband, who,

crossing his hands over his wife's head, allows some of the drops

to fall upon her. The wife then does the same to the husband. After

this, the rice which the bride brought with her in her lap is used

in a similar blessing. The priest, holding in his hand a gold jewel,

now takes the hands of the two in his, and repeats several passages

(charms). Whoever wishes may now shower the pair with rice, and,

after that is done, the priest publicly announces them to be man and

wife. But the ceremonies are not yet ended. The newly-married pair,

and all the assembled party, now proceed to the village shrine to

worship the god. Before doing so, the cloths of the newly-wed pair

are tied together by the priest. This knot is called the Brahma

knot, and is a sign that God had ordained the two to be man and wife

even in a previous birth. After the god has been worshipped, and an

offering of betel made to the four quarters, the party return to the

house accompanied by weird music and much tom-tom. The women, as a

rule, sing wedding songs, and the husband and wife are shaded by a

canopy. Arrived at the threshold of the house, the fear of the evil

eye is made the reason for another ceremony. Before either crosses

the threshold, passes are made from their head to their feet with

black and red water. On the threshold is placed a brass bowl full of

grain, upon which is a gold nose jewel. The man and woman must each

touch this with the right foot, after which they may enter the house

without fear. After entering the house, the evil eye is again removed,

this time with a cocoanut, which is afterwards thrown away. Those

who have unlucky twists of hair must at this time, besides the above

ceremony, sacrifice a goat. After entering the house, the whole party

worship Lakshmi. Long ago, the tradition runs, this goddess was very

gracious to the Malas, and, in consequence, they were wealthy and

prosperous. One day, however, Lakshmi went up to one of the chief

men, who at that time was very busy at work upon a web of cloth,

and began to make love to him. At any other time this would have been

very acceptable, but just then, being very busy, he asked the goddess

to go away. She, however, took no notice, and only bothered him the

more. Whereupon, losing his temper, he hit her over the head with

the heavy sizing brush which he was using. This hurt the feelings

of Lakshmi to such an extent that she left the Malas, withdrew her

favour, and transferred it to the Komatis. Since then, the Malas

have been poor. The husband next dips his hands into a plate of milk

three times, each time placing his wet hand on the wall. After him,

the bride does the same. The two then, sitting down, eat rice and

milk off one plate. This is the first and only time that husband

and wife eat together. The bashingams are now taken off, and the

wife is relieved from the burden of rice she has thus far carried in

her lap. The next ceremony is called the Bhumalu, and is a feast for

the husband, his wife, and blood relations only. Not more than ten,

and not less than six must partake, and these must all be husbands

or wives, i.e., the party must consist of either three or five

couples. The feast consists of the most expensive food the people can

afford, and is eaten on two consecutive days. A blanket is spread on

the floor, and on this raw rice is placed in a cloth, with betel leaves

arranged in the form of a lotus at the four corners. Here and there are

placed red rice, sandal, and turmeric, and a new lamp is lit. Three

children are brought in, and are made to stand before the rice. The

parties who are to partake now come in couples, and one of the children

ties upon their wrists the kankanam, another daubs them with sandal

paste, and another with red rice. The food is placed on two plates,

one for the women and one for the males. All the women sit round the

one, and the men round the other. Whilst eating, they must not drop a

single grain. Should they do so, it is not only unlucky, but is also

the cause of serious quarrels, and the fault is punishable with a

heavy fine. After the feast is over, the heap of rice is worshipped,

and the children are sent off with a little present each. The pair

are again anointed with nalugu. This is done twice every day for

three days, but no widow is allowed to do it. Before anointing, the

people about to do it must present a cocoanut and jaggery. When the

cocoanut and jaggery are given, they must be in strips, and put into

the bride's mouth partly projecting. The groom must take hold of the

projecting part with his teeth, and eat it. The same performance is

gone through with betel leaf. A doll is now made with cloths, having

arms, legs, etc. The newly-married couple are made to play with it,

being much teased the while by the onlookers, who sing lullabys. The

two now have their hands and feet anointed with turmeric, and are

bathed. This is done on three consecutive days. On the third day is

the nagavalli. The bride and her husband are escorted under a canopy

to some ant heap outside the village. The man digs a basketful of

earth with his knife, which was given to him, and which he has never

relinquished, and the wife carries it to the house. There the earth

is made into four heaps, one near each post. A hollow is left at the

top of each heap, which is filled with water. During the time they

have been fetching the earth, the people who remained at home have

been worshipping aireni pots representing Lakshmi, but they now come

outside to the pandal. The pair are escorted all round the village,

accompanied with music. They must not walk, but must be either carried

or driven. After their return to the pandal, they are seated on the

nagavalli simhasanam. Four small pots are placed in the form of a

square, and round these is wound a fence of thread, which must not

be broken in the process. On the pots are placed bread and meal. The

bridal pair again put on their bridal crowns, and the man, taking

his knife, digs a few furrows in the ground, which his wife fills

with grain. The husband then covers up the grain with his knife,

after which his wife sprinkles water over the whole, and then gives

her husband some gruel. The bread and meal, which were placed on

the pots, are eaten by the relatives of the husband publicly in the

pandal. After this ceremony is over, the pair are again anointed,

during which process there must be music and singing. The next day,

the whole of the party set off for the bride's house, where the

marala pendli, or second marriage, is performed. Before setting out,

the husband and wife bow down at the feet of the elders, and receive

their blessing. The husband must provide an abundance of toddy for

all. They stay in the house of the bride's people for three days,

and then another feast is made. On the fourth day, all, except the

relations of the bride, return to their villages, but, before their

