Some time before the auspicious hour for the marriage of a Koil

Tampuratti, the Brahmanipattu, or recitation of certain Puranic songs

by a female of the Brahmani caste, begins. Four lighted lamps are

placed in the middle of the hall, with a fifth dedicated to Ganapati in

the centre. While these songs are being sung, the bride appears in the

tattu dress with a brass minu and a bunch of flowers in her hand, and

sits on a wooden seat kept ready for the purpose. The songs generally

relate to the conception of Devaki, and the birth of Krishna. Then

a Nayar of the Illam sept waves a pot containing cocoanut, flowers,

burning wicks, etc., before the bride, after which she rises to wash

her feet. At this point the bridegroom arrives, riding on an elephant,

with a sword in his hand, and the procession is conducted with much

ceremony and ostentation. He then bathes, and two pieces of cloth,

to be worn by him thereafter, are touched by the bride. Wearing them,

the bridegroom approaches the bride, and presents her with a suit of

clothes known as the mantrakoti. One of the clothes is worn as a tattu,

and with the other the whole body is covered. The mother of the bride

gives her a brass mirror and a garland, both of which she takes in

her hand to the altar where the marriage is to be performed. After

the punyaha, accompanied by a few preliminary homas or sacrifices

to the fire, by the Nambutiri family priest, the first item in the

ceremony, known as mukhadarsana or seeing each other, begins. The

bride then removes the cloth covering her body. The next events are

udakapurva, panigrahana, and mangalyadharana, which are respectively

the presentation by the bride of water to the bridegroom, his taking

her hand in token of the union, and tying the tali round the neck of

the bride. The next item is the saptapadi (seven feet), and the last

dikshaviruppu, peculiar to the Malayalam Kshatriyas. A particular room

is gaily decorated, and a long piece of white cotton cloth is spread

on the floor. Upon this a black carpet is spread, and a lighted lamp,

which should never be extinguished, placed in the vicinity. The

bride has to remain in this room throughout the marriage. On the

marriage night commences the aupasana, or joint sacrifice to the

fire. On the fourth day are the mangalasnana or auspicious bath,

and procession through the town. On that night consummation takes

place. The procession of the bridegroom (mappilapurappat) to the house

of the bride is a noticeable item. The brother of the bride receives

him at the gate, and, after washing his feet, informs him that he may

bathe and marry the girl. The uduku-purva rite is performed by the

brother himself. When the bridegroom leaves the marriage hall with

the bride, an armed Pandala stops them, and a fixed present is given

to him. Every rite is performed according to the method prescribed by

Bodhayana among the Koil Tampurans and Rajas, the family at Pantalam

alone following the directions of Asvalayana. On the fourth day,

the contracting couple bathe, and wear clothes previously dipped in

turmeric water. At night, while the Brahmani song is going on, they

sit on a plank, where jasmine flowers are put on, and the goddess

Bhagavathi is worshipped. The bride's maternal uncle ties a sword

round her loins, which is immediately untied by the bridegroom in

token of the fact that he is her future supporter. Panchamehani is

a peculiar rite on the fifth day, when an atti (Ficus, sp.) tree is

decorated, and an offering of food made on the grass before it. The

couple also make a pretence of catching fish. In modern times,

the Pantalam Rajas do not patronise the songs of the Brahmani, and,

among them, the panchamehani is conspicuous by its absence.

Women are in theory the real owners of property, though in practice

the eldest male has the management of the whole. There is no division

of property, but, in some cases, certain estates are specially

allotted for the maintenance of specific members. The authorities

of the Malayala Kshatriyas in all matters of social dispute are the

Nambutiri Vaidikas.

When a girl reaches puberty, she is kept in a room twelve feet apart

from the rest for a period of three days. On the fourth day, after

a bath, she puts on a new cloth, and walks, with a brass mirror

in her hand, to her house. Among the Kolattunad Rajas there are a

few additional rites, including the Brahmani's song. The pumsavana

and simanta are performed by the family priest. On the birth of a

child, the jatakarma is performed, when women mix honey and clarified

butter with gold, to be given to the child. On the twelfth day, the

Nambutiri priest performs the namakarna, after a purifying ceremony

which terminates the birth pollution. The eldest child is generally

named Raja Raja Varma. Udaya Varma and Martanda Varma are names found

among the Rajas, but absent among the Koil Tampurans. Martanda Varma

was once exclusively used only among the members of the Travancore

Royal Family. The full style and titles of the present Maharaja of

Travancore are His Highness the Maharaja Sir Sri Padmanabha Dasa

Vanchi Bala Rama Varma, Kulasekhara Kiritapati Sultan Manne Maharaja

Raja Ramaraja Bahadur Samsher Jung, G.C.S.I., G.C.I.E. Raghava Varma

is a name peculiar to the Pantalam Rajas. Women are, as in the case of

Tirumalppads and Tampans, called Amba, Ambika, Ambalika, Mangala, etc.

The annaprasana and nishkramana are performed consecutively on the

same day. The mother takes the child to the foot of a jak (Artocarpus

integrifolia) tree, and, going thrice round it, touches it with the leg

of the child, and then dips a golden ring in the payasa, and applies

it to the child's lips. The same act is then repeated by the maternal

uncle, father, and next of kin. The Yatrakali is attended with much

éclat during the night. The upanayana, or investiture with the sacred

thread, takes place as late as the sixteenth year. As a preliminary

rite on the same day, the chaula or tonsure ceremony is performed. It

is formally done by the Nambutiri priest in the capacity of guru or

preceptor, and left to be completed by the Maran. The priest then

invests the boy with the thread, and, with the sacrificial fire

as lord and witness, initiates him into the Gayatri prayer. All

Kshatriyas are obliged to repeat this prayer ten times morning

and evening. On the fourth day, the youth listens to a few Vaidic

hymns recited by the priest. There is not the prolonged course of

discipline of a Brahmanical Brahmachari, such as the Nambutiris so

religiously observe. The samavartana, or completion of the pupilage

ceremony, takes place on the fourth day. The ceremony of proceeding

to Benares, the pre-eminent seat of learning in ancient days, which is

the natural after-event of the Vaidic pupilage, is then gone through,

as in the case of Brahmans. A would-be father-in-law intercedes, and

requests the snataka to bless his daughter, and settle in life as a

grihastha. The Nambutiri priest then reminds the boy of his duty as

a Kshatriya, and gives him a sword as a symbol of his pre-ordained

function in society. He then becomes a grihastha, and may chew betel

leaf. The Saivite panchakshara, and the Vaishnavite ashtakshara are

also taught, and are invariably recited after the performance of the

daily duties. For girls only the chaula is performed, and that along

with her marriage. On the occasion of birthdays, the family priest

performs the ayushya homa, and shashtipurti, or celebration of the

sixtieth birthday, is also observed as an important religious occasion.

