The three religious divisions of the community are styled:--

1. Nirabara Vira Saiva. Sanyasis or ascetics, wearing only the

kaupinam or loin-cloth

2. Vishesha Vira Saiva. The priestly class, generally called

Jangams.

3. Samanya Vira Saiva. This includes all Lingayats, who are not

Sanyasis or Jangams. The whole Lingayat community is dealt with

by Mr. C. P. Brown under the name Jangam, and his essay speaks of

Vishesha and Samanya Jangams. This is incorrect, for no Samanya

Vira Saiva can be a Jangam, and all Jangams are Vishesha Vira

Saivas.

The Jangams are mostly literate, and the members of the Banjig or

trader class are frequently literate. The other classes of men,

and the women of all classes are practically illiterate. Canarese is

the common language of Lingayats, and it is usually preserved as a

house language where Canarese is not the language of the locality. In

Bellary the teachers in several of the board schools (primary standard)

are Jangams. Very few Lingayats have as yet competed for University

honours, and the number of Lingayat graduates is small.

The common termination for males is Appa, and for females Amma or Akka,

or Avva. In the case of Jangams the male termination is Ayya. The

names commonly in use are as follows:--

Basappa or Basamma, after Basava, the founder of the religion.

Chennappa or Chennava, after Chennabasava, nephew of Basava.

Sugurappa or Suguravva, after Sugur, where there is a temple

of Virabhadra.

Revanna or Revamma, after Revana Sideswara, the founder of the

Balehalli mutt.

Mallappa or Mallava, a localised name of Siva.

Nagappa or Naganna, after a snake.

Bussappa or Bussavva, after the hiss of a snake.

Basappa is the most common name of all, and it is said that in Kottur,

a town of 7,000 inhabitants, not far from Ujjini, one half of the

male Lingayats are styled Kottur Basappa.

Tinduga or Tindodi is a nickname given to a daughter's son born and

bred up in his maternal grandfather's house. The name signifies

that the boy will some day quit the house and join his father's

family, tindu meaning eating, and wodi, running away. If the child

happens to be a female she is called Tindavva or Tindodi. Kuldappa,

or Kuldavva, is a nickname for one who fails to see a thing at once

when he looks for it. Kulda is a corruption of kuruda, which means

a blind man. Superstition has something to do with the naming of

children. Children whose predecessors died successively in their

infancy are named as Sudugappa or Sudugadavva after sudugadu,

burial-ground, Gundappa or Gundavva after gundu, a rock, Tippiah or

Tippavva after tippa, a rubbish heap, Tirakappa after tirakambonu,

begging. These names signify humility, and are given in the belief

that God will pity the parents and give the children a long lease

of life. Two names are not given to a child, but pet names are used

instead.

The recognised head-quarters of the Lingayats in the Bellary district

is Ujjini, a village in the south of the Kudligi taluk on the borders

of Mysore. There are five head-quarters of the community in different

parts of India. In each there is what is called a Simhasanadhipati. In

the first period of creation, Iswara or Siva is supposed to have

appeared in five different forms, emanating from his five faces, and

the five Lingayat centres are representative of these five forms. The

places are Ujjini, Srisaila, Kollepaka, Balehalli, and Benares.

It is said that the Mutt at Kollepaka no longer exists, and has

been replaced by one at Bukkasagar in the Hospet taluk of Bellary

district. The shape and materials of their dwellings are not in any

way different from those of other Hindus. In the Bellary district,

houses of the better classes are built of stone; poorer persons can

only afford mud houses. All adopt the flat roof peculiar to the Deccan.

It is recorded, in the Mysore Census Report, 1901, that "the orthodox

theory among the Lingayats is that their religion was founded by

a number of Acharyas, the most famous of whom were Renuka, Daraka,

Gajakarna, Ghantakarna and Viswakarna, who are the Gotrakartas of

the Lingayat Dwijas, having received their mandate direct from Siva

to establish his true religion on earth, or rather to restore it to

its purity. As belonging to the Apprakrita Srishti, the Virasaivas

are enjoined not to follow that portion of the Vedas which treats of

Yagnas or animal sacrifices. Their contention is that karma, or the

performance of ceremonies, is of two kinds, namely, one relating to the

attainment of worldly desires, and the other relating to the attainment

of wisdom or gnana. The idea of salvation in Brahmanical religions

generally is the attainment of desires, going to Swarga or Heaven,

where one would enjoy eternal bliss. But salvation, as understood

by the Virasaiva religion, is something different, and goes one step

further, meaning absorption into and attainment of oneness with the

deity. Consequently, they are prohibited from performing all those

ceremonies which relate to the attainment of Swarga, but are bound

to perform those which relate to gnana or wisdom, and to salvation

as understood by them. The five great Gotrakartas established five

great religious centres in different parts of India, viz., Ekorama

at Ketara in the Himalayas, Viswacharya at Benares, Marutacharya

at Ujjain, Pandithacharya at Srisaila in Cuddapah district, and

Renukacharya at Balehalli or Balehonnur in Koppa taluk (of Mysore),

at all of which places the mutts still exist. The heads of these mutts

have geographically divided the Lingayats into five great divisions,

and each head exercises spiritual control within his own legitimate

sphere, though all of them have a general jurisdiction over all the

Lingayats generally. Each of these mutts, called simhasanas (thrones),

has sub-mutts in important popular centres under the management of

Pattadaswamis. Each sub-mutt has a number of branch mutts, called

Gurusthala mutts, under it, and these latter are established wherever

a community of Lingayats exists. The rights and duties of the Swamis

of these mutts are to preside on all ceremonial occasions, to receive

their dues, to impart religious instructions, to settle religious

disputes, and to exercise a general control over all matters affecting

the interests of the community at large. But one particular feature

of this sect is the existence of another order of priests, called

Viraktas, also known as Nirabharis or Jangamas, who hold the highest

position in the ecclesiastical order, and therefore command the highest

respect from laymen as well as from the above mentioned clergy. Each

Virakta mutt is directly subject to the Murgi mutt at Chitaldrug,

which has absolute jurisdiction over all the Viraktas. Most Lingayat

towns have a Virakta mutt built outside the town, where the Swami or

the Jangama leads a solitary, simple and spiritual life. Unlike the

other priests, the Virakta is prohibited from presiding on ceremonial

occasions, and from receiving unnecessary alms unless for the purpose

of immediately distributing the same to others. He should devote

his whole life partly to spiritual meditation, and partly to the

spreading of spiritual knowledge among his disciples, so that he

would be the fountain head, to whom all laymen and all clergy must

turn for spiritual wisdom. His position, in short, should be that of

a pure Sanyasi of the most exalted order. But here, as in the case

of most other Indian ecclesiastical orders, the modern representative

of the ancient prototype is far different from the ideal."

Sacrifices are contrary to the tenets of the faith, but the practices

of other Hindus are to some extent copied. When laying the foundations

of a house, a cocoanut is broken, incense offered and camphor

burnt. When setting up the main door frame, a ceremony called Dwara

Pratishta is performed. On that day, or a subsequent day, an iron

nail is driven into the frame, to prevent devils or evil spirits

from entering the house. After the house is completed, the ceremony

of Graha Pravesam takes place. With all Lingayat ceremonies the most

important feature is the worship of the jangam, and in this instance

the house is sprinkled with water, in which the Jangam's feet have

been washed. Jangam's friends and relatives are then entertained and

fed in the house.

Theoretically, any one may become a Lingayat by virtue of investiture

with the lingam. But in practice very few outsiders are admitted. The

priests do not proselytise. The elders of the community sometimes

persuade a relative or friend to join the fold. In the Bellary

district, it is believed that the religion is not spreading. The

contrary seems to be the case in the Bombay Presidency. The Bijapur

Gazetteer states that the wearing of the lingam, and the desertion

of Brahmans for Jangams as priests, are still spreading among the

Brahmanical castes of Bijapur, and adds "In Mr. Cumine's opinion

few castes have remained beyond the influence of the new sect, and

between Lingayatism and Islam, Brahmanism will in a few centuries be

almost extinct." According to Mr. C. P. Brown, the Jangams insist upon

any candidate for admission undergoing a probation of ten or twelve

years. The authorities at Ujjini state that there is a recognised

scale of probation ranging from three years for the Brahman to

twelve years for the Sudra, but the Jangams admit that no Brahmans

are ever converted now, and the probation period is probably not

enforced. The castes from which outsiders occasionally come are the

various sub-divisions of the Kapu or Reddi caste. It is not uncommon

to find all the Neredi Kapus in one village wearing the lingam,

while the people of the same caste in a neighbouring village are

not Lingayats. The Pakanati Kapus illustrate the same rule. Lingayat

and non-Lingayat Kapus who are relatives eat together, and in some

cases intermarry.

Lingayatism has recently made converts from other castes. In the

last century, many weavers of Tuminkatti in the Dharwar district

of Bombay were converted by a Jangam from Ujjini, and are now known

as Kurvinavaru. They have abandoned all social intercourse with the

parent caste.

According to Basava's teaching, even the lowest castes could join

the community, and obtain equality with other Lingayats. The Abbé

Dubois wrote that, "even if a Pariah joins the sect, he is considered

in no way inferior to a Brahman. Wherever the lingam is found, there

they say is the throne of the deity, without distinction of class or

rank. The Pariah's humble hut containing the sacred emblem is far above

the most magnificent palace where it is not." These were undoubtedly

the views of the founder, but his orders are not followed at the

present day. The authorities at Ujjini deny that any Mala or Madiga

can become a Lingayat, and say that, even if he wears a lingam, it

has not been given him by a Jangam. There is a class of Malas called

Chalavadis, whose duty it is to accompany Lingayat processions,

and ring a bell. These Chalavadis wear the lingam. It is, however,

the accepted rule amongst Lingayats of the present day that a Mala

or Madiga cannot wear lingam.

In a note on the relations between Lingayats and Brahmans, [124]

Mr. T. V. Subramanyam refers to the long-standing differences

between them in the Bellary district. "The quarrel," he writes,

"has reference to the paraphernalia the former may carry in their

religious processions, and has its origin in a legend. The story runs

that Vedavyasa, the author of the Mahabharata and a fervent devotee

of Vishnu, once went to Benares with the object of establishing

the superiority of his favourite deity in that stronghold of

Saivism. Within the precincts of the temple, he raised his hands aloft,

proclaiming that Vishnu was the supreme God, when, to the consternation

of the assembled worshippers, Nandi, the trusted servant and vehicle

of Siva, whose sculptured image is found in every temple sacred to

his master, rose up in indignation, and cut off the right hand of

the blasphemous sage. The principal insignia claimed to be used in

Lingayat processions are makaratoranam, pagaladivitti, svetachhatram,

nandidhvajam, and vyasahastam. No objection is raised by the Brahmans

to the use of the first three of these, which are respectively a

banner with the representation of a tortoise embroidered thereon,

torches carried during the day, and a white umbrella. The nandidhvajam

consists of a long pole, at the upper end of which floats a flag with

a representation of Nandi, and to which is affixed an image of Basava,

the founder of the sect. The vyasahastam is a similar pole, from which

a wooden arm is suspended. The assertion of the prowess of Nandi, and

the perpetuation of the punishment alleged by the Lingayats to have

been inflicted on Vyasa for daring to declare the supremacy of Vishnu,

as symbolised by these emblems, are equally offensive to all classes

of Brahmans, as the sage is reverenced equally by Vaishnavas, Madhvas,

and Smartas. Besides these emblems, the Lingayats claim that, during

their processions, they are entitled to ring a bell, which is usually

suspended from the flat end of a large ladle-like object. The Brahmans

object to this, however, as the bells are carried by low-caste persons,

who ring them with their feet, to the accompaniment of chants intended

to insult the Brahmans and their religious creeds. They contend also

that the hollow of the ladle is designed in mockery of the Brahmakapala

(or skull of Brahma), which is very sacred in their eyes.... In the

year 1811, a dispute arose regarding the display of the nandidhavajam

and the vyasahastam, an enquiry into which was held by the Judge of

Bellary, who issued a proclamation for general information throughout

the district, prohibiting the procession altogether, and declaring that

no person should attempt it, on pain of being put in irons, and sent

to take his trial before the Court of Circuit.... When the Sringeri

Swami, known as Jagadguru or spiritual head of the universe, visited

Bellary in 1888, certain Lingayats petitioned the District Magistrate,

praying that, if he was to be allowed to enter the town displaying

his usual paraphernalia, their gurus must also be allowed a similar

privilege during their processions. The petitioners were directed to

meet the agent of the Sringeri Swami, and they agreed with him, to

quote from the Collector's order, in a spirit of mutual consideration

that the processions of the gurus of the Smarta Brahmans and of the

Lingayats should be peaceably conducted, and that, in the latter,

neither the nandidhvajam nor the vyasahastam should be used. In 1899,

it was decided in a Civil Court that the bells used in the processions

of the Lingayats should be rung with the hands and not with the

feet, and that the Chalavadis, or bell-ringers, should not utter

any cries or chants offensive to the feelings of the Brahmans. In

1901, the Collector negotiated a compromise between the Lingayats

and the Brahmans of Rayadrug, by which the display of all insignia,

except the vyasahastam, was permitted to the former. Apparently, the

Brahmans have not been satisfied with the terms of this compromise,

as, subsequent to 1901, they have started civil litigation, in which it

is contended that the use of nandidhvajam is itself objectionable. At

the present moment, therefore, the Brahman Lingayat controversy is

exactly where it was a hundred years ago."