departure, the bride again pays homage to the departing elders, who

bless her, and give her a small present of money. On their return,

they are met outside the village, and are escorted to the husband's

house with music. The married pair usually remain in the house of the

bride's mother for a month, and during that time they never change

their wedding garments, or take off the garlands of flowers. The

parents of the bridegroom present their daughter-in-law with new

clothes, but these must not have any indigo in them. If the bride is

past puberty, at the end of the month the father and mother-in-law

will return with the married couple to the husband's village. If the

girl has not reached puberty, she will only spend a short time in her

husband's house, and will afterwards be continually going backwards

and forwards between the two houses. At the time of puberty, the

matter is made known to all parties concerned. The Chalavadhi must be

the bearer of the news, and he is treated to as much food and drink

as he can take, and is also given presents. When the messenger goes,

he must carry with him dal, jaggery, sugar-candy, etc. The neighbours

come out to see how much he has brought, and, if the amount is small,

they make a fuss. During the ceremonies which ensue, the girl is made

to sit down, and is blessed by the women sprinkling her with nalugu,

and is also given sweetmeats to eat. The time is made merry by song

and music. After bathing, the girl is made to take food out of a dish

along with three married women. She is then made to touch a thorn tree

three times, and also plucks the leaves. Upon returning to the house,

she is made to touch the cooking instruments and pots. At this time,

if anyone has lent her beads or ornaments, they are taken, and, after

being threaded on new strings, are returned to the lenders. If the day

on which a girl reaches puberty is an unlucky day, it is considered

a bad sign for the husband. On the second occasion the husband comes

for his wife, and there is much rejoicing. After being detained for

four or five days, they go to their permanent home, the house of the

husband's father, and there is at that time much weeping. The mother

tells the girl to be obedient to her husband and parents-in-law,

and says that it will be better for her to throw herself into a well

and die than to return home disgraced.

"There are slight differences in the ceremonies described above

according to the district and sect of the people. In the eastern Telugu

country, during the marriage ceremonies, there is a sort of bridesmaid,

who accompanies the bride on the day of the wedding. In the western

country, largely under the influence of the Canarese, the bridesmaid

is scarcely distinguishable from the real bride, but she is not, as

at home, an unmarried girl, but must be a mature woman following the

functions of a married life. There is another slight difference between

the two sections concerning the Bhumala ceremony. The Vaishnavites,

after the arranged people have partaken of the feast, distribute the

remainder of the food; the Saivites, on the other hand, if any food

is left, bury it somewhere inside the house.

"Malas may be married many times, and indeed it is not considered

respectable to remain a widower. A widower is unable to make

arrangements for the marriage of others, to take part in any of

the ceremonies connected therewith, except in the capacity of a

spectator. It is not the correct thing for a man to have two wives at

one time unless the first one is barren, or unless there is other good

cause. A woman must on no account marry again. She need not, according

to Telugu morals, be ashamed of living, after she is widowed, with

another man as his concubine, but, at the very mention of marriage,

she covers her face with shame. If such people become Christians, it

is a most difficult thing to overcome their prejudice, and persuade

them to become legally man and wife. Almost the only way to do so

is by refusing to marry their children. In the Canarese country,

there is a kind of half marriage (chira kattinchinaru, they have

tied her cloth), which may be attained by widows. It is not reckoned

as a proper marriage, nor is the woman considered a concubine. The

ceremony for this is not performed at the great length of an ordinary

marriage, but it must receive the sanction of the elders. In spite

of their sanction, the man must pay a fine imposed by the caste

guru. The woman is permitted to wear the tali or marriage token,

but not bangles or other jewels usually worn by a married woman. The

children are part inheritors, and are not entirely without rights,

as the children of concubines are. A man's second wife must wear two

talis--that of the first wife as well as her own."

The following variants of the Pedda Tambulam ceremony, which is

performed during the marriage rites, may be noted. As soon as all

are assembled in the front yard of the bride's house, a blanket is

spread on the floor, and covered with a cloth. About ten seers of

cholam (millet: Sorghum) are heaped up, and a brass vessel (kalasam)

is placed thereon. By its side, a lamp is kept burning. A Dasari,

or a Mala priest, stands on one side of it, and a married woman on

the other. The names of the gods are mentioned, one after the other,

and the woman throws two betel leaves and a nut on the kalasam for

each name uttered. The bride is then brought from within the house,

and the leaves and nuts are tied up in a cloth. This, with the kalasam,

is put in the bride's cloth, and she is led inside. In some places, the

ceremony is more elaborate. For the betrothal ceremony some leading men

of the village, and the headmen of the bride and bridegroom's villages,

are required to be present. The Chalavati (caste servant) hands over

a bag containing betel leaves, areca nuts, pieces of turmeric, and

Rs. 4-6, to the headman of the bride's village. All these articles are

displayed on a new bamboo sieve, or on the lid of a bamboo box. The

two headmen discuss the proposed match, and exchange betel and nut

thrice. After this, the bride-elect (chinnapapa) is brought from

the house, and seated on a plank or on a cloth roller (dhone). Three

handfuls of betel leaves and areca nuts are placed in her lap. Her

maternal uncle then puts on her neck a string of unwoven unbleached

cotton thread dyed with turmeric. The bride's headman asks the assembly

if he may proceed with the thonuku ceremony. With their permission,

he takes from a sieve betel leaves, nuts, and a cocoanut with his right

hand, using only the thumb, first, and ring fingers. While doing this,

he is expected to stand on one leg, and to take up the various things,

without letting even a single leaf or nut fall. In some places, the

headman has the privilege of doing this seated near the sieve. In

other places, he is said to hold a knife in his hand, with a blade

passed below the middle finger, and over the first ring finger.