The funeral ceremonies are almost the same as those of Nambutiris. When

a Koil Tampuran dies, he is placed on the bare floor, some hymns

being recited in his ears. The corpse is placed on a stretcher made

of plantain stems, and the head is touched with a razor in token of

shaving. It is bathed, covered with a new cloth, and decorated with

flowers and sandal paste. Kusa grass is received at the hands of

a Maran. The funeral rites are performed by the nephews. Pollution

is observed for eleven days and nights. A religious vow is observed

for a year. The offering to the spirit of the deceased is not in the

form of cooked food, but of presents to Brahmans. All the Malayala

Kshatriyas are adherents of the Yajur-veda. The anniversary of

maternal grandmothers, and even sisters is punctiliously observed. If

a maternal aunt or grandaunt dies without children, their sraddhas

must be performed as for the rest.

The Malayala Kshatriyas hold rank next to the Brahmans, and above the

Ilayatus. They are permitted to take their meal in the same row with

the Brahmans, and receive prasada from the temples directly from the

priest, and standing at the right side of the inner gate.

Further information concerning the Malayala Kshatriyas is contained

in an article by Mr. K. Rama Varma Raja, [27] who concludes

as follows:--"The Kshatriya community is an intermediate caste

between the Brahmin (Namburi) and the Sudra (Nair) classes, and has

affinities to both; to the former in matters of ablution, ceremonies,

food and drink, and to the latter in those of real matrimonial

relations and inheritance, i.e., the constitution and propagation

of the family.... The intermediate caste must be the Aryans more

Dravidianised, or the Dravidians more Aryanised, that is, the Aryans

degraded or the Dravidians elevated, more probably the latter."

It is recorded, [28] in a note on the ancestry of the Rajas of Jeypore,

that "the family chronicles ascribe a very ancient origin to the line

of the Jeypore Zamindars. Beginning with Kanakasena of the solar race,

a general and feudatory of the king of Kashmir, they trace the pedigree

through thirty-two generations down to Vinayaka Deo, a younger son,

who left Kashmir rather than hold a subordinate position, went to

Benares, did penance to Kasi Visvesvarasvami there, and was told by

the god in a dream to go to the kingdom of Nandapuram belonging to

the Silavamsam line, of which he would become king. Vinayaka Deo,

continues the legend, proceeded thither, married the king's daughter,

succeeded in 1443 A.D. to the famous throne of thirty-two steps there,

and founded the family of Jeypore. Vinayaka Deo and his six successors,

say the family papers, had each only one son, and the sixth of them,

Vira Vikrama (1637-69) accordingly resolved to remove his residence

elsewhere. The astrologers and wise men reported that the present

Jeypore was 'a place of the Kshatriya class,' and it was accordingly

made the capital, and named after the famous Jeypore of the north."

The Maharaja of Mysore belongs to the Arasu caste of Kshatriyas.

Kshauraka.--A Sanskrit name for barber, by which barbers of various

classes--Mangala, Ambattan, Kelasi, etc.--are sometimes called. It is

commonly used by Canarese-speaking barbers of the Madras Presidency

and Mysore.

Kshetravasinah (those who live in temples).--A name for Ambalavasis.

Kudaikatti (basket-making).--A sub-division of Palli or Vanniyan. At

the census, 1901, some Koravas also returned themselves as Kudaikatti

Vanniyan.

Kudan.--For the following note on the Kudans, or "Kootans" of the

west coast, I am indebted to Mr. L. K. Anantha Krishna Aiyar [29]:--

The Kootans are agricultural labourers, and take part in every kind of

work connected with agriculture, such as turning the soil, ploughing,

sowing, manuring, weeding, transplanting, and the like. As soon as the

monsoon is over, they work in gardens, turning the soil, watering,

and fencing. They form one of the divisions of the slave castes,

working under some landlord or farmer for a daily wage of an edangazhy

of paddy (unhusked rice) during the rainy months of June, July, and

August and of two edangazhis during the other months of the year. They

receive, for the Onam and Vishu festivals, a para of paddy, some salt,

cocoanuts, oil, and chillies. On the day of the village festival, every

male gets a mundu (cloth) or two, and every female a kacha (cloth)

or two, in addition to toddy and arrack (spirituous liquor), and the

other articles mentioned above. They dress themselves in their cloths,

and are treated to a sumptuous dinner. With shouts of joy, they attend,

and take part in the village festival. When they fall ill, they are

properly looked after by their masters, both on account of their good

feelings towards them, and also of the loss of work they may have to

sustain, should they be laid up for a long time. Whenever a landlord

or farmer has more men than he can afford to give work and wages to,

he generally lends their services to some one else on a pattom of

four paras of paddy a year for a male, and three for a female. The new

master gives them work and wages, and sends them back when they are no

longer wanted. Should a Kootan run away from his master, he is brought

back either by threat or mild word; but, should these fail, there is

no remedy to force him back. In spite of the abolition of slavery

some sixty years ago, the Kootans are in a state of bondage. They

live in small huts with insufficient food, plodding on from day to

day with no hope of improving their condition. Their huts are erected

on four bamboo posts. The roofs are thatched, and the sides protected

by mud walls, or covered with palm leaves. A bamboo framework, with

similar leaves, serves the purpose of a door. There is a verandah in

front. The Kootans have a few earthen and bamboo utensils for domestic

use. They take rice kanji (gruel) prepared the previous night, with

salt and chillies. They have some leisure at midday, during which

they go to their huts, and take kanji with a fish or two boiled in

it, or sometimes with some vegetable curry. At night, boiled rice,

or kanji with fish or curry made of vegetables from their kitchen

garden, form their chief food. All their provisions are acquired by

exchange of paddy from a petty shop-keeper in their vicinity.

They eat and drink at the hands of all castes except Paraiyans,

Pulayans, Ulladans, and Nayadis. In some parts of the State, they

approach the houses of Izhuvas, and no other castes eat with them. They

have to keep at a distance of forty-eight feet from all high-caste

Hindus. They are polluted by Pulayas, Nayadis, and Ulladans, who

have to stand at some distance from them. They may take water from

the wells of Mappillas. They are their own barbers and washermen,

and may approach the temple of their village goddess Kali on some

special days, while, at other times, they have to stand far away.

When a girl attains puberty, she is lodged in a corner of the hut. The

inmates thereof may neither touch nor approach her on the score of

pollution. Four or seven girls, who are invited, bathe the girl on

the first day. The pollution lasts for seven days, and, on the morning

of the seventh day, seven girls take her to a tank (pond) or river to

bathe. A kai-bali is waved round her face, and, as she bathes, it is

floated on the water. On their return to the hut, the girls are fed,

and allowed to depart with a present of an anna each. Their relatives,

and others who are invited, are well entertained. A kai-bali is an

offering held in the hand of a woman, and may take the form of a

sacrificed fowl, plantain fruits, boiled rice, etc.