Non-Lingayats, wishing to join the faith, have to undergo a three

days' purification ceremony. On the first day they get their face and

head shaved, and take a bath in cow's urine and ordure. Except these

articles, they are under a prohibition to drink or eat anything else

that day. On the second day they bathe themselves in dhulodaka, i.e.,

water with which a Jangam's feet have been washed, and eat sugar and

drink cow's milk. On the third or last day, they take a panchamrutham

bath, i.e., they apply to the head and body a paste made of plantains,

cow's milk, ghi (clarified butter), curds and honey, and wash it

off with water; they drink the water (thirtham) in which a Jangam's

feet have been washed; the lingam is tied on by the Jangam, and the

convert eats with other Lingayats. Women also undergo this ceremony,

but in their case shaving is omitted.

Disputes are settled by a panchayat (council) headed by one of

the community called Yejaman or Setti, assisted by the Reddi or

headman called Banakara. Where there is no Setti, the Reddi takes

his place. The Setti is appointed by the community, after the office

itself has been created by the Simhasanadhipati of the mutt. The

other members of the panchayat are not permanent, but are selected

for the occasion. The panchayat also tries offences against caste

rules, and imposes fine on the culprit. The money, when collected,

is given to some mutt or temple. Failure to pay is punished by

excommunication. Any one may be appointed Setti, but the post is

hereditary. It is an honorary post carrying no remuneration, and the

enquiries of the panchayat entail no expense, except in the cost of

supplying pansupari (betel leaves and areca nuts). The panchayat is

not limited in numbers, all the leading members of the community being

invited to attend. Appeals from the decisions of the panchayat lie to

the mutt to which the village is subordinate. In Bellary appeals go

to Ujjini. The orders of the mutt are final. The Ujjini authorities

say that the only punishment that can be inflicted is to interdict

the offender from all social intercourse. He is practically "put into

Coventry"; but is released on payment of a fine to the guru, so the

punishment is in fact a fine. The appointment of a new Setti is a

solemn function, resembling the instalment of a church dignitary. The

priests and Settis of neighbouring villages assemble, and instal the

new man. The following is the order of precedence amongst them:--

(1) Matadaya.

(2) Matapati.

(3) Ganachari.

(4) Sthavaria or Gunari.

(5) Setti.

(6) Patna Setti.

(7) Kori Setti.

(8) Wali Setti.

A ceremony called Diksha is said by some to be compulsory with Jangams,

male and female, in their eighth year, and the same is also said to

be required for lay Lingayats. The ceremony is performed in order to

impart to the recipient the sacred mantram called Panchakshari. This is

whispered in the ear by the guru. The rite is evidently in imitation

of the Brahman practice of imparting the Gayatri mantram at the

time of the Upanayanam or thread-tying ceremony. The term Diksha is

sometimes used to express the conversion ceremony used in the case of

a new-comer. It is an essential of the faith that the sacred spell

should be whispered in the ear by the guru, and this explains the

three word motto or "guru, linga and Jangam." But, in the case of lay

Lingayats and of women, it does not appear that Diksha is universal,

and the sacred spell is whispered in the ear when the lingam is tied.

Pollution periods are not observed. The indifference displayed by

Lingayats to the purification ceremonies prescribed by Hindu custom

is noticed by the Abbé Dubois, who quotes the Hindu proverb which says

"There is no river for a Lingayat."

A simple ceremony is performed when a girl comes to maturity. This

lasts only one day. The girl takes an oil bath, and puts on clean

clothes and ornaments. Married women come and place in her lap two

cocoanuts, two dates, five limes, five areca nuts, five betel leaves,

and some rice. They sing some bright song, and then pass round her

head three times the wave offering (arati) of a light. They then

depart, after being presented with food and betel. This ceremony is

evidently copied from other castes, and with well-to-do Lingayats

is sometimes prolonged for several days. Holy water (thirtham) is

sprinkled over the head of the girl. No ceremonies are observed at

subsequent menstrual periods, as no pollution is attached to them.

No special diet or customs are observed during pregnancy by husband or

wife. The woman in her confinement is attended by her female relatives

and the village midwife. At the birth of a child, all the female

members of the family, and other women who attend the confinement,

bathe and give a bath to the mother and child. On the second and

third day, from five to ten women are invited. They bring boiled

water and turmeric paste to apply to the body of the mother. On

the third day a ceremony called Viralu is performed. Viralu means

the worship of the afterbirth. The midwife buries it at the outer

door, throws over the grave a piece of thread, dipped in turmeric

water, and some rice, turmeric powder, kunkuma (red powder) and nim

(Melia Azadirachta) leaves. She offers to it kitchade, a mess made

of broken cholam (millet: Sorghum) and a dish of greens, and breaks a

cocoanut. The mother, who wears on the right wrist a piece of thread

with a piece of sweet flag (Acorus Calamus) tied to it, worships

the grave with joined hands. The women who have brought boiled water

also wear similar threads on the right wrists, and eat the cholam and

the greens. The midwife takes away the offering made to the grave,

and gets also her money perquisites. The Viralu ceremony is observed

in the belief that the mother's breasts will thereby be fruitful of

milk. The mother for the first time, on the day after the ceremony is

over, suckles the child. Both of them receive dhulodaka (water from

a Jangam's feet). The child also receives from the Jangam the lingam,

which is to be his personal property for life and for eternity.

The name is given to a child on the sixteenth day after birth. Five

married women go to a well or river, where they worship Gangamma, and

return with a new pot filled with water. The mother receives it at the

entrance, and places it on some cholam under the cradle. After this,

the child is put into the cradle, and is given a name. The child's

maternal uncle or aunt gives the name, and at once all the women

present assault the namer with their fists. After this the Jangam

and guests are fed, and guggeri (fried grain) is distributed.

Marriage is both infant and adult. There is no difference in this

respect between Jangams and other Lingayats. Sexual license before

marriage is neither recognised nor tolerated. Open prostitution is

not permitted. On the other hand, it is condemned as a moral sin and

a social offence, and the party is punished by excommunication. There

are Basavis (dedicated prostitutes) amongst Lingayats. Polygamy is

permitted. Polyandry is strictly prohibited. Among the Lingayats,

marriage between brothers' children is strictly prohibited. Similarly,

sisters' children cannot marry. Marriage between some classes of

second cousins is also prohibited, i.e., a man's children may not

marry the children of his paternal uncle or of his maternal aunt. A

man may marry his sister's daughter, but, in the case of children of

the younger sister, such marriages are looked on with disfavour. The

parties to a marriage have no freedom of choice. It is arranged for

them by their parents or by the elders of their family, who come to

an agreement as to the amount of teravu that should be paid to the

bride's family. This marriage price usually amounts to 12 pagodas or

42 rupees, but is often more. In the case of a second marriage, the

amount is double. The presents to the bridegroom generally consist

of a pair of cloths, a turban, and a gold ring. These gifts are not

compulsory, and their amount and value depend upon the circumstances

of the bride's family.

For a betrothal, the bridegroom's family come to the bride's house on

an auspicious day in company with a Jangam. They bring a sire (woman's

cloth), a kuppasa (jacket), two cocoanuts, five pieces of turmeric,

five limes, betel leaf and areca nut. They also bring flowers for

the susaka (a cap of flowers made for the bride), gold and silver

ornaments, and sugar and areca nut for distribution to guests. The

bride puts on the new cloths with the ornaments and flowers, and

sits on a folded kumbli (blanket), on which fantastic devices have

been made with rice. Some married women fill her lap with cocoanuts

and other things brought by the bridegroom's party. Music is played,

and the women sing. Five of them pick up the rice on the kumbli, and

gently drop it on to the bride's knees, shoulders and head. They do

this three times with both hands. Sugar and betel are then distributed,

and one of the bride's family proclaims the fact that the bride has

been given to the bridegroom. One of the bridegroom's family then

states that the bride is accepted. That night the bride's family feed

the visitors on sweet things; dishes made of hot or pungent things

are strictly prohibited.

The marriage ceremony, which often takes place some years later,

occupies from one to four days according to circumstances. In the

case of a four-day marriage, the first day is spent in worshipping

ancestors. On a second day, rice and oil are sent to the local

mutt, and oil alone to the relatives. New pots are brought with much

shouting, and deposited in the god's room. A pandal (booth) is erected,

and the bridegroom sits under it side by side with a married female

relative, and goes through a performance which is called Surige. An

enclosure is made round them with cotton thread passed ten times

round four earthen pitchers placed at the four corners. Five married

women come with boiled water, and wash off the oil and turmeric,

with which the bride and the bridegroom and his companion have been

anointed. The matrons then clothe them with the new cloths offered

to the ancestors on the first day. After some ceremonial, the thread

forming the enclosure is removed, and given to a Jangam. The Surige

being now over, the bridegroom and his relatives are taken back to the

god's room. The bride and her relatives are now taken to the pandal,

and another Surige is gone through. When this is over, the bride is

taken to her room, and is decorated with flowers. At the same time,

the bridegroom is decorated in the god's room, and, mounting on a

bullock, goes to the village temple, where he offers a cocoanut. A

chaplet of flowers called bashingam is tied to his forehead, and he

returns to the house. In the god's room a panchakalasam, consisting

of five metal vases with betel and vibhuti (sacred ashes) has been

arranged, one vase being placed at each corner of a square, and one on

the middle. By each kalasam is a cocoanut, a date fruit, a betel leaf

and areca nut, and one pice (a copper coin) tied in a handkerchief. A

cotton thread is passed round the square, and round the centre kalasam

another thread, one end of which is held by the family guru, and the

other by the bridegroom who sits opposite to him. The guru wears a

ring made of kusa grass on the big toe of his right foot. The bride

sits on the left hand side of the bridegroom, and the guru ties their

right and left hands respectively with kusa grass. Hastapuja then

follows. The joined hands of the bride and bridegroom are washed, and

bilva (Ægle Marmelos) leaves and flowers are offered. The officiating

priest then consecrates the tali and the kankanam (wrist-thread),

ties the latter on the wrists of the joined hands, and gives the tali

to the bridegroom, who ties it round the bride's neck, repeating some

words after the priest. The tying of the tali is the binding portion

of the ceremony. Before the tali is given to the bridegroom, it is

passed round the assembly to be touched by all and blessed. As soon

as the bridegroom ties it on the bride, all those present throw over

the pair a shower of rice. The bridegroom places some cummin seed

and jaggery (crude sugar) on the bride's head, and the bride does

the same to the bridegroom. Small quantities of these articles are

tied in a corner of the cloth of each, and the cloths are then knotted

together. The bride worships the bridegroom's feet, and he throws rice

on her head. The newly married couple offer fruits to five Jangams,

and present them with five pice. The relatives worship the bride and

bridegroom, wash their feet and offer presents, and the proceedings

of the day terminate. On the third day, friends and relatives are fed,

and on the fourth day bride and bridegroom ride in procession through

the village, on the same bullock, the bride in front. On return to

the house they throw scented powder (bukkittu) at each other, and the

guests join in the fun. Then follows the wedding breakfast, to which

only the near relatives are admitted. The married couple worship

Jangams and the elders, and take off the kankanam or consecration

thread from their wrists, and tie it at the doorway. The five matrons

who have assisted are given presents and dismissed, and the marriage

is now complete. In a one-day marriage, the above ceremonies are

crowded into the short time allotted. The remarriage of widows was

one of the points on which Basava insisted, and was probably one of

the biggest bones of contention with the Brahmans. Widow remarriage

is allowed at the present day, but the authorities at Ujjini see

fit to disregard it. They say that amongst Jangams it is prohibited,

and that amongst the other classes of Lingayats it is growth of custom.