In connection with birth ceremonies, Mr. Nicholson writes as

follows. "During labour, a sickle and some nim (Melia Azadirachta)

leaves are always kept upon the cot, to ward off evil spirits,

which will not approach iron. Difficulty during labour is considered

to be the effect of kharma, and the method employed for easing it

is simple. Some mother, who has had an 'easy time,' is called in,

and presents the labouring woman with betel, etc. Should this not be

effective, a line of persons is drawn up from the well to the house,

and water is passed from hand to hand until it reaches the 'easy

time' woman, who gives the water to the sufferer. This last resort

is only sought in extreme cases, but, when it is appealed to, even

the caste people will join in the line and help. After the placenta

has come away, the child is placed on a winnowing basket, which has

been previously filled with grain, and covered with a cloth. The

umbilical cord is cut, and the child is washed, and branded with a

hot needle in all places, over twenty in all, which are considered

vital. When the umbilical cord is cut, some coin is placed over the

navel for luck. This, with the grain in the basket, is the midwife's

perquisite. Should the child present with the cord round its neck,

a cocoanut is immediately offered. If the child survives, a cock is

offered to the gods on the day the mother takes her first bath. The

placenta is put in a pot, in which are nim leaves, and the whole is

buried in some convenient place, generally in the backyard. The reason

for this is said to be that, unless the afterbirth was buried, dogs or

other animals might carry it off, and ever after the child would be of

a wandering disposition. The first bath of the mother takes place on

the third, fifth, seventh, or ninth day after delivery. Every house

in the particular quarter sends a potful of hot water. All the pots

are placed near the spot where the afterbirth was buried. The mother

then comes from the house supported by two women, carrying in her

hand the sickle and nim leaves. After worshipping the four mud gods

which have been placed on the spot, she takes her seat on the cot

on which she was confined, and, after having her body covered with

turmeric, and her head anointed with a mixture of rice, chunam (lime)

and turmeric, she is bathed by the women in attendance. After the bath,

both the mother and child are garlanded with a root strung on strings,

and worn round the neck and wrists. One of these is eaten every day by

the mother. The mother rises and enters the house, but, before doing

so, she worships the four quarters on the threshold. The women who

assisted in the bathing operation go to their homes, and bathe their

own children, afterwards returning to take part in a feast provided

by the parents of the newly-born child. On this day also a name is

given to the child. If all previous children have died, the child

is rolled in leaf plates and rice, after which the nose and ears

are pierced. The rice is given to the dogs, and the child is named

Pulligadu (used up leaf plates) or Pullamma according to sex. Should

the parents consider that they have a sufficiently large family,

they name the child Salayya or Salakka (enough). There are several

superstitions about teething. If the teeth come quickly, people say

that the afterbirth has not been buried deeply enough. Should the

top teeth come first, it is supposed to imply danger to the maternal

uncle, who generally gives his daughter in marriage to his nephew. He

is called, and brings with him a cocoanut, the inner shell of which

he crushes on the child's head. This must be done without looking

on the child. In order that girls may not grow hair on their faces,

their lips and chins are rubbed with the afterbirth. The dried navel

is highly prized as a remedy for sterility.