Girls are generally married after puberty. A Kootan can enter into

a sambandham (alliance) with a woman of his own caste, or with a

Pulaya woman. He has to bathe before he returns to his hut, if he

should stay for the night with a woman of the latter caste. This

proves that he belongs to a caste superior to that of the Pulayas,

and the union resembles that of a Brahman with a Sudra woman. Should

a woman of the Kootan caste mate with a Pulaya, she is at once turned

out of caste. A Kootan, who wishes to enter into a sambandham with

a woman of his own or the Pulaya caste, goes to her hut with one or

two of his relations or friends, to recommend him to the parents of

the woman to permit him to enter into conjugal relations with their

daughter, or form kutikuduka. With their permission, they become a

kind of husband and wife. In most cases, the will of the man and the

woman is sufficient for the union. The woman generally stays with her

parents, and very often her lover comes to her with his wages after

the day's hard work, and stays with her for the night. Should she

wish to accompany him to his hut, she does so with her wages in the

evening. They exercise sexual license even before marriage. If a woman

who has no open lover becomes pregnant, her fault is condoned when she

mentions her lover's name. When one dislikes the other for some reason

or other, they separate, and are at liberty to form new unions. Widows

may remarry, and may even associate with their brothers-in-law. The

Kootans follow the marumakkathayam law of inheritance (in the female

line). They have no property, except sometimes a sheep or a few fowls.

The Kootans believe in magic and sorcery. Mannans and Muhammadan

Mappillas are sometimes consulted, and these dupe them. They profess

the lower forms of Hinduism, and worship the local village deity

(Kali), and the spirits of their ancestors, whom they represent by

means of stones placed on a raised floor under a tree, and to whom

boiled rice, parched grain, toddy, plantain fruits, and cocoanuts

are offered at the Vishu and Onam festivals, and on Karkatakam,

Thulam, and Makara Sankranti. Care is always taken to have the

offerings served separately on leaves, lest the ancestors should

quarrel with one another, and do them harm. Should illness, such

as cholera, small-pox, or fever occur in a family, some fowls and

an anna or two are offered at the temple to the goddess Bhagavathi,

who is believed to be able to save them from the impending calamity.

When a member of the caste breathes his last, the landlord gives

a spade to dig the grave, an axe or knife for cutting wood to

serve as fuel if the corpse is to be burned, a piece of cloth for

covering the dead body, and also some paddy and millet to meet the

funeral expenses. A cocoanut is broken, and placed on the neck of

the corpse, which is covered with the cloth, and carried on a bier

to the burial-ground, which is sprinkled over with water mixed with

turmeric. When the funeral is over, the people who attended it,

including the relatives and friends of the deceased, bathe, and go

to the hut of the dead person, where they are served with kanji and

toddy, after which they depart. The members of the family, and close

relatives of the deceased, fast for the night. In the case of a man

dying, his nephew is the chief mourner, while, in that of a woman, her

eldest son and daughter are the chief mourners, who do not go to work

for two weeks. The chief mourners bathe in the early morning, cook a

small quantity of rice, and offer it to the spirit of the deceased. It

is eaten up by the crows. This is continued for fourteen days, and,

on the fourteenth night, all fast. On the fifteenth morning, they

regard themselves as having been cleansed from the pollution. All the

castemen of the kara (settlement) are invited, and bring with them

rice, curry-stuffs, and toddy. Their Enangan cleans and sweeps the

hut, while the rest go to the grave-yard, turn the earth, and make

it level. They bathe, and the Enangans sprinkle cow-dung water on the

grave. They return home, and partake of a sumptuous meal, after which

they all take leave of the chief mourner, who observes the diksha,

bathes in the early morning, and offers the bali (ball of rice)

before he goes to work. This he continues for a whole year, after

which he gets shaved, and celebrates a feast in honour of the dead.

Kudianavar (cultivator).--A name commonly assumed by Pallis and

Vellalas.

Kudikkar (those who belong to the house).--A name for Deva-dasis

(dancing-girls) in Travancore, who are given a house rent-free by

the Sirkar (Government).

Kudimaghan (sons of the ryot).--A name for Tamil Ambattans.

Kudire (horse).--An exogamous sept or gotra of Vakkaliga and

Kurni. Gurram, also meaning horse, has been recorded as an exogamous

sept of Chenchu, Golla, Mala, Padma Sale, and Togata. Gurram Togatas

will not ride on horseback.

Kudiya.--The Kudiyas or Male (hill) Kudiyas are found at Neriya,

Darmasthala, and Sisila in the South Canara district. Those who

live at the two former places are agrestic slaves of landlords

who own cardamom plantations on the ghats. They live for the most

part in the jungles, beneath rocks, in caves, or in low huts, and

shift from one spot to another. At the season of the cardamom crop,

they come down to the plains once a week with the produce. They are

said to carry off cardamoms to the Mysore frontier, and sell them

fraudulently to contractors or merchants. They make fire traces for

the Forest Department.

Except in stature, the Kudiyas have not retained the characters of a

primitive race, and, as the result of racial admixture, or contact

metamorphosis, some individuals are to be seen with comparatively

light coloured skins, and mesorhine or leptorhine noses. In the matter

of personal names, septs, and ceremonial observances, they have

been much influenced by other castes. They speak a corrupt form of

Tulu, and say that they follow the aliya santana law of inheritance

(in the female line), though some, especially at Sisala and on the

Mysore frontier, follow the law of succession from father to son

(makkala santana). They are not regarded as a polluting class, and

can enter all parts of their landlords' houses, except the kitchen and

dining-room. They are presided over by a headman, called Gurikara, who

inquires into transgression of caste rules, and assists on ceremonial

occasions. Their chief deities are Bhairava, Kamandevaru, and the

Pancha Pandavas (the five Pandava brothers), but they also believe

in certain bhuthas (devils), such as Male Kallurti and Ambatadaiva.

The Kudiyas do not object to marriage between a widowed woman and

her eldest son. Among those attached to a landlord at Neriya, two

such cases were pointed out. In one, there was no issue, but in the

other a son had been born to the mother-wife.

When the arrangement of a match is in contemplation, the father

of the prospective bridegroom goes, accompanied by two women, to

the girl's home, and takes with him betel leaves, areca-nuts, and

gingelly (Sesamum) oil. If the girl's parents consent to the match,

they accept the oil; otherwise they refuse it. The binding part of

the marriage ceremony consists of the bridal couple standing with

their hands united, and the pouring of water thereon by the bride's

father. The Kudiyas who have settled on the plains have adopted the

ceremonial observances of the Bants and other castes. The remarriage

of widows is permitted. There is no elaborate marriage ceremony,

but sometimes the contracting couple stand in the presence of the

headman and a few others, and make a round mark with sandal paste on

each other's foreheads.