The practice of widow remarriage is widely followed even among Jangams,

but amongst the stricter classes, who are probably under the influence

of their Brahman friends, it is discountenanced. The parties to such

a marriage are not allowed to take part in the marriage ceremonies of

others. A great deal can, however, be done when money is forthcoming,

and in one case a girl has recently been remarried according to

the form in use for original marriages. Every Jangam probably has

his price.

A widow cannot marry her deceased husband's brother or cousin. The

marriage goes by the name of Udiki, and corresponds to some extent

to the Gandarva form of the Hindus. The ceremony is a very simple

one; there is no music and no guests are invited. The parties go to

the temple in company with the Matapati or headman, and the bangle

seller. The latter puts glass bangles on the bride's wrists, and the

Matapati ties the tali. This last act ratifies the marriage contract,

and makes it indissoluble. In some cases the ceremony takes place

at night, as though the parties wished the darkness to cover them,

but this practice does not seem to be universal. A widower generally

takes a widow as his second bride; a bachelor will not as a rule

marry a widow. In connection with a case concerning the Lingayat

'Goundans' of the Wynad, it is noted, in the Indian Law Reports,

[125] that "there is an immemorial custom by which Lingait widows

are remarried. Such marriage is styled, not kalianam, but odaveli or

kudaveli. It is not accompanied with the same ceremonies as a kalianam

marriage, but a feast is given, the bride and bridegroom sit on a mat

in the presence of the guests and chew betel, their cloths are tied

together, and the marriage is consummated the same night. Widows

married in this form are freely admitted into society. They cease

to belong to the family of their first husband, and the children of

the second family inherit the property of their own father." Divorce

is permitted on proof of misconduct. The husband can exercise his

right to divorce his wife by proving before a panchayet the alleged

misconduct. The wife can only claim to divorce her husband when he

has been outcasted. Wives who have been divorced cannot remarry. The

above answers are given on the authority of the Ujjini mutt. There

appears to be considerable divergence of opinion in other quarters. By

some it is positively asserted that divorce is not permitted under

any circumstances; that the husband and wife may separate on the

ground of incompatibility of temper or for misconduct; and that

in these circumstances the husband is at liberty to marry again,

while the wife is not. Others say that divorce is permitted, and

that both parties are at liberty to remarry. In connection with the

Lingayats of South Canara, it is recorded, in the Indian Law Reports,

[126] that "second marriage of a wife forsaken by the first husband

is allowed. Such marriage is known as serai udiki (giving a cloth);

as distinguished from lagna or dhara, the first marriage."

All castes included in Lingayat community follow the Hindu law of

inheritance, and succession is governed by the same.

As a rule Lingayats worship Basaveswara and Virabhadra, the former

being the founder of their sect, and the latter a son of Siva. They

worship also the other sons of Siva, Shanmukha and Vinayaka, and

Parvati, wife of Siva. The other deities of the Hindu pantheon

are not reverenced. Some later saints are sometimes regarded with

reverence, but there does not appear to be any great uniformity in this

matter, and the Ujjini authorities declare that no god except Siva

is worshipped. This is clearly the correct view of the religion, and

it is evident that the worship of minor deities was not countenanced

by the founder.

It is a peculiarity amongst the Lingayats that they esteem the Jangam

or priest as superior even to the deity. They pay homage to the Jangam

first, and to Siva afterwards. The Jangam is regarded as an incarnation

of the deity. They allow him to bathe his lingam in water with which

his feet have been washed, and which for this reason is regarded as

holy water. With the same water they bathe their own lingams, and drink

the remainder. The motto of the creed quoted by Mr. C. P. Brown is

"Guru, linga, Jangam." These three words express the Lingayat faith,

but in practice the Jangam is placed first, and, as stated above, is

worshipped as god upon earth. This practice of bathing the lingams in

holy water is universal, and precedes each meal. The Jangam blesses

the food in the name of Basava, and eats before the others can begin.

Monday in every week is the Lingayat Sunday, and is sacred to

Siva. This day is observed everywhere, and no Lingayat will cultivate

his field, or otherwise work his cattle on a Monday. This fact was

noted by the Abbé Dubois. The following account of the various

festivals recognised by Lingayats was furnished by the Dewan of

the Sandur State, but, as he himself admits, very few people really

observe the rules:--

The month Chaitra.--First day of the bright fortnight being Ugadi or

new year's day, all take an oil bath and feast, the first dish to be

eaten being a porridge made of margosa (Melia Azadirachta) flowers,

sugar candy or jaggery, dried grapes, almonds, Bengal gram flour,

poppy seeds, and cocoanut kernel. Those who can afford it put on new

clothing. The eating of margosa flowers on Ugadi is not, however,

peculiar to the Lingayat. On the full-moon day, called Davanadahunname

(from davana, a scented plant), they enjoy dainty dishes in honour

of Hampe Pompapathiswami's car festival.

The month Vaisakha.--On the full-moon day called Hagihunname (from

hage, a young plant) cultivators make nursery beds, and enjoy a

good repast.

The month Jyesta.--The full-moon day called Karuhunname (from kare,

a festoon). Bullocks are washed, painted, and taken out in procession,

when a festoon made of leaves, etc., and tied high across the main

street, is broken. On the new-moon day called Mannueththina-amavasya,

they make bulls with earth, worship them, and eat a good meal.

The month Ashadha.--On the full-moon day called Kadlakadavena hunname,

they make a mixture of cholam or other flour with a single grain

of unbroken Bengal gram inside, boil it and eat. Women strike one

another with these cakes, which are either round or oblong, and are

tough. Before being eaten, they are cut into pieces with a knife.

The month Sravana.--The fifth day of the bright fortnight, called

Nagarapanchame. The image of a serpent, made of mud taken from a

snake's hole, is worshipped with offerings of milk, soaked Bengal

gram, rice, balls made of jaggery and fried gingelly (Sesamum)

called chigali, balls made of rice flour and jaggery called tanittoo,

cocoanuts, plantains and flowers. On each Monday of this month, all

the gods are worshipped with offerings of dainty dishes, and Jangams

are fed. This is the most important month in the year. Those who can

afford it have the Basava or other Puranams read and explained.

The month Bhadrapada.--The fourth day of the bright fortnight. The

image of Ganesha, made of earth and painted, is worshipped with

an offering consisting of 21 harnakadubu, 21 chigali, 21 tanittoo,

a cocoanut, flowers and incense. It is taken out in procession on

the 3rd, 5th or 9th day, and deposited in a well or stream after

the necessary worship. The new-moon day called Malada-amavasya (from

Mahalaya, a period comprising 15 days from full- to new-moon), during

which offerings are made to the manes of departed ancestors.

The month Aswija.--The first day of the bright fortnight. Male children

bathe, put on holiday clothes, and go to the village school. They

do so till the 10th or Dasami day. With them their master makes

house-to-house visits for annual presents. They sing and play with

the kolatam, a pair of painted round sticks about one foot in length

with a diameter of 1 1/4 inches. On the Dasami day, books, accounts,

scales and weights, measures and weapons are worshipped with jambi

(Prosopis spicigera), rich food, flowers and incense. All, including

Jangams, enjoy a good meal. In the evening they visit temples,

and offer cocoanuts to the idols. They pay reverence to elders by

giving them jambi, and falling at their feet. On the same day, girls

collect earth from ant-hills, and place it in a heap in the village

temple. Every evening they go to the said temple with aratis (wave

offerings), singing on the way, and worship the heap. They continue

this till the full-moon day called Seegahunname. On the following day,

i.e., on the first day of the dark fortnight, they worship in the

same temple an image of Siva and his consort Parvati seated on the

sacred bull made of earth and painted. They worship with offerings

of cakes and other dainties, and cocoanuts, flowers and incense,

and give arati. The Matapati who has installed the idol takes these

offerings, and gives each girl two idols of Kontamma, made out of

the heaped earth previously worshipped by them. They take them home

in their arati platters. Within the next three days, they go from

house to house playing on kolu or kolatam and singing, and receive

money presents. These earnings they spend on the worship of Kontamma

by making sajja and gingelly cakes called konte roti, and offering

them. This worship is performed on the top of the roof of a house. The

girls eat up the cakes, and take Kontamma in procession to a stream or

well, and gently let her into the water, singing songs all the while.

On the new-moon day, a religious observance called nope or nomulu in

honour of Gauri (another name of Parvati) is kept up. The observance

consists in offering to the goddess 21 karjikayi, 21 whole areca nuts,

21 betel nuts, 21 bits of turmeric, 21 chendu flowers, 21 tumbe huvvu,

a silk string with 21 threads and 21 knots, a cocoanut kernel, a date

fruit, kunkuma, a cocoanut, bukkittu and incense, in a winnowing

fan specially made with 21 fastenings. The fan is passed round the

goddess 21 times. A face worked in silver, a new earthen pitcher or

a metal pot with a twig of the banian tree in it, well decorated,

represents the goddess. The silk string is allowed to remain before

her that night. Next morning, offerings of food, etc., are made to

her, and the pujari (priest) ties a silk string on the left arm if a

female, or the right arm if a male. That day being the Balipadyam day,

men, women and children take an oil bath very early in the morning,

eat something, and put on new clothing. Just before daybreak, women

make two sets of cow-dung Panchapandavas, and keep one set on either

side of the outer threshold, and, sprinkling on them milk, butter and

ghi, worship them. At the usual breakfast time, all the members of the

family enjoy a hearty meal with the newly married son-in-law, to whom

they make presents of cloths and gold according to circumstances. All

that day children let off crackers.

The month Kartika.--On the fourteenth day of the bright fortnight,

girls bring ant-hill earth, and, depositing it in a temple, follow

the procedure observed from the tenth day of the bright fortnight of

Aswija up to the day on which the Kontamma was left in a stream or

well. They go through the various details in three days.

The month Pushya.--The Sankranti (the day on which the sun's progress

to the north of the equator begins) festival is observed. On the

Bhogi day, i.e., the day previous to Sankranti, cakes made of sajja

and gingelly, dishes made of pumpkin, brinjals, sweet potatoes,

red radish, raw chillies and chitrana (coloured rice) are eaten. On

the Sankranti day, more rich food, including holigas (cakes made of

jaggery, dhal and wheat), is eaten in company with Jangams, who are

dismissed with money presents and betel and nut.

The month Magha.--The full-moon day called Baratahunname. This is a

feasting day on which no ceremony is performed, but the people enjoy

themselves by eating good things. The fourteenth day of the dark

fortnight is the Sivarathri day, i.e., the day sacred to Siva. This

should be a fasting and sleepless day, the fast being broken early

next morning, but very few observe these rules strictly.

The month Phalguna.--The full-moon day is the day on which the Holi

festival takes place. It is not marked by any religious observance

beyond eating good things. The same is the case with the new-moon day.

Brahmans are not employed as a general rule. The Jangam is the priest

of the Lingayat, and is called in for all ceremonies. Brahmans are

sometimes consulted in fixing auspicious days, and in some cases are

even allowed to officiate at marriages. This is the rule in Sandur,

and shows the tendency of modern times. The Ujjini mutt is, however,

still bigoted in its rejection of all Brahman interference, though,

with strange inconsistency, the elders of the community themselves

claim to be Brahmans. Jangams are now studying Vedic Shastras, and

may often be heard repeating Vedic hymns.