In connection with death ceremonies, Mr. Nicholson writes as

follows. "There is a difference in the ceremonies performed by the

Vishnuvite and Saivite sects. The former allow their people to die in

the house; the latter, fearing pollution, remove the person outside

the door, as soon as it is recognised that death is at hand. The

following description relates chiefly to the Vishnuvites or Namdaris,

but, wherever possible, the difference of ceremony between the two

sects is noticed. As soon as it is recognized that a person is at

the point of death, the wife and children, or near relations, gather

round the rough string cot, and ask what the dying person's last

wishes are. However bad a life may have been led, the dying words are

considered imperatively binding. If at all possible, the son or brother

of the dying person will give a little food and a drink of water; and,

if there is no one to perform this office--the rite which entitles the

dying to heaven--great is the grief. 'May you have no one to give you

water to drink' is a most bitter curse. As soon as life has departed,

those who are standing by will close the eyes and mouth, and stop the

nostrils and ears. The two great toes are tied together, whilst the

wife and sons burn incense at the head of the corpse. A lamp is lit,

and left in the house. Before this, the near relations have heard

that things were serious, and have come to render assistance. They now

bring water for the bathing, and some go to the bazar for sweetmeats,

etc., required in the subsequent ceremonies. Some of the elders go

to call the Dasari, or priest, and, by the time he arrives, rice will

have been prepared, and the blood of a fowl sprinkled over the place

where the death occurred. It should be mentioned that the head of

the dying is always placed to the south. Yamudu, the god of death and

lord of Hades, is god of the south. Consequently, if the dead arose,

if facing south he would go to the evil place. By lying on the back

with the head to the south, they rise facing north, and so escape an

evil fate. When the food is prepared, the corpse is removed outside,

bathed, and wrapped in a new cloth. Betel nut and leaf are ground

and put into the mouth, whilst the priest puts the namam (the mark of

Vishnu) upon both the forehead of the corpse and of the bearers. After

the bathing of the corpse, and before it is wrapped in the new cloth,

a small square piece is torn out of the cloth, and presented to

the Nambi of the temple. The corpse being prepared, the priest and

the wife and relations of the deceased, along with the bearers, eat

a small portion of the food which has been got ready. Immediately

upon rising after having eaten, the corpse is lifted, and placed

upon a rough bier, wrapped in a cloth, and the party proceed to the

burying ground. The priest goes first singing a funeral hymn, and at

the end of each verse all the people cry Govinda (one of the names

of Vishnu). Following the priest comes the Chalavadhi, carrying his

belt and insignia of office. At every other step the bell is rung by

coming in contact with his leg. After the Chalavadhi comes the corpse

carried by men who are, according to Telugu relationship, brothers

(actual brothers, or sons of father's brother or mother's sister). In

the case of a married woman, the bearers must be either husband or

brothers. Following the corpse comes the wife or son, bearing water and

fire. Shortly before reaching the burial-ground, a halt is made. The

son sprinkles a little water on the ground, and the bier is placed

upon the spot with the fire at the head. The face is then uncovered,

and all look upon the dead features for the last time. The reason

given for the halt is that upon one occasion, according to tradition,

the bearers became exhausted, and, when they rested the bier upon the

ground, the corpse arose alive. In carrying a dead body, it is always

carried feet first. The grave, which has been prepared beforehand,

and which is usually not more than three feet deep, is reached, and

the body is placed therein with the head towards the south. In the

case of a male, after being placed in the grave, the waist-cord and

toe-rings are removed, and left in the grave. In the case of a woman,

the glass bracelets, bell-metal toe-rings, and bead necklace are

left, but no jewels of value or the marriage token are left. After

this is over, the body is covered with leaves of the tangedu tree

(Cassia auriculata). As a rule, Vishnuvites, before covering the

body with leaves, take off the cloth in which it is wrapped, leaving

it naked. This is supposed to be emblematic of the nakedness with

which we enter upon life. The corpse is buried face upwards, and it

is considered a means of future happiness to the deceased if those

assembled throw earth into the grave. The nearer the relationship

of those doing so, the greater is the happiness conferred. Hence

it is always desired that a son should be present. After the grave

has been filled up half way with earth, three stones are placed,

one at the head, one in the middle, and one at the feet. Only the

Vishnuvites do this. Upon the middle of these stones stands the

priest, while the relatives of the deceased wash his feet, and put

upon them the namam or sign of Vishnu. Whilst standing thus, they

bargain and haggle as to what fee is to be paid. After this is over,

the grave is completely filled in, and great care is taken that the

corpse is so covered that it may not be disturbed by jackals and other

animals, at any rate before the fifth day. If it should be disturbed,

heaven will not be reached. So the Telugu curse 'May the jackals eat

your tongue' is a curse of damnation. The Saivites bury their dead

in the cloth, face downwards. After the grave has been filled in,

the fire carried by the son is placed at the head of the grave, and

incense is burnt. Then the water carried from the house is sprinkled

over the grave, and the procession departs homeward. On their way,

they stop at some wayside well, and wash away their defilement,

afterwards sitting on the edge of the well to chew betel and eat

sweetmeats. They may also pay a visit to the temple, where they

again sit and gossip, but perform no worship. If the deceased be

a woman leaving a husband, the talk will be about arrangements for

the marriage which will shortly take place. Immediately the body is

taken from the house for burial, the lamp which was first lighted is

extinguished, and another lighted in its place. Then those who stay

at home (the women do not usually attend a funeral) clean sweep the

house, plastering it with cow-dung. After this, they wait outside the

house for the return of the burial party. The blood relations who have

attended the burial come, and, without entering the house, glance at

the newly-lighted lamp, afterwards going to their own homes, where,

before entering, and without touching any of the pots, they must bathe

in hot water. Toddy flows freely at the close of a funeral. Indeed,

this is one of the occasions when excess is most common. From now

until the fifth day, when the Divasalu ceremony takes place, fire

and a lamp are lighted at the grave each evening at sunset.

"The Divasalu ceremony, which is observed by all castes which follow

the Ramanuja matham or Satani cult, is generally performed at the dead

of night, and with as much ceremony as possible. All the Namdaris in

the village are invited, each being separately called by the Kondigadu,

who is a kind of messenger belonging to the Dasari or Mala priest. In

former days, many of the Sudras used to attend this ceremony, but

of late, either through Malas more openly eating the flesh of cows,

or for some other reason, they rarely attend, and, if they do so, it

is with great secrecy. The Nambi, however, who is a Satani, should

attend. Indeed, it is he who is the performer of the ceremony. The

flesh required for the sacrifice is found by slaughtering a sheep

or a goat. Before killing it, holy water is poured into its mouth,

and incense is burnt before it. When the animal has been dismembered,

the head, guts, and blood are cooked in one pot, the bones in another,

the flesh in a third, whilst in a fourth pot bread is baked. Toddy

and arrack (native spirit) are also placed in readiness. After these

preparations, the Nambi draws upon the floor, on the spot where the

death occurred, the ashtakshari (eight-cornered) mantram, repeating the

while magical words. The mantram is usually drawn with treble lines,

one black, one yellow, and one white. At each corner are placed a

cocoanut, betel, dates, and a lump of molasses, whilst a rupee is

placed in the middle at one side. The words repeated are in Tamil,

and, roughly translated, are as follows: 'This is the mantram of Manar

Nambi. This is the holy water of the sacred feet of ... Nambi. This is

the secret of holiness of the 108 sacred places. These are the means

for obtaining heaven. They are for the saving of the sinner. This

drawing is the seal of the saints. Countless sins have I committed;

yet by thought on the saints is sin cleansed.' After the completion

of the drawing, the officiating priest puts the holy mark of Vishnu on

the foreheads of those who bring the vessels of cooked food. Then, to

the east side of the drawing, he makes two little piles of millet. He

then asks (in Tamil) for the pot containing the head, and for the

toddy. The two bearers bring the pots, keeping exactly together, and,

as they reach the Nambi, each must exchange places with the other. The

priest then inscribes on one pot the wheel (chakra), and on the other

the conch shell, these being the sacred symbols of Vishnu. Before

doing so, he wets the leaves of the tulasi plant (Ocimum sanctum)

in a rice plate, and places them in a brass vessel containing holy

water by his side. Then, with the conch shell which he carries, he

pours some of the holy water into each pot, afterwards placing the

pots upon the heaps of millet. Next, a leaf plate is placed in the

middle of the drawing. Upon it is placed some of each variety of food

cooked, along with milk and ghi. Over all, another plate is placed

as a cover. During this time, so that no one may see the ceremony,

a sheet or blanket is held up before the Nambi as a screen. He then

takes two little sticks with cotton-wool in a notch at the end, and

puts them to steep in castor-oil. Whilst they are steeping, he takes

a cocoanut, and, after breaking it, pours the milk into the vessel

containing holy water, and places the two pieces by the side of the

heaps of grain upon which are the two pots. Then, taking up the two

sticks, and having made passes with them over the whole drawing, he

lights them and holds them aloft above the screen, so that the people

on the other side may see them. All then bow down, and worship the two

lights. Then the bearers of the corpse are invested with the namam,

after which the whole of those assembled drink of the holy water in

the brass vessel. A little holy water, betel, etc., are now put into

the rice plate, which is afterwards covered with soil upon the top

of the grave. The party then eat the small portion of food which may

be left, and, after trimming the lamp, proceed to their homes. The

Nambi who officiates is supposed to be particularly holy. If he is

wicked and unclean, and yet draws and sits upon the magic diagrams,

he will bring loss and sorrow upon his own head.