If a member of the tribe dies near the settlement, the body is

cremated, and, if far away therefrom, buried. On the third day, a visit

is paid to the place where cremation took place, and the son or some

near relative of the deceased goes round the spot on which the corpse

was burnt three times, and sprinkles rice thereon thrice. Five leaves

of the teak or plantain, or other big leaves, are spread on the ground,

and fowl's flesh, cooked rice, and vegetables are placed thereon, and

the ancestors are invoked in the words "Oh! old souls, gather up the

new soul, and support it, making it one of you." On the sixteenth day,

food is again offered on leaves. In cases where burial is resorted to,

an effigy of the deceased is made in straw, and burnt. On the third

day, the ashes are taken to the grave, and buried.

In a note on the Kudiyas of the plains, it is recorded [30] that

"the dead are either burned or buried, the former being the custom in

the case of rich men. On the seventh day after cremation or burial,

a pandal (booth) is erected over the grave or the place of cremation,

and a bleached cloth is spread on it by the washerman. A wick floating

in half a cocoanut shell full of oil is then lighted, and placed at

each corner of the pandal. The relations of the deceased then gather

round the place, and weep, and throw a handful of rice over the spot."

The Kudiyas are fond of toddy, and eat black monkeys, and the big

red squirrel, which they catch with snares.

Kudiyalu (farmer).--A synonym for Lambadi, apparently used by members

of the tribe who have settled down to agriculture.

Kudlukara.--Kudlukara or Kudaldeshkara is a sub-division of Rajapuri.

Kudubi.--The Kudubis are found mainly in the Kundapur taluk of the

South Canara district. Among themselves, they use Kaluvadi as the caste

name. They say that they are divided into the following sections: Are,

Goa, Jogi, Kodiyal, and Kariya. Of these, the Are, Goa, and Kodiyal

Kudubis are confined to the Kundapur taluk, and the other two sections

are found in villages near Mudbidri. Both the Are and Jogi sections

speak Marathi, and the latter are considered inferior to the former,

who will not eat in their houses. Are women clad themselves in black

or red garments, whereas Jogi women are said to wear white cloths. The

Goa and Kariya Kudubis speak Konkani, and do not mix with the Ares

and Jogis, even for meals. They are much influenced by Brahmanical

priests, by whom they are guided in their ceremonial observances, and

have adopted the dhare form of marriage (see Bant). The Goa Kudubis

say that they emigrated to South Canara owing to the oppression from

which they suffered, bringing with them the sweet potato (Ipomoea

Batatas), cashew nut (Anacardium occidentale), chrysanthemum, and

Indian spinach (Basella alba). Among the Goa Kudubis, an adulterer

has to undergo a curious form of punishment. His head is clean-shaved,

and his moustache removed. He then stands in a pit, and leaf-platters,

off which food has been eaten, are thrown on his head. A money fine

is imposed by the headman. If a woman does not confess her guilt,

she is made to stand in the sun with an iron rod on her shoulders.

The Are Kudubis have exogamous septs, or wargs. Each warg is said

to have its own god, which is kept in the house of some elderly or

respected member of the sept. A corner of the house, or a special

room, is set apart for the god, and a member of the family is

the pujari (priest). He is expected to do puja to the god every

Monday. Ordinarily, rice, fruits, etc., are offered to it; but, during

the big festival in November-December, fowls are sacrificed. Like

other Marathi castes, the Are Kudubis regard the Holi festival. On

the first day, they collect together, and worship the tulsi katte--a

square structure on which a tulsi (Ocimum sanctum) plant is growing. On

the following days, they go about in detached groups, some males being

dressed up as females, with drums and cymbals, and dance and sing. On

the last day of the festival, rice is cooked, offered with liquor to

Kalabhairava, and eaten. The Are Kudubis sometimes worship bhuthas

(devils), e.g., Jettiga, and Hola Hayaguli. Special reverence is

shown to the tulsi plant, and, at almost every house, it is planted

in a brindhavan or katte. To it vegetables and fruits are offered.

Girls are married either before or after puberty. Widows are

allowed to remarry, but may not marry a man of the sept to which her

deceased husband belonged. Marriage ceremonies last over five days,

and commence with the ide karuchi, or betrothal, at the house of the

bride-elect. Pan-supari (betel leaves and areca-nuts) is distributed to

at least one member of each warg present according to a recognised code

of precedence, commencing with the Hivelekar warg, which is considered

superior. On the second day, a post made of the wood of the silk-cotton

tree (Bombax malabaricum) is set up beneath the marriage pandal

(booth). The bridegroom and his party go in procession to the bride's

house, where the contracting couple are decorated with jewels, and

turmeric-dyed strings are tied round their necks. The bride's father

ties a kankanam (thread) on his own wrist. The couple stand facing

each other, with a screen stretched between them. After the exchange

of garlands, their hands are joined, and the screen is removed. They

then go five times round the Bombax post and marriage dais, and sit

down. Dhare water is poured over their united hands by the bride's

father. Rice is then thrown over them, and presents are given. The

proceedings terminate with the waving of coloured water, a light,

etc. The dhare ceremony is celebrated at night. On the third day,

the bridal couple go five times round the Bombax post set up at the

bridegroom's house, and take their seats on the dais. Rice is thrown,

and betel leaves and areca-nuts are distributed. On the fourth and

fifth days, the same items are gone through at the bride's house.

In the case of the remarriage of a widow, the bride and bridegroom

take their seats, and rice is thrown over them. The dhare water is

not poured over their hands. Sometimes, the marriage consists merely

in the holding of a feast.

The dead are buried in a sitting posture, with the legs crossed

tailor-wise. Before the grave is filled in, a small quantity of

cooked rice is put in the mouth of the corpse. On the third day,

a small mound is made over the grave, and food offered to it. The

final death ceremonies take place on the eleventh day, and consist

in the sprinkling of holy water, and giving presents to Brahmans. By

the prosperous members of the community, a caste feast is given on

the twelfth day.