The dead are buried in a sitting posture facing towards the north,

but an exception is made in the case of unmarried people, who are

buried in a reclining position. Before the patient dies, the ceremony

called Vibhutidharane or Vibhuti achchodu is performed. He is given

a bath, and is made to drink holy water in which the Jangam's feet

have been washed. He is made to give the Jangam a handkerchief

with vibhuti (ashes), rudraksha, dakshina (coin) and tambula (betel

leaf). This is followed by a meal, of which all the Jangams present,

and the relatives and friends of the patient partake. It appears

to be immaterial whether the patient is still alive or not. It is

stated that, if the invalid survives this ceremony, he must take to

the jungles and disappear, but in practice this is not observed. The

death party resembles in some respects an Irish 'wake,' though the

latter does not commence until the deceased is well on his way to the

next world. After death, the corpse is placed in a sitting posture,

and the Jangam, who has received the offering before death, places his

left foot on the right thigh of the body. The people present worship

the corpse, and the usual distribution of coins and betel to Jangams

follows. The body is then carried in a vimanam or bamboo chair to the

burial-ground. The grave should be a cube of nine feet dimensions,

with a niche on one side, in which the corpse is to sit. The lingam

is untied, and placed in the left hand; bilva leaves (Ægle Marmelos)

and vibhuti are placed at the side; the body is wrapped in an orange

coloured cloth; and the grave is filled in. A Jangam stands on the

grave, and, after receiving the usual douceur, shouts out the name

of the deceased and says that he has gone to Kailasa or heaven.

Memorial ceremonies are contrary to Lingayat tenets, but in this, as in

other matters, the influence of the Brahmans appears, and amongst some

sections an annual ceremony is performed. The performance of Sradh,

or the memorial ceremonial common to other Hindus, is unknown. The

Abbé Dubois tells us that a Lingayat is no sooner buried than he is

forgotten. He says, "The point in the creed of the Saivaites which

appears to me to be most remarkable is their entire rejection of

that fundamental principle of the Hindu religion 'marujanma' or

metempsychosis. From this it would follow that they do not believe

in ghosts. But there is a generally accepted idea that evil spirits

sometimes take possession of females. This may be a rude way of

expressing the fact that the gentle sex is uncertain, coy and hard

to please."

Though Sradh is unknown, once in a year on the new-moon day of the

month Bhadrapada or in Aswija, they offer clothes and food to ancestors

in general, childless ancestors, and men who have died a violent death.

The special object of worship is a bull, the animal sacred to Siva. A

bull is supposed to be used by Siva for riding. It is also painted

on Siva's flag.

Tattooing is confined to females. Children are tattooed in their

fifth year. A round mark, the size of a pea, is pricked between the

eyebrows, on the right cheek, and on the chin. Other marks are made on

the forehead. These marks are also made on the forearms and hands. The

pigment is of a green colour, but the recipe is not known. The skin

is pricked with babul (Acacia arabica) thorns.

Females wear a sadi about 8 yards long and 1¼ yards broad. It is

invariably a coloured one, with silk or cotton borders at the edges

and across at both the ends. One of the cross borders is much broader

than the other, and is showy. The sadi is of different patterns. It

is tied below the waist with folds in front, the end with the cross

border passing round the trunk from left to right, and covering the

head. They wear also a kuppasa, which covers half the body from the

neck, and is fastened in the front by a knot.

In some families infants are branded with a hot needle on the stomach,

under the idea that disease is thereby warded off. Children who suffer

from fits are branded with a twig of margosa or with a glass bangle.

As Lingayats were originally recruited from all castes, the community

must have included persons of nearly every trade. At the present day

the majority may be grouped under priests, traders and agriculturists.

It is the idea of some Lingayats that Jangams are forbidden to trade,

and strictly speaking this objection is valid. But it is even admitted

at Ujjini that there is no such objection in practice. Many wealthy

traders may be found amongst the above class, and in the town of Kampli

there is a Lingayat guru who is held in great esteem, and yet is the

owner of two shops, the business of which he personally conducts. It

is even whispered that the head of the Ujjini Mutt is not averse

to increasing his income by a little discreet usury. The majority

of Lingayats in Bellary are tenant-farmers, or self-cultivating

pattadars. It is said to be uncommon to find a Lingayat daily

labourer in the Bombay Presidency--they are mostly landholders and

cultivators or petty traders. They are prohibited from doing such

work as is required of a butcher, a toddy drawer or seller, sweeper

or scavenger. Anything connected with the use of leather is an object

of special abhorrence to a Lingayat. Even the use of a leather bucket

for irrigation purposes is by some of the stricter members considered

degrading. It is even supposed to be wrong to touch one's shoe or

sandals in the presence of others, and beating with a shoe is a

special insult. This last objection is probably common to all castes.

There are few artisans, but a special sub-section called

the Hirekurnis are weavers. Oil-sellers are styled Ganigas and

Sajjanaganigas. Flower-sellers are called Jiru; those engaged in making

dairy produce, Gaulis ; those who do tailoring, Chippigas. Members of

the above trades under the above names are not exclusively Lingayats.

Ploughing is never commenced in Pushya, as it is considered an

inauspicious month, but what was begun in the previous Margasira

could be continued through it. Those who did not begin in Margasira

do so in Magha, the month succeeding Pushya. Tuesdays and Fridays

are auspicious days for the commencement of this operation. They are

also the appropriate days for sowing. There is no restriction as to

month, that being entirely dependent on the season. Before ploughing

commences, the team of bullocks is worshipped. The horns of the animals

are washed with water, and covered with sacred ashes. A cocoanut is

broken on the yoke. Before sowing, puja (worship) is offered to the

drill-plough. The hollow bamboos, through which the seed drops, is

daubed with chunam (lime), and the other parts with red earth. Bunches

of leaves of the sacred pipal, and bits of turmeric are stuck in

three or four places. To the drill, a string, containing marking-nut,

sweet flag, and pieces of palmyra leaf, is tied. Kunkuma is applied,

and to the whole apparatus food specially prepared is offered. This

takes place at home. The drill-plough is then carried to the field,

where, after the bullocks have been attached, a cocoanut is broken on

the cross beam. Reaping commences with the sprinkling of milk and ghi

on the crop. At the threshing floor, a ceremony called Saraga is gone

through. A conical-shaped image made of cow-dung is set at the foot

of the grain heap. On its top are placed the tail hair of bullocks,

a single cholam ear-head, a flower of the avari (bean) creeper, and

tummi flower (Leucas aspera). Before it are spread the mess of cholam

and other food brought from home, and a cocoanut is broken. Some of

the mess is dissolved in buttermilk, and thrown round the threshing

floor. The man who throws it lays the pot which contained it before

the image, and salutes the heap with joined hands. The residue of

the cholam mess and other food is eaten by a Jangam, the cultivator,

the guests, servants and coolies. The grain in the heap is next

winnowed and made into a heap. It is measured just before sunset,

neither sooner nor later, after breaking the cocoanut which was

secreted in the original heap. The measurers sit with their faces

towards the north. While the measurement is proceeding, no one in the

threshing floor may speak; nor is any one allowed to enter it at the

time. The belief is that, if either of these happens, the grain in

the heap will diminish. This mysterious disappearance is called wulusu.

Rain in Rohini Karte (one of the twenty-seven asterisms in

which rain falls) is good for sowing, and that in Mrugasira and

Ardra appropriate. These three asterisms are suited for sowing

cholam. Showers in Punarvasu, Pushya, and Aslesha are suitable for

sowing korra, saju and savi. Rain in Pubba and Wuttara is favourable to

cotton, korra and horse gram, and that in Hasta and Chitta to wheat,

cholam, Bengal gram and kusumulu (oil-seed). Flashes of lightning

occurring at the exit of Ardra, augur good showers. The saying

is that, if it flashes in Ardra, six showers will fall. In Magha,

weeding, either by the hand or by bullocks, should not be done. Wind

should not blow in Wuttara. If it does, the grain in the ear-heads

will be hollow. There should be no lightning flashes in Swati. If

there are, a pest called benkihula will appear, and grain will not

be formed in each socket. Rain in Visakha destroys worms, and is

good for pulses. Rain in Anuradha spoils them. A scare-crow in the

shape of a human being is set up in fields where there are crops, to

scare birds and animals. It is made much in the same way as elsewhere,

with crossed sticks and a painted chatty (pot). The sticks are covered

with rags of cotton or a kambli (blanket). A cocoanut is broken before

digging for a well commences.

The Lingayats are strict vegetarians, and abstain from all forms

of liquor. The staple foods in Bellary are cholam, cumbu, ragi

and korra. Lingayats will not eat, drink or smoke with any one of

another religion. This is the strict rule, but, as already stated,

Kapu Lingayats will sometimes eat with a non-Lingayat relative or

friend. (See also Jangam.)

Liyari.--See Kevuto.

Lohana.--Immigrant traders from the Bombay Presidency. "They state

that they take their name from the port of Loha in Sindh, but Burton

says that they came from Lohanpur near Multan, and that they were

driven south by the Muhammadans. They reverence the Daria Pir, or

the Indus spirit." [127]

Lohara.--The Loharas, Luharas, or Luharos, are an Oriya caste of

iron-workers, whose name is derived from loha, iron. Luhara also

occurs as an occupational name of a sub-division of Savaras.

Loliya.--A synonym for Jalari.

Lombo-lanjia (long tail).--A sub-division of Savaras, which is so

called because its members leave, at the buttocks, one end of the

long piece of cloth, which they wear round the waist.

Loriya.--Recorded, in the Madras Census Report, 1901, as a small class

of hill cultivators in the Vizagapatam district. They are said to be

a sub-division of Gaudo.

M

Machi.--Recorded as a synonym of Myasa Bedar.

Madaka (plough).--An exogamous sept of Togata.

Madari (pride or arrogance).--A Tamil name for Chakkiliyan.

Maddi.--Maddi or Madderu, indicating those who use the root of the

Indian mulberry (maddi: Morinda citrifolia) as a dye, has been recorded

as a sub-division of Besthas and Kabberas.

Maddila (drum).--Maddila or Maddili has been recorded as an exogamous

sept of Kapu and Mala.

Madhave (marriage).--An exogamous sept of Badagas of the Nilgiri hills.

Madhurapuria.--A name frequently given by members of the Bhatta

sub-division of Gaudo.

Madhya.--Madhya or Madhaya is a sub-division of Bottada and Sondi.

Madiga.--The Madigas are the great leather-working caste of the Telugu

country, and correspond to the Chakkiliyans of the Tamil area. They

were first studied by me at Hospet in the Bellary district, and at once

formed a strong opposition party, in the belief that I was going to

select and carry off the strong men, lest they should become kings,

and upset the British Raj. So frightened were they, that they went

in a body to live in the Muhammadan quarter of the town.

At the Hospet weekly market I witnessed a mendicant youth lying naked

in a thorny bed of babul (Acacia arabica) stems. A loathsome spectacle

was afforded by a shrivelled old woman with mouth distended by a mass

of mud the size of a cricket-ball, both eyes bunged up with mud, and

beating her bare breasts with her hands. The market was infested by

religious mendicants, some from Benares and Ramesvaram, others from

across the Hyderabad frontier, who cadged persistently for tobacco

leaves, an onion or brinjal (Solanum Melongena), a few chillies, a

handful of grain, or a pinch of salt, and helped to deplete the slender

stock of the market-sellers. One holy man from Sholapur was profusely

decorated with beads, ashes, brass snakes, and deities. Holding out for

four pies worth of betel leaves, while the stall-keeper only offered

one pie worth, he, after making a circle in the ground with his staff

round his sandals thickly studded with blunt nails, stood thereon, and

abused the vendor in language which was not nice. A Native Magistrate

thereon summoned a constable, who, hastily donning his official belt,

took the holy man in custody for an offence under the Act.

A conspicuous feature of Hospet are the block-wheel carts with wooden

wheels, solid or made of several pieces, with no spokes. Dragged by

sturdy buffaloes, they are excellent for carrying timber or other

loads on rough roads or hill-tracks, where ordinary carts cannot

travel. During the breezy and showery season of the south-west monsoon,

kite-flying is the joy of the Hospet youths, the kites being decorated

with devices of scorpions and Hindu gods, among which a representation

of Hanuman, one of the genii loci, soared highest every evening.