"There is no other ceremony until the night of the twelfth day. On

this day, not only is the floor plastered with cow-dung, but the

whole house is cleaned outside and in. All the inmates of the house

bathe, shave, and put on clean clothes. Then, as on the fifth day,

an animal is killed, and the flesh is cooked exactly as before. In

the north-east or god's corner, the panchakshari (five cornered)

diagram is inscribed, and a handful of rice is put in the middle. As

before, cocoanuts, etc., are placed at the five corners, and before

the drawing are placed five copper images. The Dasari who performs the

ceremony places two leaf plates before these images, and, breaking

a couple of cocoanuts, sacrifices to them. After this, the Nambi,

Dasaris, Kondigadu, corpse-bearers, and bearers of the pots, each

drink two measures of toddy, and eat some of the flesh cooked in

the second pot. The party, consisting entirely of males, now take

as much food as will be required for the forthcoming ceremony, and

proceed towards the grave, which has been previous to this plastered

and decorated, and a little shrine erected at the head. On their

arrival, a diagram, called panchakshari is drawn on the grave in

black, yellow, and white. At the five corners are placed cocoanut,

lime, etc. In the middle is placed a leaf plate with food on it, and

a cocoanut is offered, the two halves being placed one on each side

of the plate. A lamp is now lighted, and placed in the little shrine

at the head of the grave, which the Nambi worships. It may be noted

that the ashtakshari diagram is the sign of Vishnu or Narayanamurti,

and the panchakshari is the sign of Siva. The reason for both being

used is that Vishnu is the preserver, and Siva the destroyer. If Siva

alone is worshipped, he will only cease from destroying; if Vishnu

alone is worshipped, he cannot keep from destruction. Hence there is a

sort of compromise, so that the benefits rendered by each god may be

reaped. The Nambi now invests all the males present with the namam,

and, if there is a widow, she is made to put on the bottu or small

circular mark, the symbol most often being associated with Siva. The

widow is made to sit in the middle of the house, with a leaf plate

set before her. There she is stripped of all the jewels she wore

as a married woman. Afterwards she is taken inside by some widows,

and, after bathing, dons a cloth which has been brought for her by

her brothers. Her own cloth is left outside, and must be sent from

there to the washerman. It afterwards becomes a perquisite of the

Dasari. If the deceased was a married woman, the widower would be

deprived of his toe-ring, bathed, and clothed in a new cloth.

"On the occasion of Divasalu, blood relatives are all supposed to

be present, and the ceremony is an expensive one, poor people often

spending on this occasion alone as much as they can earn in a couple

of months. The first ceremony is not so expensive, and will only cost

about five rupees. All the male relatives of the dead man, or the

brothers-in-law of a dead woman, must bring a little rice and some

sticks of incense. If they are quite unable to attend the ceremony,

they will clean their own houses, and will then perform some ceremony

to the deceased. The relatives of the wife who come to the ceremony

will not proceed to the house, or even to the caste quarters, but

will go to the toddy shop, whence they send word of their arrival. As

soon as the head of the house hears of this, he also proceeds to

the toddy shop, and each one treats the other to drink. If they

do not wish to drink, the one will pour a little liquor into the

palm of the other. This ceremony is called chedupaputa (the taking

away of bitterness), and without it they cannot visit one another's

houses. These relatives must only partake of food on the night of

their arrival and next day, but on no account must they linger till

the light is lit on the thirteenth day.