The main occupation of the Kudubis is shifting (kumari)

cultivation. Some, however, are employed in the preparation of cutch

(catechu) from the wood of Acacia Catechu, of which the following

account is given by Mr. H. A. Latham [31] of the Forest Department. "In

South Canara, one of our most profitable sources of revenue is the

extract obtained by boiling the wood of the catechu tree. The tree is

confined to the laterite plateaux in the Coondapur taluk, situated

as a rule within 15 miles of the sea, and gradually dies out as we

proceed southwards, until near Coondapur itself the tree will hardly

grow. It appears again to a small extent in the Kasaragod taluk

80 miles further south, but no extraction is done there now. The

extract is astringent, and, besides the other uses it is put to,

it appears to be a remedy for diarrhoea, dysentery, and diabetes. It

is, however, chiefly used for chewing with pan supari. Locally, it

is used pure in small pieces, the size of a pea, and rolled up with

the other ingredients in the betel leaf to form a chew. In Mysore,

the catechu bought by the merchants from us is dissolved in water,

and the areca-nut is, after being boiled and sliced, steeped in the

solution, and then put out in the sun on mats to dry, this operation

being repeated until sufficient catechu has been taken up to form

a red, shining, semi-transparent film, through which the ruminated

albumen of the areca-nut is just visible; the brighter the red colour

so obtained, the better the quality of the nut. As we sell it, the

catechu is in the shape of hard round balls covered with a whitish

dust, the ashes with which the balls are covered to prevent them

adhering to one another. On breaking, the interior of the balls should

show a vitreous conchoidal fracture similar to quartz, and be of a warm

reddish brown colour. The manufacture of catechu is carried out under

departmental supervision by a contractor, who is paid on the outturn,

and is bound, for the actual boiling, to employ only Kudubis. So far

as the department is concerned, a locality where there are plenty of

catechu trees is selected, and all trees over 6 inches in diameter

are allowed to be cut. The contractor has to engage the Kudubis and

select the site for the ovens, conveniently situated both for water

and firewood, and also as close to the majority of catechu trees as

he can get it. The site usually selected is a rice field, for which

the contractor may have to pay a small rent. Generally, however,

no rent is charged, as the owner is only too glad to have the ashes,

obtained in extracting, to plough into his field. On this field the

encampment is made, consisting of rows of thatched huts made of grass

and bamboos. The first thing to do is to erect the ovens, known as

wolle. These are made by a party of men a fortnight or so before the

main body come. The ordinary soil of the field is used, and the ovens

are built to a height of 18 inches, and placed about 5 yards in front

of the huts at irregular distances, 1 or 2 to each hut. The oven is an

oblong, about 2 feet wide by 3 feet long, with two openings above about

1 foot in diameter, on which the boilers, common ovoid earthenware pots

(madike) are placed. The opening for the fire is placed on the windward

side, and extends to the far side of the second opening in the top of

the oven, the smoke, etc., escaping through the spaces between the

boilers and the oven. The earth forms the hearth. To proceed to the

details of the working, the guard and the watcher go out the first

thing in the morning, and mark trees for the Kudubis to cut, noting

the name of the man, the girth and length of the workable stem and

branches. The Kudubi then cuts the tree, and chips off the sapwood,

a ring about 1 inch wide, with his axe, and brings it into the camp,

where a Forester is stationed, who measures the length and girth of

the pieces, and takes the weight of wood brought in. The Kudubi then

takes it off to his shelter, and proceeds to chip it. In the afternoon

he may have to go and get firewood, but generally he can get enough

firewood in a day to serve for several days' boiling. So much for

the men's work. Mrs. Kudubi puts the chips (chakkai) into the pot

nearest the mouth of the oven, and fills it up with water, putting a

large flat wooden spoon on the top, partly to keep the chips down,

and, lighting her fire, allows it to boil. As soon as this occurs,

the pot is tipped into a wooden trough (marige) placed alongside the

oven, and the pot with the chips is refilled. This process is repeated

six times. The contents of the trough are put into the second pot,

which is used purely for evaporating. The contents of this pot are

replenished from the trough with a cocoanut bailer (chippu) until all

the extract obtained from the chips has been evaporated to a nearly

solid residue. The contents are then poured into a broken half pot,

and allowed to dry naturally, being stirred at intervals to enable the

drying to proceed evenly. The extract (rasa) is of a yellowish brown

colour when stirred, the surface being of rich red-brown. This stirring

is done with a one-sided spoon (satuga). To make the balls, the woman

covers her hands with a little wood ash to prevent the extract adhering

to them, and takes up as much catechu as she can close her hands on,

and presses it into shape. These balls are paid for at Rs. 1-2-0 per

100, and are counted before the Forester next morning, and delivered

to the contractor. This ends the work done by the Kudubis. When the

balls have been counted, they are rolled by special men engaged for

the purpose on a board sprinkled with a little wood ash, and this is

repeated daily for three or four days to consolidate them. After this

daily rolling, the balls are spread out in the receiving shed to dry,

in a single layer for the first day or two, and after that they may

be in two layers. After the fourth or fifth day's rolling, they are

put in a pit, and covered with wood ashes on which a little water is

poured, and, on being taken out the next day, are gone over, and all

balls which are soft or broken are then rejected, the good ones being

put on the upper storey of the stone shed to get quite hard and dry."

Before the commencement of operations, the Kudubis select an Areca

Catechu tree, and place a sword, an axe, and a cocoanut on the

ground near it. They prostrate themselves before the tree, with

hands uplifted, burn incense, and break cocoanuts. The success of

the operations is believed to depend on the good will of a deity

named Siddedevaru. Before the Kudubis commence work, they pray to

him, and make a vow that, if they are successful, they will offer a

fowl. Failure to produce good balls of catechu is attributed to the

wrath of the deity. At the close of the work, if it has prospered,

a kalasam (brass vessel) is set up, and fowls are killed. Sometimes,

goats are sacrificed, cooked food and meat are placed on leaves round

the kalasam, and after worshipping, the viands are partaken of.

Like some other castes, the Kudubis do not eat new rice until after

the Hosthu (new crop) festival. Just before reaping, a few plants are

plucked, laid in the field, and worshipped. The ears are then cut, and

carried to their houses, where they are tied to pillars or to the roof.

There are, among the Kudubis, magicians called Gardi, who are sought

after during illness. To show his magical skill, a Gardi should be

able to cut a single grain of rice in twain with a big knife.

Kudugudukaran.--The Kudugudukarans or Kuduguduppukarans are a mendicant

caste, who beat a small hour-glass-shaped drum while begging from

house to house.

Kudumala (cake).--An exogamous sept of Bonthuk Savara, Gamalla,

and Madiga.

Kudumba.--A sub-division of Savara.

Kudumban.--A title sometimes used by Pallans, the headman among whom

goes by this name.