It is fairly easy to distinguish a Madiga from a Bedar, but difficult

to put the distinction in words. The Madigas have more prominent

cheek-bones, a more vinous eye, and are more unkempt. The Bedar, it is

said, gets drunk on arrack (alcohol obtained by distillation), whereas

the Madiga contents himself with the cheaper toddy (fermented palm

juice). The Bedars resort freely to the Madiga quarters (Madiga keri),

situated on the outskirts of the town, and fenced in by milk-hedge

(Euphorbia Tirucalli) bushes. My Brahman assistant, hunting in the

Madiga quarters for subjects for measurement, unfortunately asked some

Bedars if they were Madigas. To which, resenting the mistake, one of

them replied "We call you the Madiga," and the Brahman stood crushed.

The Hospet Madigas had their hair cropped short, moustache, and trimmed

beard. They wore the customary threads or charm cylinders to ward off

devils, and steel tweezers for removing the thorns of the babul, which

is largely used as a fence for the fields of cholam and sugar. One

man had suspended round his neck, as a hereditary talisman, a big

silver Venkataramana bottu with the namam in the centre on an altar,

and the chank and chakram stamped on it.

As bearing on the social status of the Malas and Madigas, which

is a subject of dispute between the two classes, it may be noted

that all the billets in cotton factories which require any skill,

such as engine-drivers, valve-men, moulders, turners, etc., are

held by Malas. The Madigas are generally only three-anna wage men,

and do such work as turning a winch, moving bales, and other trivial

jobs. At a factory, whereat I stayed, at Adoni, there were three wells,

viz.:--for Malas, for Madigas, and for the rest of the workers, except

Brahmans. And the well-water for the Malas was better than that for

the Madigas. A Madiga chindu, or sword-dance, was prohibited in 1859

and 1874. But a petition, referring to its obscene nature, and its

being the cause of frequent collision between the Malas and Madigas,

was submitted to the Collector of Kurnool in 1887, by a missionary. The

dance was performed at festivals, held annually or triennially, in

honour of the village goddess, and during the time of threshing corn,

building a new house, or the opening of a newly-dug well. The dance,

accompanied by a song containing grossly indecent reflections against

the Malas, was also performed, under the excitement of strong drinks,

in the presence of the goddess, on the occasion of marriages. One

verse ran as follows: "I shall cut with my saw the Malas of the four

houses at Nandyal, and, having caused them to be cut up, shall remove

their skins, and fix them to drums."

"The right hand party," it is stated, [128] "resent the use by the

left of palanquins at their marriages, and so the Malas are very

jealous of the Chucklers (Madigas) carrying the bride and bridegroom

through the streets, using tinkling ornaments, etc. Riots sometimes

occur when a strong feeling of opposition is raised, to resent what

they consider innovations."

" The Madigas," Mr. N. G. Chetty writes, [129] "belong to the

left-hand caste, and often quarrel with the Malas (right-hand). In

1871 a Madiga, having contrived to obtain a red cloth as a reward

from the Police Superintendent, wore it on his head, and went in

procession on horseback by the main bazaar street. This resulted in a

disturbance, in which a European Inspector was severely hurt by a Mala,

who had mistaken him for the Superintendent. The two factions fixed,

by mutual understanding, the streets by which each was to proceed,

and no quarrels have since occurred." During the celebration of village

festivals, an unmarried Madiga woman, called for the occasion Matangi

(a favourite deity), abuses and spits upon the people assembled,

and they do not take this as an insult, because they think that her

spittle removes the pollution. The woman is, indeed, regarded as

the incarnation of the goddess herself. Similarly, the Malas use

very obscene language, when the god is taken in procession to the

streets of the caste people. [130] Concerning the Matangi I gather

[131] that she is an "unmarried woman of the Madiga class, chosen

after a most trying ordeal, unless she happens to be descended from

a previous Matangi, to represent the goddess. She must vindicate

her fitness by suitable prophetic utterances, and her nomination is

not confirmed till she has obtained divine approval at the temple of

a certain village near Kumbam in Kurnool. When she has been finally

confirmed in her honours, she enjoys the privilege of adorning her face

with a profusion of turmeric and red powder, and of carrying margosa

(Melia Azadirachta) leaves about her. She is unmarried, but without

being bound by a vow of celibacy. Her business is to preside at the

purificatory ceremonies that precede all festivities. When Malakshmi,

or Poleramma, or Ankamma, or any other of the village deities is to

have her festival, the nearest Matangi is applied to. Her necklace of

cowry (Cypræa moneta) shells is deposited in a well for three days,

before she is allowed to put it on for the ceremony. She dons the

necklace, and marches behind the master of the ceremonies, who carries

a knife, wooden shoes and trident, which have been similarly placed

for a time at the bottom of a well. The master of the ceremonies,

his male and female relations, then stand in a line, and the Matangi

runs round and round them, uttering what appear to be meaningless

exclamations, spitting upon all of them, and touching them with her

stick. Her touch and saliva are believed to purge all uncleanliness

of body and soul, and are invited by men who would ordinarily scorn

to approach her, and it passes one's comprehension how she should

be honoured with the task of purifying the soul and body of high

class Reddis and purse-proud Komatis. It must be said that only very

few Brahman families keep up this mysterious ceremony of homage to

the Matangi. She is allowed to come into the house, that is to pass

the outer gate. There she besmears a certain spot with cowdung, and

places upon it a basket. It is at once filled with cooked food. A

layer of rice powder covers the surface of the food, and on it is

placed a small lamp, which is lighted. She then holds out a little

earthenware pot, and asks for toddy to fill it with. But the Brahman

says that she must be content with water. With the pot in her hand,

and wild exultant songs in her mouth, recounting her humiliation

of Brahman and Kshatriya, of saint and sovereign, she moves quickly

round the assembled men and women, scattering with a free hand upon

them the water from the pot. The women doff their petticoats, and

make a present of them to the Matangi, and the mistress of the house

gives her the cloth she is wearing. The men, however, with strange

inconsistency, doff their sacred threads, and replace them by new ones

after a bath. The origin of the supremacy of the Matangi is obscure,

and shrouded in legends. According to one of them, the head of Renuka,

the wife of the sage Bhrigu, who was beheaded by her lord's orders,

fell in a Madiga house, and grew into a Madiga woman. According to

another legend, a certain king prayed to be blessed with a daughter,

and in answer the gods sent him a golden parrot, which soon after

perched on an ant-hill, and disappeared into it. The disappointed

father got the ant-hill excavated, and was rewarded for his pains by

finding his daughter rise, a maid of divine beauty, and she came to be

worshipped as the Matangi. It is interesting to note that Matangas were

an ancient line of kings 'somewhere in the south,' and the Madigas

call themselves Matangi Makkalu or children of Matangi or Durga,

who is their goddess."

The system of making Basavis (see Deva-dasi), which prevails among

the Madigas of the Ceded districts, is apparently not in vogue among

those of the Telugu country, where, however, there are, in some

places, a class of prostitutes called Matangi, Matamma, or Matha,

who are held in much respect. In connection with the Basavi system,

it is recorded, in the Madras Law Report, 1892, that "upon the whole,

the evidence seems to be to establish that, among the Madigas, there

is a widespread custom of performing in the temple at Uchangidurgam,

a marriage ceremony, the result of which is that the girl is married

without possibility of widowhood or divorce; that she is at liberty

to have intercourse with men at pleasure; that her children are

heirs to her father, and keep up his family; and that Basavis'

nieces, being made Basavis, become their heirs. The Basavis seem

in some cases to become prostitutes, but the language used by the

witnesses generally points only to free intercourse with men, and

not necessarily to receipt of payment for use of their bodies. In

fact, they acquire the right of intercourse with men, without more

discredit than accrues to the men of their caste for intercourse with

women who are not their wives."

The ceremony of initiation into Matangihood is fully described

by Emma Rosenbusch (Mrs. Clough). [132] In the Canarese country,

e.g., at Tumkur in Mysore, the ceremony of initiation is performed

by a Vakkaliga priest. A portion of the front courtyard of the

house is cleaned, and smeared with cow-dung. On the space thus

prepared, a pattern (muggu) of a lotus is drawn with red, yellow,

and white powders. The outline is first drawn with rice or ragi

(Eleusine Coracana) flour deftly dropped from between the thumb and

index finger. The interspaces are then filled in with turmeric and

kunkuma powder. Five small pots are arranged, one in the centre,

and one at each corner of the pattern. By the side of the pots are

placed a ball of sacred ashes, a new cloth, a piece of turmeric,

camphor, and plantain fruits. Plantain stems are set up at the

corners of the pattern. A string is passed seven times round the

four corner pots, and tied to the central pot. The woman who is

about to become a Matangi should live on fruits and milk for five

days previous to the ceremony. She is dressed in a white sari,

and seats herself on the muggu close to the central pot. A bamboo

basket, containing a pot bearing the device of two foot-prints

(of Ellamma), an earthen or wooden receptacle, an iron lamp, and a

cane, is placed on her head. The Asadi sings songs about Ellamma,

and the Vakkaliga priest throws rice over the novice's head, feet,

knees, and shoulders, and ties two bottus (marriage badges), called

respectively Ellamma's and Parasurama's bottu, on her neck. The new

and old Matangis bawl out Ekkalde Jogavva. The ceremony closes with

the drinking of toddy by the Matangis and Asadis. The basket (adlige)

containing the various articles enumerated is the badge of a Matangi,

who carries it with its contents, and a few leafy twigs of the margosa

tree (Melia Azadirachta). The basket is wrapped up in a red or brown

cloth, and may not be placed on the ground. At the Matangi's house,

it is hung up by means of a rope, or placed in a niche in the wall. It

may be noted that the Madigas call the intoxicant toddy palu (milk).

For the following interesting note on the Matangi institution, I am

indebted to an article by Mr. A. Madhaviah. [133] "About ten miles

to the south-west of Cumbum, in the Kurnool district, and within a

mile of the village of Tudimilla, there is a narrow pass between two

hillocks known as Surabeswara Kona. Besides the more common presences,

we find here the following shrines:--

(a) Sapthamathas (seven mothers).

(b) A curious temple, in which are found the idols of Jamadhagni

Bagawan--the father of Parasurama and the local rishi--his wife Renuka

Devi, and the Surabi.

(c) Opposite to this temple is the curious shrine, not very much bigger

than a railway pointsman's box, dedicated to Mathangi. In this temple

are found no less than five idols arranged in the following order:--(1)

a three-headed snake; (2) another three-headed snake; (3) a female

body, with the palms joined reverentially in the worshipping posture

in front, with the lower half of the body snaky in form, and with a

canopy of snaky hoods above; (4) Mathangi proper--a female figure

of about 15 inches in height, made of stone--with a short skirt,

below which the feet are visible, but no upper garment, and wearing

a garland round the neck. The right hand holds a snake-headed stick,

while the left has an adlika, a kind of sieve; (5) another similar

figure, but without even the skirt.

"We shall now proceed to enquire who this Mathangi was, and how

she came to be worshipped there. Jamadhagni Maharishi, known also as

Bagawan on account of his godly power and virtues, married Renuka, the

daughter of Renu, and had five sons by her, the youngest of whom was

the famous Parasurama, an incarnation of Vishnu. 'Once upon a time,'

says the Bhagavatapurana, 'Renuka having gone to the Ganga, saw the

king of the Ghandarvas wearing garlands of lotus, to play with the

Apsaras. Having gone to the river to fetch water, she, whose heart

was somewhat attracted by Chitaratha (the king of the Gandharvas)

who was playing, forgot the time of Yajna (sacrifice). Coming to

feel the delay, and afraid of the curse of the Muni, she returned to

the hermitage, and placed the pitcher before the Muni, and remained

standing with folded palms. The Muni (Jamadhagni), coming to know of

the unchasteness of his wife, got enraged, and said 'O my sons! kill

this sinner.' Although thus directed, they did not do so. The said

(Parasu) Rama, who was well aware of the power of the Muni in respect

of meditations and asceticism, killed, being directed by his father,

his mother along with his brothers. The son of Satyavati (Jamadhagni)

was pleased, and requested Rama to pray for any favour. Rama desired

the reanimation of those killed, and their forgetfulness of the fact

of their having been killed. Immediately did they get up, as though

after a deep sleep. Rama, who was conscious of the powers of his

father in regard to asceticism, took the life of his dear ones.'