"The above ceremony is that performed by the Namdaris or Vishnuvites,

who are not afraid of pollution, but who must do all things according

to a prescribed ritual. We will now consider the ceremonies of

the Mondis or Saivites, who think little of ceremony, but much of

defilement. These take the dying person outside, and, as soon as it

is realised that the end is near, all arrangements are made as to

who is to cook, carry the corpse, etc. Before the breath has left

the body, some go to the bazaar to purchase a new cloth. The women

smear themselves with turmeric as at a wedding, and put a circular

red mark (bottu) on the forehead, whilst the men smear ashes on

their foreheads. As soon as the food is cooked, the dead body is

washed, and placed upon a bier. Most of the Vishnuvites do not use a

bier. The corpse is carried to the grave, accompanied with fire and

water as in the Vishnuvite ceremony. Shortly before the grave-yard

is reached, a halt is made. The cloth which has been placed over the

face is torn, and a cooking pot is broken, after which the body is

taken to the grave, and buried without covering, lying prone on the

face. After the earth has been filled in, the son of the deceased

takes an earthen water-pot full of water, and bores a hole in it,

so that the water may escape. He then makes three circuits of the

grave, allowing the water to flow on the ground. After each circuit,

he makes a fresh hole in the pot. He then goes away without looking

back on the grave. When the funeral party, which consists only of men,

reaches the house, they find that some of the old women have made a

heap of cow-dung, at the top of which is a little hollow filled with

water. Those who have returned from the grave dip their great toes

in this water, and then linger on the threshold to worship the lamp

which is inside. After this, the lamp is taken, and thrown outside

the village, and, on their return, they bathe in hot water. The

Saivites perform the first ceremony for the dead on the third day,

and they have neither Nambi nor priest, but perform the whole ceremony

themselves. Like the Vishnuvites, they thoroughly cleanse and plaster

the house. There is no animal sacrifice, but food is prepared with

vegetables. A tray is plaited from the twigs of the tamarind tree

(Tamarindus indica), and in this is placed a leaf plate containing

food, frankincense, betel, etc. This food offering is carried to

the grave along with fire and water at about eight o'clock in the

morning. The man who carries the food must wear only a torn cloth,

and yet with this he must manage to cover his head. On reaching the

grave, they worship. The tray is left at the head of the grave, and

the people retire a short distance, and there wait until a crow or

a kite comes, and takes food from the tray. The more quickly this

occurs, the greater the merit obtained by the deceased. They never

go away until either the one or the other of these birds comes. They

afterwards proceed to the well, and bathe fully. On the twelfth day,

another ceremony is performed. In the morning, all those taking part

in the ceremony proceed to some place outside the village where they

shave, and put on clean clothes which have come direct to that place

from the washerman. They then go to some temple, and there obtain a

little holy water, with which they afterwards sprinkle themselves,

the widow, and the house of the deceased. The widow is then arrayed

in all her clothes and jewels, and is taken weeping to the 'widow's

harbour.' There a stone image is set up, and worshipped. Then the

woman's jewels are taken off, and her bracelets broken. Sweet food is

cooked and partaken of, all bathe, and return to their homes. After

this ceremony, poor people will stay in their houses for three days,

and rich people for a much longer period. For several years, on the

anniversary of the death, some little ceremony is usually performed."

In connection with Mala Dasaris, to whom reference has already been

made, Mr. Nicholson writes as follows. "There is a considerable

number of individuals who obtained their living through religious

mendicancy. They are known as Dasaris. There is usually a Nambi

or Dasari for every three or four villages. Some few Dasaris have

inam (rent-free) lands, but the majority live on the charity of the

people. They do not ask alms, but sing hymns in honour of Chennudu or

Pedda Muni. They also officiate as a sort of priest, and their services

are requisitioned at the time of death, marriage, hair-cutting, and

the creation of Basavis and Dasaris. The Dasari who officiates at a

wedding ceremony cannot act in a case of death. There is, in the west

Telugu country, a class called Varapu Dasari, who act as pujaris for

the Sudras, and in all places the Dasari receives certain emoluments

from Sudras for singing at weddings and funerals. They receive alms

from all classes. Occasionally disturbances take place on account of

the Saivites objecting to the Dasaris coming into their streets, and

it is at such times as these that pavadamu is said to take place. It

is firmly believed that, if a Dasari is offended, he will revenge

himself in smaller offences by piercing his cheeks or side, for a

serious offence by killing himself, generally by severing the head

from the body. If one kills himself in this way, the news is said to

be immediately and miraculously communicated to every Dasari and Nambi

in the country. They all come to the place where the body lies. Until

their arrival, this has been kept covered with a new cloth, and

water is constantly sprinkled over it, to keep the wounds from drying

up. When the Gurus, Dasaris, and others are collected, they show their

magic power by frying fish, which come to life again on being placed

in water, and by cutting limes in two and making them join together,

while the remainder sing hymns to Chennudu, and call on the name of

Govinda. The Gurus then dig a hole, and in it light the sacred fire

of sandal-wood, which must be kindled by the friction of two pieces

of wood. All assemble before this sacred fire, and join in singing

or reciting the Dandakamu, after which the Dasaris dance a dance

called the request dance. A lotus flower is simulated by arranging

betel leaves in a small chembu (metal vessel), and this is placed in

a plate along with the severed head. The tray is then carried three

times round the corpse by the wife of the deceased if he was married;

if not, by his mother; and, if he had no kin, by a Basavi. The head

is then taken by the Guru, and fixed properly to the trunk, the

junction being plentifully daubed with sacred earth (tirumani). A new

cloth is then spread over the corpse, and a network of flowers over

all. The Dasaris again walk round the corpse, calling on Tembaru

Manara, repeating at the same time a mantram. Then Kurumayya, the

caste Guru, strokes the corpse from head to foot three times with

his staff, after which he places his foot on the head of the corpse,

and calls on the body to rise. The ability of the Dasaris to perform

this marvel is implicitly believed in. Some I have asked have seen it

attempted, but on one occasion it failed because the wife was unwell

(under menstrual pollution). On another occasion, the ceremony was

not carried out with fitting reverence, and failed in consequence.

"The chief people among the Dasaris are Guru, Annalayya, Godugulayya

(umbrella men), and Tuttulayya (horn-blowers). The Dasaris have got

certain badges of office, which are supposed to have been given by

Chennudu on the conquest of Vijayanagar. [According to tradition,

between the 8th and 11th centuries A.D. there was great rivalry

between the Saivite and Vishnuvite sects, and it is supposed that

Kurumayya, fighting on the side of the Vishnuvites, by the aid of

the god Chennudu was able to suppress and overcome the followers of

Siva. He thus became the Guru of the Malas.] The Dasari's insignia

consist of an iron staff, copper pot, tiger skin, antelope skin,

etc. Besides these, some of the chief Dasaris are said to possess

copper inscriptions given to them by the kings of Vijayanagar, but

these they refuse to allow any one to see."