Kudumi or Kudumikkar.--The Kudumis are mainly found in the sea-board

taluks of Parur, Shertally, and Ambalapuzha, in Travancore. The

name is believed to be a corruption of the Sanskrit Kudumbi,

meaning one connected with a family. By others it is derived from a

Konkani word, meaning Sudra. The popular name for the caste is Idiya

(pounder), in reference to the occupation of pounding rice. Kadiya,

apparently derived from Ghatiyal, or a person possessed, is a term

of reproach. The title Chetti is now assumed by members of the

caste. But the well-known title is Muppan, or elder, conferred on

some respectable families by former Rajas of Cochin. The authority

of the Trippanithoray Muppan is supreme in all matters relating

to the government of the caste. But his authority has passed, in

Travancore, to the Turavur Muppan, who has supreme control over the

twenty-two villages of Kudimis. The belief that the Muppans differ

from the rest of the Kudimis, so as to make them a distinct sept,

does not appear to be based on fact. Nor is it true that the Muppans

represent the most ancient families of Konkana Sudras, who emigrated to

Kerala independently of the Konkanis. Chief among them is the Koratti

Muppan of Trippanithoray, who has, among other privileges, those of

the drinking vessel and lighted lamp conferred on him by the Cochin

rulers. Every Kudumi village has a local Muppan. A few families enjoy

the surname Kammatti, which is believed to be of agricultural origin.

The Kudumis speak a corrupt form of the Konkani dialect of

Marathi. They are the descendants of these Konkana Sudras, who

emigrated from Goa on account of the persecutions of the Portuguese

in the sixteenth century, and sought refuge along with their masters,

the Konkana Brahmans, on the coast of Travancore and Cochin. Most of

them set out as the domestic servants of the latter, but a few were

independent traders and agriculturists. Two varieties of rice grain,

chethivirippu and malarnellu, brought by them from the Konkan, are

still sown in Travancore. One of the earliest occupations, in which

they engaged, was the manufacture of fireworks, and, as they were

bold and sturdy, they were enlisted as soldiers by the chieftains

of Malabar. Relics of the existence of military training-grounds are

still to be found in many of their houses.

On a raised mud platform in the court-yard of the Kudumi's house,

the tulasi (Ocimum sanctum) or pipal (Ficus religiosa) is invariably

grown. Fish and flesh, except beef, are eaten, and intoxicating

liquor is rather freely imbibed. The women wear coloured cloths,

usually black, and widows are not obliged to be clad in white. A

gold mukkutti is an indispensable nose ornament. Tattooing is largely

resorted to by the women.

The occupation of the Kudumis is service in the houses of the Konkana

Brahmans. They also prepare beaten rice, act as boatmen, porters,

and agricultural labourers, clean tanks and wells, and thatch

houses. The Muppans manufacture, and give displays of fireworks,

which have a local reputation at the great Konkani temple of Turavur

in the Shertallay taluk.

They worship at the temples of the Konkana Brahmans, as well as

their own. But they are not pronounced Vaishnavites, like the

Brahmans, as the teachings of Madhvacharya did not reach the

lower ranks of Hinduism. On Sunday only one meal is taken. Maddu

or Madan is their chief minor deity, and water-sheds are erected to

propitiate him. Brahma is adored for nine days in the month of Kumbham

(February-March) from the full-moon day. The pipal tree is scrupulously

worshipped, and a lighted lamp placed beside it every evening.

A woman, at the menstrual period, is considered impure for four

days, and she stands at a distance of seven feet, closing her mouth

and nostrils with the palm of the hand, as the breath of such

a woman is believed to have a contaminating effect. Her shadow,

too, should not fall on any one. The marriage of girls should take

place before puberty. Violation of this rule would be punished by

the excommunication of the family. During the marriage ceremony,

the tulasi plant is worshipped, and the bride and bridegroom husk a

small quantity of rice. The mother of the bridegroom prepares a new

oven within the house, and places a new pot beside it. The contracting

couple, assisted by five women, throw five handfuls of rice into the

pot, which is cooked. They then put a quantity of paddy (unhusked rice)

into a mortar, and after carefully husking it, make rice flour from

it. A quantity of betel and rice is then received by the bride and

bridegroom from four women. The tali is tied round the bride's neck

by the bridegroom, and one of his companions then takes a thread,

and fastens it to their legs. On the fifth day of the marriage rites,

a piece of cloth, covering the breasts, is tied round the bride's neck,

and the nose is pierced for the insertion of the mukkutti.

Inheritance is generally from father to son (makkathayam), but, in a

few families, marumakkathayam (inheritance through the female line) is

observed. Widow remarriage is common, and the bridegroom is generally a

widower. Only the oldest members of a family are cremated, the corpses

of others being buried. The Kudumis own a common burial-ground in

all places, where they reside in large numbers. Pollution lasts for

sixteen days.

The Kudumis and the indigenous Sudras of Travancore do not accept food

from each other. They never wear the sacred thread, and may not enter

the inner courtyard of a Brahmanical temple. They remove pollution

by means of water sprinkled over them by a Konkana Brahman. Their

favourite amusement is the koladi, in which ten or a dozen men execute

a figure dance, armed with sticks, which they strike together keeping

time to the music of songs relating to Krishna, and Bhagavati. [32]

Kudumi.--Concerning the Kudumi medicine-men. I gather [33] that "the

Kudumi is a necessary adjunct to the village. His office implies

a more or less intimate acquaintance with the curative herbs and

roots in the forests, and their proper application to the different

ailments resulting from venomous bites or stings. It is the Kudumi who

procures leeches for the gouty Reddi or the phlegmatic Moodeliar, when

he finds that some blood-letting will benefit their health. He prays

over sprains and cricks, and binds the affected parts with the sacred

cord made of the hair taken from the patient's head. He is an expert

practitioner at phlebotomy, and many old Anglo-Indians domiciled in

the country will recall the Kudumi when his services were in demand to

heal some troublesome limb by the letting of blood. This individual is

believed to possess a magic influence over wild animals and snakes,

and often comes out in public as a dexterous snake-charmer. It is

principally in the case of poisonous bites that the Kudumi's skill

is displayed. It is partly by the application of medicinal leaves

ground into a paste, and partly by exercising his magical powers,

that he is believed to cure the most dangerous bites of snakes and

other venomous animals."

The Kudumi often belongs to the Irula or Jogi caste.

Kudumi.--The kudumi is the tuft of hair, which is left when the head

of Hindus is shaved. "For some time past," Bishop Caldwell writes,

[34] "a considerable number of European missionaries in the Tamil

country have come to regard the wearing of the tuft as a badge of

Hinduism, and hence require the natives employed in their missions

to cut off the kudumi as a sine quâ non of their retention of mission

employment". The kudumi, as the Bishop points out, would doubtless have

been admired by our grandfathers, who wore a kudumi themselves, viz.,

the queue which followed the wig. "The Vellalas of the present day,"

he continues, "almost invariably wear the kudumi, but they admit

that their forefathers wore their hair long. Some of the Maravars

wear the kudumi, and others do not. It makes a difference in their

social position. The kudumi, which was originally a sign of Aryan

nationality, and then of Aryan respectability, has come to be a sign

of respectability in general, and hence, whilst the poorer Maravars

generally wear their hair long, the wealthier members of the caste

generally wear the kudumi. The Pallars in Tinnevelly used to wear their

hair long, but most of them have recently adopted the kudumi, and the

wearing of the kudumi is now spreading even among the Pariahs. In

short, wherever higher notions of civilization, and a regard for

appearances extend, the use of the kudumi seems to extend also". Even

a Toda has been known to visit the Nanjengod temple at the base of

the Nilgiris, to pray for offspring, and return with a shaved head.