"The version locally prevalent is somewhat different. Jamadhagni

Bagawan's hermitage was near this Kona, and he was worshipping the

god Surabeswara, and doing tapas (penance) there. One day, his wife

Renuka Devi went, very early in the morning, to the river Gundlacama

to bathe, and fetch water for her husband's sacrificial rites. She

was accompanied, as was her wont on such occasions, by a female slave

of the chuckler (leather-worker) caste, as a sort of bodyguard and

attendant. While she was bathing, the great warrior Karthaviriyarjuna

with a thousand arms happened to fly across the sky on some business

of his own, and Renuka saw his form reflected in the water, and was

pleased with it in her mind. It must be mentioned that she never

used to take any vessel with her to fetch water, for her chastity

was such that she had power to roll water into a pot-like shape, as

if it were wax, and thus bring it home. On this day, however, she

failed to effect this, try what she might, and she was obliged to

return home empty-handed. In the meanwhile, the sage, her husband,

finding that his wife did not return as usual, learnt through his

'wisdom sight' what had happened, and ordered his son Parasurama to

slay his sinful mother. Parasurama went towards the river accordingly,

and, seeing his mother returning, aimed an arrow at her, which severed

her head from her body, and also similarly severed, with its unspent

force, the head of the chuckler woman who was coming immediately

behind his mother. Parasurama returned to his father without even

noticing this accident, and when his father, pleased with his prompt

obedience, offered him any boon, he prayed for the re-animation of his

mother. Jamadhagni then gave him some holy water out of his vessel, and

told him to put together the dismembered parts, and sprinkle some water

over them. Parasurama went off in great delight and haste, and, as it

was still dark and early in the morning, he wrongly put his mother's

head on the chuckler woman's trunk, and sprinkled water on them. Then,

seeing another head and another body lying close by, he thought that

they belonged to the female slave whom he had unwittingly killed,

and he put them also together, and re-animated them. He was extremely

vexed when he found out the mistakes he had committed, but, as there

was no rectifying them without another double murder, he produced

the two women before his father, and begged to be forgiven. The sage

finally accepted the person with his late consort's head as his wife,

and granted to the other woman the status of an inferior deity, in

response to her prayers, and owing to her having his wife's body. This

was the origin of Mathangi.

"There are some permanent inam (rent-free) lands belonging to this

shrine, and there is always a Madiga 'vestal virgin' known as Mathangi,

who is the high priestess, or rather the embodied representative

of the Brahman-chuckler goddess, and who enjoys the fruits of the

inams. Mathangi is prohibited from marrying, and, when a Mathangi

dies, her successor is chosen in the following manner. All the

chuckler girls of the village, between the ages of eight and ten,

who have not attained puberty, are assembled before the shrine, and

the invoking hymns are chanted amid a flourish of trumpets, drums, and

other accessories. The girl who becomes possessed--on whom the goddess

descends--is the chosen vessel, and she is invested with the insignia

of her office, a round sieve, a bunch of margosa (Melia Azadirachta)

leaves, a snake-headed bamboo stick, a piece of cotton thread rope with

some cowries (Cypræa moneta shells) strung on it, and a small vessel

of kunkuma (coloured aniline powder). A vow of lifelong celibacy is

also administered to her. Curiously enough, this shrine is venerated

by all castes, from the Brahman downwards. We were informed that,

at the time of worship, the chuckler priestess dances about in wild

frenzy, and she is given toddy to drink, which she not infrequently

spits on her devotees, and even Brahmans regard this as auspicious,

and not in the least polluting. We had the pleasure of witnessing

a 'possessed dance' by the reigning Mathangi, with her drummer in

attendance. She is a chuckler woman, about thirty years of age, and,

but for the insignia of her office, not in any way differing from

the rest of her class. Though unmarried she had several children,

but this was apparently no disqualification. We were standing before

the shrine of the seven mothers when the drummer invoked the goddess

by chanting a Telugu hymn, keeping time on his drum. The meaning of

the hymn was to this effect, as far as we could make out:--

Sathya Surabesa Kona! Gowthama's Kamadhenu! the headless trunk in

Sathya Surabesa Kona! your father Giri Razu Kamadeva Jamadhagni Mamuni

beheaded the trunk; silently Jamadhagni cut off the arms; did you, the

headless trunk in Kamadhenuvanam, the headless trunk of Jamadhagni,

your father's golden sword, did you ask to be born a virgin in the

snake pit?

"While chanting the above, the drummer was dancing round and round

the woman, and beating wildly on his drum. The woman began to tremble

all over, and soon it was visible that the goddess had descended on

her. Then the drummer, wilder and more frantic than ever, began to

praise the goddess in these words:--

Are you wearing bells to your ankles, O mother? Are you wearing

cowries, O mother? Dancing and singing, O mother! We pray to thee,

O mother! Possessed and falling on the ground, I implore thee,

O mother! O mother, who went to Delhi and Oruganti with a sieve in

the right-hand, with a wand in the left; with bells tinkling at her

ankles, the mother went to Oruganti town, the mother went away.

"During this chant, the woman vies with the drummer, and dances

fiercely round and round, always facing him. Then comes the appeasing

chant, which the drummer drawls out in a quivering and solemn tone,

and without dancing about:--

By the feet of the thirty-three crores, by the feet of the sixty

crores, by the feet of the Devas, peace !

"The woman then stands with closed eyes, panting for breath, and

quite exhausted.

"On ordinary days, the Mathangi goes about the villages, collecting

the offerings of her devotees, and, we take it, she is never in much

want. There are also local Mathangis in other villages, but they are

all said to be subordinate to the Tudimilla woman, who is the high

Pontiff of the institution. We were informed that there was an old

palmyra-leaf manuscript in existence, describing the institution and

the ceremonies (mostly tantric and phallic) in detail."

Among the Madigas of Tumkur in Mysore, the Matangis must apparently

belong to one of two septs, Belliyoru or Malloru.

The Madiga Asadis, who are males, have to go through an initiation

ceremony very similar to that of the Matangi. But a necklet of

pebbles is substituted for the bottu, and the Vakkaliga priest

touches the novice's shoulders with flowers, turmeric powder, and

kunkumam. The Asadis are musicians who sing songs and recite stories

about Ellamma. They play on a musical instrument called chaudike, which

is a combination of a drum and stringed instrument. The Matangis and

Asadis, both being dedicated to Ellamma, are eminently qualified to

remove pollution for many castes who are Ellamma Vokkalu or followers

of Ellamma. A lotus device, or figures of Pothu Raja and Matangi, are

drawn on the ground, after it has been cleansed with cow-dung. The

Matangi, with her insignia, sits in the centre of the device, and

the Asadis, sitting close by, sing the praises of Ellamma to the

accompaniment of the chaudike. The Matangis and Asadi then drink toddy,

and go about the house, wherein the former sprinkle toddy with the

margosa twig. Sometimes they pour some of the toddy into their mouths,

and spit it out all over the house. The pot, in which the toddy is

placed, is, in some places, called pallakki (palanquin).

The Asadis' version of the story of Ellamma is as follows. She is the

goddess for all, and is present in the tongues of all except dumb

people, because they have to pronounce the syllable elli (where)

whenever they ask a question containing the word where. She is a

mysterious being, who often exhibits herself in the form of light

or flames. She is the cause of universe, and the one Sakthi in

existence thereon. She is supposed to be the daughter of Giriraja

Muni and Javanikadevi, and the wife of Jamadhagni Rishi. Her son is

Parasurama, carrying a plough. The town where she lives has three

names, Jambupuri, Isampuri, and Vijayanagara, has eighty-seven gates,

and is fortified by seven walls. She is believed to have for her

dress all kinds of snakes. Several groves of margosa trees are said

to flourish in her vicinity. She is worshipped under many names,

and has become Lakshmi, Gauramma, and Saraswati in Brahman houses, or

Akkumari in Vakkaliga houses. To the Idigas she is Gatabaghya Lakshmi,

to the Kurubas Ganga Mari, to the Oddes Peddamma and Chinnamma, and

so on. She is said to have proceeded on a certain day to the town of

Oragallu, accompanied by Jana Matangi. On the way thither, the soles

of Matangi's feet blistered, and she sat down with Ellamma beneath

a margosa tree. After resting a short time Matangi asked Ellamma's

permission to go to a neighbouring Idiga (Telugu toddy-drawer), and

get some toddy to drink. Ellamma objected, as the Idiga Gauda was a

Lingayat, and Matangi would be compelled to wear the lingam. When

Matangi persisted, Ellamma transformed herself into an ant-hill,

and Matangi, in the guise of a young woman, went to the Idiga Gauda

with her cane (Jogi kolu) and basket, and asked for toddy. The Gauda

became angry, and, tying her to a date-palm (Phoenix sylvestris),

beat her, and gave her cane and basket to his groom. Matangi was

further ill-treated by the Gauda and his wives, but escaped, and went

to the Gauda's brother, who treated her kindly, and offered her toddy,

of which he had sixty loads on bullocks. All this he poured into the

shell of a margosa fruit which Matangi held in her hand, and yet it

was not filled. Eventually the toddy extracted from a few palms was

brought, and the shell became full. So pleased was Matangi with the

Idiga's treatment of her, that she blessed him, and instructed him to

leave three date-palms untapped as Basavi trees in every grove. She

then returned to Ellamma, and it was resolved to afflict the Gauda

who had treated her badly with all kinds of diseases. Still disguised

as a young woman, she went to him with sweet-smelling powders, which

he purchased for a large sum of money. But, when he used them, he

became afflicted with manifold diseases, including small-pox, measles,

cancer, asthma, gout, rheumatism, abscesses, and bed-sores. Matangi

then appeared before him as an old fortune-teller woman, whom the Idiga

consulted, and doing as he was told by her, was cured. Subsequently,

learning that all his misfortunes were due to his want of respect to

Matangi, he became one of Ellamma's Vokkalu.

"The Madigas," Mr. H. A. Stuart informs us, [134] "will not take food

or water from Pariahs, nor the latter from the former, a prejudice

which is taken advantage of in the Kalahasti Raja's stables to prevent

theft of gram by the Pariah horse-keepers, the raw gram being sprinkled

with water by Madigas in the sight of the Pariahs."

There are Telugu proverbs to the effect that "under the magili system

of cultivation, even a Madiga will grow good crops," and "not even

a Madiga will sow before Malapunnama."

Writing concerning the Madigas, [135] the Rev. H. Huizinga states that

"they live in hamlets at a respectable distance from the villages of

the caste people, by whom they are greatly despised. Their habits

are squalid in the extreme, and the odour of a Madiga hamlet is

revolting. They perform all the lowest kinds of service for the caste

people, especially bearing burdens and working in leather. They take

charge of the ox or buffalo as soon as it dies. They remove the skin

and tan it, and eat the loathsome carcase, which makes them specially

despised, and renders their touch polluting. Some of the skins are

used for covering the rude drums that are so largely used in Hindu

festivals, and beaten in honour of the village deities. The caste men

impress the Madigas into their service, not only to make the drums,

but also to beat them at their feasts. It may be mentioned that nearly

ten per cent. of the Madigas are nominal Christians, and, in some parts

of the Nellore district, the Christians form over half of the Madiga

population. This changes their habits of life and also their social

position. Eating of carrion is now forbidden, as well as beating of

drums at Hindu festivals, and their refusal in this particular often

leads to bitter persecution at the hands of the caste people. The

main duty of the Madigas is the curing and tanning of hides, and the

manufacture of rude leather articles, especially sandals, trappings

for bullocks, and large well-buckets used for irrigation. The process

of tanning with lime and tangedu (Cassia auriculata) bark is rough

and simple. [Tangedu is said [136] to be cut only by the Madigas, as

other classes think it beneath their dignity to do it.] As did their

forefathers, so the Madigas do to-day. The quality of the skins they

turn out is fair, and the state of the development of the native

leather trade compares very favourably with that of other trades

such as blacksmithy and carpentry. The Madiga's sandals are strong,

comfortable, and sometimes highly ornamental. His manner of working,

and his tools are as simple as his life. He often gets paid in kind,

a little fodder for his buffalo, so many measures of some cheap grain,

perhaps a few vegetables, etc. In the northern districts, the Madigas

are attached to one or more families of ryots, and are entitled to

the dead animals of their houses. Like the Vettiyan in the south,

the Madiga is paid in kind, and he has to supply sandals for the

ryots, belts for the bulls, and all the necessaries of agriculture;

and for these he has to find the requisite leather himself; but for

the larger articles, such as water-buckets, the master must find the

leather. Of late years there is a tendency observable among Madigas

to poach on each other's monopoly of certain houses, and among the

ryots themselves to dispense with the services of family Madigas,

and resort to the open market for their necessaries. In such cases,

the ryots demand payment from the Madigas for the skins of their

dead animals. The hides and skins, which remain after local demands

have been satisfied, are sold to merchants from the Tamil districts,

and there is generally a central agent, to whom the various sub-agents

send their collections, and by him they are dried and salted and sent

to Madras for tanning. In the Kistna district, children have little

leather strings hanging from the left shoulder, like the sacred cord

of the Brahman, from which is suspended a bag containing something

put in it by a Madiga, to charm away all forms of disease from the

infant wearer."