Concerning the practice of making Basavis (dedicated prostitutes),

Mr. Nicholson writes as follows. "The origin of the Basavis is said

to be thus. In former times, the Asadhis had the duty and privilege

of dancing and singing before the God, but this office was always

performed by a male. On one occasion, there was no male to take up

the duties, and, as there was no prospect of further children, one of

the daughters was appointed to the work, so that the livelihood would

not be lost. Then no one came forward to marry the girl, and she found

it impossible to live a good life. The fact, however, that she was a

servant of the God kept her from disgrace, and from that time it has

been customary to dedicate these girls to the God's service. Nowadays,

the girl goes through a ceremony with a knife, which is placed in

front of the God, and, as at ordinary weddings, there are all the

various ceremonies performed, and feasts eaten. If at the time of the

wedding, any man wishes to have a sort of proprietary right, he may

obtain the same by paying a sort of dowry. The elders of the village

must give their consent to the dedication, and usually signify this by

eating out of the same plate as the bride. In the west Telugu country,

parents who have good looking daughters, no matter what their class,

give them as Basavis. But, in the east Telugu country, only the Asadhi,

Beineni, and Pambala people do so. A Basavi can never be widowed,

and people say they are consecrated to the God. Consequently, their

life, though a life of sin, is not considered so by the Gods. Yet by

a strange inconsistency, men consorting with Basavis are immediately

branded as loose men. The first few years of a Basavi's life are full

of profit, and it is probably for this reason that parents are willing

thus to sacrifice their daughters. Afterwards, when the charms of youth

are passed, the Basavi resorts to begging, or, with two or three more,

obtains a precarious livelihood by music and dancing. Their children

have a share in the maternal father's property.

"The above account of a Basavi's dedication applies to the Asadhis

or singing beggars. The following is a more detailed description of

the ceremony as performed by the Dasaris. The girl to be dedicated

is dressed in a white ravike and cloth, after which she is conducted

to the priest who is to officiate. He burns the signs of a chank and

chakram on the girl's shoulders, presenting to her at the same time

holy water. After this, the priest receives the guruvu kanika, which

consists not only of five rupees, but also five seers of rice, five

cocoanuts, five garlics, and a quarter of a seer of betel nuts. The

person giving the girl away now receives permission from the people

and Guruvu, and attaches the marriage symbol to the girl's neck. Before

the tali is tied, the girl is made to sit on a blanket, upon which has

been drawn the 'throne,' with her hands which clasp the Garuda stambha

tied together with a wreath of flowers. Before the hands are unbound,

in place of the usual dowry of about twenty rupees, five duddu (copper

coins) are given into the hand of the priest. All assembled now worship

the beggar's staff, and, on proceeding to the place of lodging, food is

given to the Dasaris. Usually the ceremonies are performed before the

village shrine, but, at times of festival, they are performed before

the God, in honour of whom the festival is being held. On returning

to the village, the girl is obliged, for five consecutive Saturdays,

to go round the village accompanied by a Dasari, to whose food and

comfort she has to attend. This is, no doubt, a public announcement of

the profession the girl has had put upon her. When puberty is arrived

at, a feast is given, and thenceforward the girl is her own mistress."

The Malas worship a variety of deities, including Gurappa, Subbarayadu,

Gunnathadu, Sunkalamma, Poleramma, Gangamma, and Gontiyalamma. In

connection with the worship of the goddess Gontiyalamma,

Mr. F. R. Hemingway writes, in a note on the Malas of the Godavari

district, that "the special caste deity is Gontiyalamma, the mother

of the five Pandava brethren. They say that Bhima threatened to kill

his mother, who took refuge under an avireni pot (painted pot used

at weddings) in a Mala's house. For this she was solemnly cursed by

her sons, who said that she should remain a Mala woman for ever. In

commemoration of this story, a handful of growing paddy (rice) is

pulled up every year at the Dasara festival, and, eight days later,

the earth adhering to its roots is mixed with turmeric and milk, made

into an image of the goddess, and hidden under the avireni pot. For

the next six months this image is worshipped every Sunday by all the

villagers in turn, and, on the Sivaratri night, it is taken round the

village, accompanied by all the Malas bearing pots of rice and other

food carried in a kavadi, and is finally thrown with much ceremony

into a river or tank (pond or lake). This rite is supposed to mean that

the goddess is the daughter of the caste, that she has lived with them

six months, and that they are now sending her back with suitable gifts

(the rice, etc.) to her husband. A common form of religious vow among

Malas is to promise to send a cloth and a cow with the goddess on the

last day of the rite, the gifts being afterwards presented to a married

daughter." It is noted by Mr. Hemingway that both Malas and Madigas

hold a feast in honour of their ancestors at Pongal--an uncommon rite.

In the Godavari district scarcity of rain is dealt with in various

ways. "It is considered very efficacious if the Brahmans take in

procession round the village an image of Varuna (the god of rain)

made of mud from the tank of a river or tank. Another method is to

pour 1,000 pots of water over the lingam in the Siva temple. Malas

tie a live frog to a mortar, and put on the top of the latter a

mud figure representing Gontiyalamma. They then take these objects

in procession, singing 'Mother frog, playing in water, pour rain by

pots full.' The villagers of other castes then come and pour water

over the Malas." [158] Mr. Nicholson writes that, to produce rain

in the Telugu country, "two boys capture a frog, and put it into a

basket with some nim (Melia Azadirachta) leaves. They tie the basket

to the middle of a stick, which they support on their shoulders. In

this manner they make a circuit of the village, visiting every house,

singing the praises of the god of rain. The greater the noise the

captive animal makes, the better the omen, and the more gain for the

boys, for, at every house, they receive something in recognition of

their endeavour to bring rain upon the village fields."