Kudumo.--See Kurumo.

Kukkundi.--Kukkundi or Kokkundia is the name of a small class of Oriya

cultivators and fishermen, who are said to be expert in spearing fish

with a long spear.

Kukru.--Kukru or Kukkuro, meaning dog, occurs as the name of a sept

of Bottada, Domb, and Omanaito. The equivalent Kukkala is a sept of

the Orugunta Kapus and Boyas.

Kulala.--Some members of the potter caste style themselves Kulala

vamsam, as being a more dignified caste name than Kusavan, and claim

descent from Kulalan, the son of Brahma.

Kulanji.--A sub-division of Maran.

Kulappan.--A synonym of Kusavan.

Kulasekhara.--A sub-division of Satanis, who claim descent from the

Vaishnavite saint Kulasekhara Alvar.

Kulloi.--A sub-division of Gadaba.

Kulodondia.--A title, meaning headman of the caste, used by some

Tiyoros.

Kuluvadi.--A synonym of Kudubi.

Kumda (red gourd: Cucurbita maxima).--A sept of Omanaito.

Kummara, Kumbara, Kumbaro.--"The potters of the Madras Presidency,"

Mr. H. A. Stuart writes, [35] "outside the Tamil country and Malabar,

are called Kummara in Telugu, Kumbaro in Uriya, and Kumbara in

Canarese, all these names being corrupted forms of the Sanskrit

word Kumbhakara, pot-maker (ku, earth). In social position they are

considered to be a superior class of Sudras. The Telugu Kummaras

were cooks under the ancient kings, and many of them still work in

that capacity in Sudra houses. The Kumbaros are purely Vaishnavites

and employ Boishnob priests, while the Kummaras and Kumbaras call

in Brahmans. Widow remarriage is allowed among the Uriya section

alone. All of them eat flesh." Concerning the potter classes,

Mr. Stuart writes further [36] that "Kummaras or Kusavans (q.v.) are

the potters of the country, and were probably at one time a single

caste, but are now divided into Telugus, Northern Tamilians and

Southern Tamilians, who have similar customs, but will not intermarry

or eat together. The northern and southern potters differ in that

the former use a wheel of earthenware, and the latter one made of

wood. The Telugu potters are usually followers of Vishnu and the

Tamilians of Siva, some being also Lingayats, and therefore burying

their dead. All the potters claim an impure Brahmanical descent,

telling the following story regarding their origin. A learned Brahman,

after long study, discovered the day and hour in which he might

beget a mighty offspring. For this auspicious time he waited long,

and at its approach started for the house of his selected bride,

but floods detained him, and, when he should have been with her,

he was stopping in a potter's house. He was, however, resolved not

to lose the opportunity, and by the daughter of his host he had a

son, the celebrated Salivahana. This hero in his infancy developed

a genius for pottery, and used to amuse himself by making earthen

figures of mounted warriors, which he stored in large numbers in a

particular place. After a time Vikramarka invaded Southern India, and

ordered the people to supply him with pots for his army. They applied

to Salivahana, who miraculously infused life into his clay figures,

and led them to battle against the enemy, whom he defeated, and the

country (Mysore) fell into his hands. Eventually he was left as its

ruler, and became the ancestor of the early Mysore Rajas. Such is

the story current among the potters, who generally believe that they

are his progeny. They all live in a state of poverty and ignorance,

and are considered of a low rank among other Sudras."

At the village of Karigeri in the North Arcot district, there is

carried on by some of the local potters an interesting industry in

the manufacture of ornamental pottery, for which a medal was awarded

at the Delhi Darbar Exhibition. "The soft pottery," Surgeon-General

G. Bidie writes, "receives a pretty green glaze, and is made into

vases and other receptacles, some of which are imitations of Delft

ware and other European manufactures of the fifteenth and sixteenth

centuries; patterns having been introduced by Collectors. [37]

Some of the water-bottles are double, the outer shell being pierced

so as to allow air to circulate around the inner." The history of

this little industry is, I gather, as follows. [38] "Mr. Robinson, a

Collector in the sixties of the last century, started the manufacture

of tea-pots, milk jugs, and sugar bowls with a dark green glaze,

but his dream of supplying all India with chota hazri (early tea)

sets was not realised. Then came Mr. Whiteside, and the small Grecian

vases and the like are due to his and Mrs. Barlow's influence. He had

accurate wooden models made by his well-known wood-carvers. He further

altered the by no means pretty green glaze, and reddish browns and

yellows were produced. Then came Mr. Stuart, who pushed the sale at

exhibitions and railway stations. He also gave the potters models of

fancy flower-pots for in-door use. The pottery is exceedingly fragile,

and unsuitable for rough usage. Unglazed water and butter coolers

were the earliest and best articles the potters produced."

Concerning the Kumbaras of South Canara, Mr. Stuart writes, [39] that

they "seem to be a branch of the Telugu and Canarese potter castes,

but many of them have Tulu for their home speech, and follow the

aliyasantana rule of inheritance (in the female line). Some of them

officiate as pujaris (priests) in the temples of the local deities

or demons, and are employed to perform funeral rites. Unlike the

Tamil potters, the Kumbaras do not wear the sacred thread. Infant

and widow marriages are very common. On the birth of a child, the

family observe pollution for fifteen days, and on the sixteenth

day the village barber and dhobi (washerman) get holy water from

the village temple, and purify the family by sprinkling it on their

head. There are two endogamous sub-divisions, the Kannada and Tulu

Kumbara, and each of these is divided into exogamous balis. Their

ordinary title is Handa, which is also sometimes used as the name

of the caste. In Uppinangadi a superior kind of pottery is made

(by the Kannada Kumbaras). It is made of clay powdered, mixed with

water, and strained. It is then poured into a pit specially prepared

for the purpose, where it is allowed to remain for about a month,

by which time it becomes quite dry. It is then removed, powdered,

moistened, and made into balls, which are one by one placed upon a

wheel and fashioned into various kinds of vessels, including vases,

goglets, tea-pots, cups and saucers. The vessels are dried in the

shade for about eight days, after which they are baked for two days,

when they are ready for sale. They have a glazed appearance, and are

sometimes beautifully ornamented."

In the Census Report, 1901, Vodari, Bandi, and Mulya are returned as

sub-castes of the Canarese potters.