In some places bones are collected by the Madigas for the Labbais

(Muhammadans), by whom they are exported to Bombay.

The god of the temple at Tirupati appears annually to four persons in

different directions, east, west, north and south, and informs them

that he requires a shoe from each of them. They whitewash their houses,

worship the god, and spread rice-flour thickly on the floor of a room,

which is locked for the night. Next morning the mark of a huge foot is

found on the floor, and for this a shoe has to be made to fit. When

ready, it is taken in procession through the streets of the village,

and conveyed to Tirupati, where it is presented at the temple. Though

the makers of the shoes have worked in ignorance of each other's work,

the shoes brought from the north and south, and those from the east

and west, are believed to match, and make a pair. Though the worship

of these shoes is chiefly meant for the Pariahs, who are prohibited

from ascending the Tirupati hill, as a matter of fact all, without

distinction of caste, worship them. The shoes are placed in front

of the image of the god near the foot of the hill, and are said to

gradually wear out by the end of the year.

At a pseudo-hook-swinging ceremony in the Bellary district, as carried

out at the present day, a Bedar is suspended by a cloth passed under

his arms. The Madigas always swing him, and have to provide the hide

ropes, which are used. [137]

In an exceedingly interesting account of the festival of the village

goddess Uramma, at Kudligi in the Bellary district, Mr. F. Fawcett

writes as follows. "The Madiga Basivis (dedicated prostitutes) are

given alms, and join in the procession. A quantity of rice and ragi

flour is poured into a basket, over which one of the village servants

cuts the throat of a small black ram. The carcase is laid on the bloody

flour, and the whole covered with old cloths, and placed on the head

of a Madiga, who stands for some time in front of the goddess. The

goddess is then carried a few yards, the Madiga walking in front,

while a hole is dug close to her, and the basket of bloody flour

and the ram's carcase are buried. After some dancing by the Madiga

Basivis to the music of the tom-tom, the Madigas bring five new pots,

and worship them. A buffalo, devoted to the goddess after the last

festival, is then driven or dragged through the village with shouting

and tom-toming, walked round the temple, and beheaded by the Madiga

in front of the goddess. The head is placed in front of her with the

right foreleg in the mouth, and a lamp, lighted eight days previously,

is placed on top. All then start in procession round the village,

a Madiga, naked but for a few margosa (Melia Azadirachta) leaves,

and held by two others, leading the way. Behind him are all the other

Madigas, carrying six hundred seers of cholum (Sorghum: millet),

which they scatter; and, following them, all the other villagers. It

is daybreak, and the Madiga who led the way, the pujari (priest),

and the women who followed him, who have been fasting for more than

twenty-four hours, now eat. The Madiga is fed. This Madiga is said

to be in mortal terror while leading the procession, for the spirit

or influence of the goddess comes over him. He swoons before the

procession is completed. At noon the people collect again at Uramma's

temple, where a purchased buffalo is sacrificed. The head is placed

in front of the goddess as before, and removed at once for food. Then

those of the lower Sudra castes, and Madigas who are under vows, come

dressed in margosa leaves, with lamps on their heads, and sacrifice

buffaloes, sheep and goats to the goddess." A further account of

the festival of the village goddess Udisalamma, at Bandri in the

Bellary district, is given by Mr. Fawcett. "A Madiga," he writes,

"naked but for a few leaves round his waist, leads the procession,

and, following him, are Madigas with baskets. Fear of the goddess

comes on the Madiga. He swoons, and is carried to the temple, and

flung on the ground in front of the goddess. After a while he is

revived, bathed, and given new clothing. This man is one of a family,

in which this curious office is hereditary. He must be the son of a

married woman, not of a Basivi, and he must not be married. He fasts

from the beginning of the festival till he has done what is required

of him. A young ram--the sacrifice sheep--is taken up by one of the

Poturazus, as if it were a child, its hind legs at either side of his

waist and its forelegs over his shoulders, and he bites its throat

open and shows his bloody mouth to the people. He throws it down,

and the Madigas remove it."

In an account of a festival, during times of epidemic, at Masulipatam,

Bishop Whitehead writes as follows. [138] "On the last day, a male

buffalo, called Devara potu (he who is devoted to the goddess), is

brought before the image, and its head cut off by the head Madiga

of the town. The blood is caught in a vessel, and sprinkled over

some boiled rice, and then the head, with the right foreleg in the

mouth, is placed before the shrine on a flat wicker basket, with

the rice and blood on another basket just below it. A lighted lamp

is placed on the head, and then another Madiga carries it on his

own head round the village, with a new cloth dipped in the blood of

the victim tied round its neck. This is regarded here and elsewhere

as a very inauspicious and dangerous office, and the headman of the

village has to offer considerable inducements to persuade a Madiga

to undertake it. Ropes are tied round his body and arms, and held

fast by men walking behind him, to prevent his being carried off by

evil spirits, and limes are cut in half and thrown into the air,

so that the demons may catch at them instead of at the man. It is

believed that gigantic demons sit on the tops of tall trees ready

to swoop down and carry him away, in order to get the rice and the

buffalo's head. The idea of carrying the head and rice round a village,

so the people said, is to draw a kind of cordon on every side of it,

and prevent the entrance of the evil spirits. Should any one in the

town refuse to subscribe for the festival, his house is omitted from

the procession, and left to the tender mercies of the devils. This

procession is called Bali-haranam, and in this (Kistna) district inams

(lands rent free) are held from Government by certain families of

Madigas for performing it. Besides the buffalo, large numbers of sheep

and goats, and fowls are sacrificed, each householder giving at least

one animal. The head Madiga, who kills the animals, takes the carcase,

and distributes the flesh among the members of his family. Often cases

come into the Courts to decide who has the right to kill them. As the

sacrifice cannot wait for the tedious processes of the law, the elders

of the village settle the question at once, pending an appeal to the

Court. But, in the town of Masulipatam, a Madiga is specially licensed

by the Municipality for the purpose, and all disputes are avoided."

In some localities, during epidemics of small-pox or cholera, the

Madigas celebrate a festival in honour of Mariamma, for the expenses

of which a general subscription is raised, to which all castes

contribute. A booth is erected in a grove, or beneath a margosa or

Strychnos Nux-vomica tree, within which a decorated pot (karagam) is

placed on a platform. The pot is usually filled with water, and its

mouth closed by a cocoanut. In front of the pot a screen is set up,

and covered with a white cloth, on which rice, plantains, and cakes are

placed, with a mass of flour, in which a cavity is scooped out to hold

a lighted wick fed with ghi (clarified butter), or gingelly oil. A

goat is sacrificed, and its head, with a flour-light on it, placed

close to the pot. The food, which has been offered to the goddess,

is distributed, On the last day of the festival, the pot is carried

in procession through the village, and goats are sacrificed at the

four cardinal points of the compass. The pot is deposited at a spot

where three roads meet, and a goat, pumpkins, limes, flowers, etc.,

are offered to it. Everything,except the pot, is left on the spot.

The Madigas sometimes call themselves Jambavas, and claim to be

descended from Jambu or Adi Jambuvadu, who is perhaps the Jambuvan of

the Ramayana. Some Madigas, called Sindhuvallu, go about acting scenes

from the Mahabaratha and Ramayana, or the story of Ankalamma. They

also assert that they fell to their present low position as the result

of a curse, and tell the following story. Kamadhenu, the sacred cow

of the Puranas, was yielding plenty of milk, which the Devas alone

used. Vellamanu, a Madiga boy, was anxious to taste the milk, but was

advised by Adi Jambuvadu to abstain from it. He, however, secured some

by stealth, and thought that the flesh would be sweeter still. Learning

this, Kamadhenu died. The Devas cut its carcase into four parts, of

which they gave one to Adi Jambuvadu. But they wanted the cow brought

back to life, and each brought his share of it for the purpose of

reconstruction. But Vellamanu had cut a bit of the flesh, boiled it,

and breathed on it, so that, when the animal was recalled to life,

its chin sank, as the flesh thereof had been defiled. This led to the

sinking of the Madigas in the social scale. The following variant of

this legend is given in the Mysore Census Report, 1891. "At a remote

period, Jambava Rishi, a sage, was one day questioned by Isvara (Siva)

why the former was habitually late at the Divine Court. The rishi

replied that he had personally to attend to the wants of his children

every day, which consequently made his attendance late: whereupon

Isvara, pitying the children, gave the rishi a cow (Kamadhenu), which

instantaneously supplied their every want. Once upon a time, while

Jambava was absent at Isvara's Court, another rishi, named Sankya,

visited Jambava's hermitage, where he was hospitably entertained by

his son Yugamuni. While taking his meals, the cream that had been

served was so savoury that the guest tried to induce Jambava's son

Yugamuni, to kill the cow and eat her flesh; and, in spite of the

latter's refusal, Sankya killed the animal, and prevailed upon the

others to partake of the meat. On his return from Isvara's Court,

Jambava found the inmates of his hermitage eating the sacred cow's

beef; and took both Sankya and Yugamuni over to Isvara's Court for

judgment. Instead of entering, the two offenders remained outside,

Sankya rishi standing on the right side and Yugamuni on the left of

the doorway. Isvara seems to have cursed them to become Chandalas or

outcasts. Hence, Sankya's descendants are, from his having stood on

the right side, designated right-hand caste or Holayas; whilst those

who sprang from Yugamuni and his wife Matangi are called left-hand

caste or Madigas." The occupation of the latter is said also to be

founded on the belief that, by making shoes for people, the sin their

ancestors had committed by cow-killing would be expiated. This mode

of vicariously atoning for deliberate sin has passed into a facetious

proverb, 'So and so has killed the cow in order to make shoes from

the skin,' indicating the utter worthlessness and insufficiency of

the reparation.

The Madigas claim to be the children of Matangi. "There was,"

Mr. H. A. Stuart writes, [139] "formerly a Matanga dynasty in

the Canarese country, and the Madigas are believed by some to be

descendants of people who were once a ruling race. Matangi is a

Sanskrit name for Kali, and it is possible that the Madigas once

played an important part in the worship of the god. The employment

of Chakkiliyans and Madiga women in Shakti worship gives some colour

to this supposition." According to Fleet [140] "the Matangas and

the Katachchuris are mentioned in connection with Mangalisa, who

was the younger brother and successor of Kirttivarma I, and whose

reign commenced in Saka 489 (A.D. 567-8), and terminated in Saka 532

(A.D. 610-11). Of the Matangas nothing is known, except the mention

of them. But Matanga means 'a Chandala, a man of the lowest caste,

an outcast, a kirata mountaineer, a barbarian'; and the Madigas,

i.e., the Mahangs of this part of the country, usually call

themselves Matangimakkalu, i.e., the children of Matangi or Durga,

who is their goddess. It is probable, therefore, that the Matangas

of this inscription were some aboriginal family of but little

power, and not of sufficient importance to have left any record

of themselves." There are allusions to Matangas in the Ramayana,

and in Kadambari, a Sanskrit work, the chieftain of the Cabaras

is styled Matanga. The tutelary deity of the Madigas is Mathamma or

Matangi, who is said to be worshipped by the Komatis under the name of

Kanyakaparameswari. The relations between the Madigas and Komatis are

dealt with in the note on the latter caste. There is a legend to the

effect that Matangi was defeated by Parasu Rama, and concealed herself

from him under the tanning-pot in a Madiga's house. At the feast of

Pongal, the Madigas worship their tanning pots, as representing the

goddess, with offerings of fowls and liquor. In addition to Matangi,

the Madigas worship Kattamma, Kattappa, Dandumari, Muneswara, and

other deities. Some of their children are named after these deities,

while others receive Muhammadan names in fulfilment of vows made to

Masthan and other Pirs.