Mala Arayan.--The Mala Arayans are described, in the Travancore

Census Report, 1901, as "a class of hill tribes, who are a little

more civilized than the Mannans, and have fixed abodes on the slopes

of high mountain ranges. Their villages are fine-looking, with trees

and palms all round. They are superior in appearance to most other

hill tribes, but are generally short in stature. Some of the Arayans

are rich, and own large plots of cultivated grounds. They seldom work

for hire, or carry loads. A curious custom with them is that every

man in the family has his own room separate from the rest, which only

he and his wife are permitted to enter. They are very good hunters

and have a partiality for monkey flesh. As wizards they stand very

high, and all the low-country people cherish a peculiar dread for

them. Makkathayam is the prevailing form of inheritance (from father

to son), but among a few families marumakkathayam (inheritance through

the female line) obtains as an exception. Their language is a corrupt

form of Malayalam. Their marriage ceremony is simple. The bridegroom

and bride sit and eat on the same plantain leaf, after which the tali

(marriage badge) is tied. The bride then seizes any ornament or cooking

vessel in the house, saying that it is her father's. The bridegroom

snatches it from her, and the marriage rite is concluded. Birth

pollution is of considerable importance. It lasts for a whole month

for the father, and for seven days for the mother. The Arayans bury

their dead. Drinking is a very common failing."

It is recorded by Mr. M. J. Walhouse [159] that "on the higher ranges

in Travancore there are three of Parasurama's cairns, where the Mala

Arraiyans still keep lamps burning. They make miniature cromlechs

of small slabs of stone, and place within them a long pebble to

represent the deceased. Dr. Livingstone noticed a similar custom in

Africa. 'In various villages we observed miniature huts about two

feet high, very neatly thatched and plastered. Here we noticed them in

dozens. On inquiry we were told that, when a child or relative dies,

one is made, and, when any pleasant food is cooked or beer brewed,

a little is placed in the tiny hut for the departed soul, which is

believed to enjoy it.' So the Mala Arraiyans offer arak (liquor)

and sweetmeats to the departed spirit believed to be hovering near

the miniature cromlech."

In a detailed account of the Mala Arayans, the Rev. S. Mateer writes

as follows. [160] "The Arayans bury their dead; consequently there

are many ancient tumuli in these hills, evidently graves of chiefs,

showing just the same fragments of pottery, brass figures, iron

weapons, etc., as are found in other similar places. These tumuli are

often surrounded with long splintered pieces of granite, from eight

to twelve or fifteen feet in length, set up on end, with sacrificial

altars and other remains, evidently centuries old. Numerous vaults,

too, called Pandi Kuri, are seen in all their hills. They stand north

and south, the circular opening being to the south; a round stone

is fitted to this aperture, with another acting as a long lever, to

prevent its falling out; the sides, as also the stones of the top and

bottom, are single slabs. To this day the Arayans make similar little

cells of pieces of stone, the whole forming a box a few inches square;

and, on the death of a member of any family, the spirit is supposed

to pass, as the body is being buried, into a brass or silver image,

which is shut into this vault; if the parties are very poor, an oblong

smooth stone suffices. A few offerings of milk, rice, toddy, and ghee

(clarified butter) are made, a torch is lighted and extinguished, the

figure placed inside the cell, and the covering hastily put on; then

all leave. On the anniversary, similar offerings being made, the stone

is lifted off, and again hastily closed. The spirit is thus supposed

to be enclosed; no one ventures to touch the cell at any other time.

"The objects of Arayan worship are the spirits of their ancestors, or

certain local demons supposed to reside in rocks or peaks, and having

influence only over particular villages or families. The religious

services rendered to these are intended to deprecate anger rather than

to seek benefits; but in no case is lust to be gratified, or wickedness

practiced, as pleasing to these deities. One of their ancestors is

represented by a brass image about three inches in height, the back of

the head hollow, the hands holding a club and a gun. This represents a

demonized man of wicked character, who lived about a century ago. He is

said to have beaten his wife to death with a club; wherefore the people

joined to break his skull, and he became a malignant demon. Another

image carried an umbrella and staff, and had a milder countenance--this

was a good demon. One such image is kept in each family, in which

the spirit is supposed actually to reside. They were also put into

the little square chambers described above. The Rev. W. J. Richards,

of Cottayam, has favoured me with the following history, which throws

much light upon this curious superstition. 'Talanani was a priest or

oracle-revealer of the hunting deity, Ayappan, whose chief shrine is in

Savarimala, a hill among the Travancore ghats. The duty of Talanani

was to deck himself out in his sword, bangles, beads, etc., and,

highly frenzied with excitement and strong drink, dance in a horrid

convulsive fashion before his idols, and reveal in unearthly shrieks

what the god had decreed on any particular matter. He belonged to

the Hill Arayan village of Eruma-para (the rock of the she-buffalo),

some eight miles from Melkavu, and was most devoted to his idolatry,

and rather remarkable in his peculiar way of showing his zeal. When the

pilgrims from his village used to go to Savarimala--a pilgrimage which

is always, for fear of the tigers and other wild beasts, performed

in companies of forty or fifty--our hero would give out that he was

not going, and yet, when they reached the shrine of their devotions,

there before them was the sorcerer, so that he was both famous among

his fellows and favoured of the gods. Now, while things were in this

way, Talanani was killed by the neighbouring Chogans during one of

his drunken bouts, and the murderers, burying his body in the depths

of the jungle, thought that their crime would never be found out; but

the tigers--Ayappan's dogs--in respect to so true a friend of their

master, scratched open the grave, and removing the corpse, laid it

on the ground. The wild elephants found the body, and reverently took

it where friends might discover it, and, a plague of small-pox having

attacked the Chogans, another oracle declared it was sent by Sastavu

(the Travancore hill boundary god, called also Chattan or Sattan) in

anger at the crime that had been committed; and that the evil would

not abate until the murderers made an image of the dead priest, and

worshipped it. This they did, placing it in a grave, and in a little

temple no bigger than a small dog kennel. The image itself is about

four inches high, of bronze. The heir of Talanani became priest and

beneficiary of the new shrine, which was rich in offerings of arrack,

parched rice, and meat vowed by the Arayans when they sallied out on

hunting expeditions. All the descendants of Talanani are Christians,

the result of the Rev. Henry Baker's work. The last heir who was in

possession of the idol, sword, bangle, beads, and wand of the sorcerer,

handed them over to the Rev. W. J. Richards in 1881.'