When asked concerning their caste, the Madigas always reply "Memu pedda

inti vallamu," i.e., we are of the big house. The following legend is

current in the Cuddapah district concerning a pool in the Rayachoti

taluk called Akkadevatalakolam, or the pool of the holy sisters. "A

thousand years ago, there lived near the pool a king, who ruled over

all this part of the country. The king had as his commander-in-chief

a Madiga. This Madiga made himself powerful and independent, and built

himself a residence on a hill still called Madiga Vanidoorgam. At last

he revolted, and defeated the king. On entering the king's palace,

he found seven beautiful virgins, the king's daughters, to all of whom

he at once made overtures of marriage. They declined the honour, and,

when the Madiga wished to use force, they all jumped into this pool,

and delivered their lives to the universal lord." [141]

The following are some of the more important endogamous sub-divisions

among the Madigas:--

Gampa dhompti, basket offering.

Ginna or thel dhompti, tray or cup offering.

Bhumi dhompti, earth offering.

Chatla dhompti, winnowing basket offering.

Sibbi dhompti, brass vessel offering.

Chadarapa dhompti, square space on the ground offering.

These sub-divisions are based on the way in which the members thereof

offer food, etc., to their gods during marriages, e.g., a Gampa dhompti

places it in a basket, a Bhumi dhompti on the floor. Each sub-division

possesses many exogamous septs, of which the following are examples:--

Belli, silver.

Chinthala, tamarind.

Chatla, winnowing basket.

Darala, thread.

Emme, buffalo.

Gavala, cowry shells.

Golkonda, a town.

Jalam, slowness.

Kambha, post.

Kappala, frog.

Kalahasti, a town.

Kaththe, donkey.

Kaththi, knife.

Kudumala, cake.

Kuncham, tassel.

Midathala, locust.

Mallela, or malli, jasmine.

Nannuru, four hundred.

Pothula, buffalo.

Pasula, cow.

Ragi, Eleusine Coracana.

Sikili, broom.

Thela, scorpion.

There seems to be some connection between the Madigas, the Mutrachas,

and Gollas. For, at times of marriage, the Madiga sets aside one

thambulam (betel leaf and areca nut) for the Mutracha, and, in

some places, extends the honour to the Golla also. At the marriage

ceremonies of the Puni Gollas, an elaborate and costly form of Ganga

worship is performed, in connection with which it is the Madiga

musicians, called Madiga Pambala vandlu, who draw the designs in

colour-powders on the floor.

The Madigas observe the panchayat or tribal council system for the

adjustment of disputes, and settlement of various questions at issue

among members of the community. The headman is called Pedda (big)

Madiga, whose office is hereditary; and he is assisted by two elected

officers called Dharmakartha and Kulambantrothu.

Widow remarriage (udike) is freely permitted, and the woman and her

children are received in Madiga society. But care is taken that

no one but the contracting parties and widows shall witness the

marriage ceremony, and no one but a widower is allowed to avail

himself of the form. [142] A man may get a divorce from his wife

by payment to her of a few rupees. But no money is given to her,

if she has been guilty of adultery. The bride's price varies in

amount, being higher if she has to cross a river. The elaborate

marriage ceremonial conforms to the Telugu type, but some of the

details may be recorded. On the muhurtham (wedding) day, a ceremony

called pradhanam (chief thing) is performed. A sheep is sacrificed

to the marriage (araveni) pots. The sacrificer dips his hands in the

blood of the animal, and impresses the blood on his palms on the wall

near the door leading to the room in which the pots are kept. The

bridegroom's party bring betel nuts, limes, a golden bead, a bonthu

(unbleached cotton thread), rice, and turmeric paste. The maternal

uncle of the bride gives five betel leaves and areca nuts to the

Pedda Madiga, and, putting the bonthu round the bride's neck, ties

the golden bead thereon. The ceremony concludes with the distribution

of pan-supari in the following order: ancestors, Mutrachas, Gollas,

Madigas, the Pedda Madiga, and the assembled guests. The Pedda Madiga

has to lift, at one try, a tray containing cocoanuts and betel with

his right hand. In his hand he holds a knife, of which the blade is

passed over the forefinger, beneath the middle and fourth fingers,

and over the little finger. This ceremony is called thonuku thambulam,

or betel and nuts likely to be spilt on the floor. The bridegroom,

after a bath, proceeds to the temple, where cloths, the bashingam,

bottu (marriage badge), etc., are placed in front of the god, and then

taken to a jammi tree (Prosopis spicigera), which is worshipped. The

bottu is usually a disc of gold, but, if the family is hard-up,

or in cases of widow remarriage, a bit of turmeric or folded mango

leaf serves as a substitute for it. On the third day, the wrist

threads (kankanam) are removed, and dhomptis, or offerings of food

to the gods, are made, with variations according to the dhompti to

which the celebrants belong. An illustration may be taken from the

Gampa dhompti. The contracting parties procure a quantity of rice,

jaggery (crude sugar), and ghi (clarified butter), which are cooked,

and moulded into an elongated mass, and placed in a new bamboo basket

(gampa). In the middle of the mass, which is determined with a string,

a twig, with a wick at one end, is set up, and two similar twigs are

stuck into the ends of the mass. Puja (worship) is performed, and

the mass is distributed among the daughters of the house and other

near relations, but not among members of other dhomptis. The bride

and bridegroom take a small portion from the mass, which is called

dhonga muddha, or the mass that is stolen. The bottu is said [143]

to be "usually tied by the Madiga priest known as the Thavatiga, or

drummer. This office is hereditary, but each successor to it has to

be regularly ordained by a Kuruba guru at the local Madiga shrine,

the chief item in the ceremony being tying round the neck of the

candidate a thread bearing a representation of the goddess, and on

either side of this five white beads. Henceforth the Thavatiga is

on no account to engage in the caste profession of leather-work, but

lives on fees collected at weddings, and by begging. He goes round to

the houses of the caste with a little drum slung over his shoulder,

and collects contributions."

The Madiga marriages are said to be conducted with much brawling

and noise, owing to the quantity of liquor consumed on such

occasions. Among the Madigas, as among the Kammas, Gangimakkulu, and

Malas, marriage is said not to be consummated until three months after

its celebration. This is apparently because it is considered unlucky

to have three heads of a household within a year of marriage. By the

delay, the birth of the child should take place only in the second

year, so that, during the first year, there will be only two heads,

husband and wife.

At the first menstrual period a girl is under pollution for ten days,

when she bathes. Betel leaves and nuts, and a rupee are placed in

front of the Pedda Madiga, who takes a portion thereof for himself,

and distributes what remains among those who have assembled. Sometimes,

just before the return of the girl to the house, a sheep is killed

in front of the door, and a mark made on her face with the blood.

The Madigas dispose of their dead both by burial and cremation. The

body is said to be "buried naked, except for a few leaves. Children are

interred face downwards. Pregnant women are burnt. The bier is usually

made of the milk-hedge (Euphorbia Tirucalli) plant." [144] The grave

is dug by a Mala Vettivadu. The chinnadhinam ceremony is performed

on the third day. On the grave a mass of mud is shaped into the form

of an idol, to which are offered rice, cocoanuts, and jaggery (crude

sugar) placed on leaves, one of which is set apart for the crows. Three

stones are arranged in the form of a triangle, and on them is set a pot

filled with water, which trickles out of holes made in the bottom of

the pot. The peddadhinam is performed, from preference on a Wednesday

or Sunday, towards the close of the third week after death. The son,

or other celebrant of the rites, sets three stones on the grave,

and offers food thereto. Food is also offered to the crows by the

relations of the deceased, and thrown into a river or tank (pond),

if the crows do not eat it. They all go to a tank, and make on the

bank thereof an effigy, if the dead person was a female. To married

women, winnows and glass bangles are offered. The bangles of a widow,

and waist-thread of a widower, are removed within an enclosure on the

bank. At night stories of Ankamma and Matangi are recited by Bainedus

or Pambalas, and if a Matangi is available, homage is done to her.

In some places, Madigas have their own washermen and barbers. But,

in the northern districts, the caste washerman does their washing,

the cloths being steeped in water, and left for the washerman to

take. "The Madigas," Mr. Francis writes, [145] "may not use the wells

of the better classes, though, when water is scarce, they get over this

last prohibition by employing some one in the higher ranks to draw

water for them from such wells, and pour it into their chatties. In

other districts they have to act as their own barbers and washermen,

but in Anantapur this disability is somewhat relaxed, as the barbers

make no objection to let them (and other low castes such as the Malas)

use their razors for a consideration, and the dhobis will wash their

clothes, as long as they themselves first unroll them, and dip them

into the water. This act is held to remove the pollution, which would

otherwise attach to them."

Like many castes, the Madigas have beggar classes attached to their

community, who are called Dakkali and Mastiga. The Dakkalis may not

enter the Madiga settlement. They sing songs in praise of the Madigas,

who willingly remunerate them, as their curses are believed to be

very effective. The Mastigas may enter the settlement, but not the

huts. It is said to be a good omen to a Lingayat, if he sees a Madiga

coming in front.

Gosangi is often used as a synonym for Madiga. Another synonym is

Puravabatta, which is said to mean people older than the world by

six months. At the Madras census, 1901, Chakara, Chundi, and Pavini

or Vayani were returned as sub-castes, and Mayikkan was taken as the

Malabar equivalent for Madiga.

Concerning the Madigas of Mysore, Mr. T. Ananda Row writes as

follows. [146] "The Madigas are by religion Vaishnavites, Saivites,

and Sakteyas, and have five different gurus belonging to mutts at

Kadave, Kodihalli, Kongarli, Nelamangala, and Konkallu. The tribe is

sometimes called Jambava or Matanga. It is divided into two independent

sub-divisions, the Desabhaga and the others, between whom there is

no intermarriage. The former, though under the above named mutts,

acknowledge Srivaishnava Brahmins as their gurus, to whom they

pay homage on all ceremonial occasions. The Desabhaga division has

six sub-classes, viz.: Billoru (bowmen); Malloru (mallu = fight?);

Amaravatiyavaru (after a town); Munigalu (Muni or rishi); Yenamaloru

(buffalo); Morabuvvadavaru (those who place food in a winnow). The

Madigas are mostly field labourers, but some of them till land,

either leased or their own. In urban localities, on account of

the value in the rise of skins, they have attained to considerable

affluence, both on account of the hides supplied by them, and their

work as tanners, shoe-makers, etc. Only 355 persons returned gotras,

such as Matangi, Mareecha, and Jambava-rishi." At the Mysore census,

1891, some Madigas actually returned themselves as Matanga Brahmans,

producing for the occasion a certain so-called Purana as their charter.

Madivala.--See Agasa.

Madukkaran.--See Gangeddu.

Madurai.--The name of a sub-division of Shanan, apparently meaning

sweet liquor, and not the town of Madura.

Magadha Kani.--Recorded, at times of census, as a sub-division of

Bhatrazu.

Maggam.--Maggam, Magga, and Maggada, meaning loom, have been recorded

as exogamous septs of Kurubas, Malas, and Holeyas, some of whom

are weavers.

Maghadulu.--A sub-division of Bhatrazu, named after one Maghade,

who is said to have been herald at the marriage of Siva.

Magili (Pandanus fascicularis).--A gotra of Tsakalas and Panta

Reddis, by whom the products of the tree may not be touched. The

Panta Reddi women of this gotra will not, like those of other castes,

use the flower-bracts for the purpose of adorning themselves. There

is a belief, in Southern India, that the fragrant male inflorescence

harbours a tiny snake, which is more deadly than the cobra, and that

incautious smelling thereof may lead to death.

Magura.--Recorded, in the Madras Census Report, 1901, as a small caste

of Oriya leaf-plate makers and shikaris (huntsmen). The name is said to

be derived from magora, meaning one who traces foot-paths and tracks.