The Kumbaras of the Mysore Province are, Mr. T. Ananda Row informs us,

[40] "potters and tile-makers. There are two great divisions among

them mutually exclusive, the Kannada and Telugu, the former claiming

superiority over the latter. The Telugu Kumbaras trace their descent

to Salivahana, and wear the sacred thread. They abstain from eating

meat. There are both Saivites and Vaishnavites among Kumbaras. The

former acknowledge the Smartha Brahman's sway. Polygamy is permitted,

and divorce can only be for adultery. Widows are not permitted to

remarry. This caste also includes dyers known as Nilagara (nil,

indigo). It is curious that these two trades, quite distinct from

one another, are followed by persons of the same family according

to inclination. The Kumbaras worship all the Hindu deities, but pay

special reverence to their kiln. They are recognised members of the

village hierarchy." Of the Mysore Kumbaras, Mr. L. Rice writes [41]

that the "pot-makers were not stationed in every village, one or two

being generally sufficient for a hobli or taraf. He furnished pots

for all the ryats (agriculturists) of his taraf, and was entitled to

ayam in an equal proportion as the other Ayagar (hereditary village

officers). For liberty of exposing his wares for sale to travellers

in the markets, he paid chakra-kanke to the Sirkar (Government)." At

Channapatna, in Mysore, I purchased for three annas a large collection

of articles of pottery made out of black and brown clay. They are

said to be made at a village near Channapatna, and consist of rudely

ornamented miniature lamps of various patterns, models of native

kitchen-ranges, pots, tobacco-pipes, dishes, etc. At the Mysore census,

1891, some potters described themselves as Gundu (round) Brahmans.

The Oriya Kumbaro (kumbho, a pot) are said to practice both infant and

adult marriage, and to permit the remarriage of widows. A sub-caste,

named Bhande, derives its name from the Sanskrit bhanda, a pot. The

Madras Museum possesses a quaint series of painted clay figures,

made by a potter at Venkatarayapalle in Ganjam, which are set up in

shrines on the seashore, and worshipped by fishermen. They include

the following:--

Bengali Babu.--Wears a hat, and rides on a black horse. He blesses

the fishermen, secures large hauls of fish for them, and guards them

against danger when out fishing.

Rajamma.--A female figure, with a sword in her right hand, riding on

a black elephant. She blesses barren women with children, and favours

her devotees with big catches when they go out fishing.

Veyyi Kannalu Ammavaru, or the goddess of a thousand eyes, represented

by a pot pierced with many holes, in which a gingelly (Sesamum) oil

light is burnt. She attends to the general welfare of the fishing folk.

Further details relating to the South Indian potters will be found

under the heading Kusavan.

Kumbi (potter).--A sub-division of Savara.

Kummidichatti.--Recorded, in the North Arcot Manual, as a sub-division

of Vellalas, who carried the chatty, or pot of fire, at Vellala

funerals. In Tamil, the name kumbidu chatti is applied to a pot, in

which fire is always kept burning. Such a pot is used for obtaining

fire for domestic purposes, and by old people, to keep themselves

warm in cold weather.

Kumpani.--Returned by some Kurubas at the Census, 1901. The name

refers to the East India Company, which was known as Kumpani Jahan

(or John Company).

Kunapilli.--A synonym of Padigarajulu, a class of mendicants, who

beg from Padma Sales.

Kunbi.--Recorded, at times of Census, as a Bombay cultivating

caste. (See Bombay Gazetteer, XVIII, Part I, 284.) It is also a

sub-division of Marathis, generally agriculturists, in the Sandur

State.

Kuncheti.--A sub-division of Kapu.

Kunchigar.--The Kunchigars, Kunchitigas, or Kunchiliyans, are a

class of cultivators in the Salem district, who speak Canarese,

and have migrated southward to the Tamil country. Their tradition

concerning their origin is that "a certain Nawab, who lived north

of the Tungabadra river, sent a peon (orderly) to search for ghi

(clarified butter), twelve years old. In his travels south of

the river, the peon met a lovely maid drawing water, who supplied

his want. Struck by her beauty, he watched her bathing place, and

stole one hair which fell from her head in bathing, which he took

to the Nawab. The latter conceived the idea of marrying the girl,

and sent an embassy, which was so far successful that the girl and

her family came to his residence, and erected a marriage pandal

(booth). Subsequently they repented, and, thinking that the marriage

would be a mésalliance (the Nawab was probably a Muhammadan), fled

in the night, leaving a dog in the pandal. In their flight they came

to the Tungabadra, which was in full flood, and, eager to escape,

they consented to marry the maiden to a Kurumban who ferried them

across the river. The Kunchigars are the descendants of this girl

and the Kurumban. When running away they, in their haste, forgot a

little girl, and left her behind them. She was seized by the Nawab,

who thirsted for vengeance, and thrown into the air so as to fall on

knives placed so as to transfix her. Some miracle interposed to save

her, and the Are Kunchigars of Mysore are her descendants." [42]

Kunchu (a tassel or bunch).--A sub-division of Okkiliyans, and of

Koravas who make brushes used by weavers. Kuncham, meaning either a

measure used in measuring grain or a tassel, occurs as an exogamous

sept of Madiga and Mala.

Kundanakkaran.--An occupational Tamil name for those who cut, enchase,

and set precious stones.

Kundaton.--A name for chunam (lime) workers in Malabar.

Kundu (nest).--A sub-division of the Irulas of South Arcot.

Kungiliyan.--A title of some Kallans.

Kunjamma.--A name for Elayad females.

Kunnuvan.--The Kunnuvans are described, in the Gazetteer of

the Madura district, as "the principal cultivating caste on the

Palni hills. They speak Tamil. Their own traditions say that their

ancestors were Vellalans from the Dharapuram and Kangayam country in

Coimbatore, who went up the Palnis some four or five centuries ago

because the low country was so disturbed by war (other accounts say

devastated by famine), and they call themselves Kunnuva Vellalas,

and state that the name Kunnuva is derived from Kunnur village in

Coimbatore. Other traditions add that the Virupakshi and Ayyakudi

poligars (feudal chieftains) helped them to settle on their land

in the hills, which up to then had only been cultivated by indolent

Pulaiyans. The Kunnuvans ousted these latter, and eventually turned

them into predial serfs--a position from which they have hardly yet

freed themselves. In every village is a headman, called the Mannadi,

who has the usual powers. The caste is divided into three endogamous

sections, called Vaguppus, namely, Periya (big) Kunnuvar, Kunnuvar,

and Chinna (little) Kunnuvar. They will eat together. The dress of the

women is characteristic. They wear rough metal necklets, brass bangles

and anklets, silver bangles on their upper arms, and rings in their

noses; and they knot their upper cloths in front across the breasts,

and bind them round their waists in a sort of bandage. White cloths

used to be forbidden them, but are common enough nowadays. [It was

noted by Mr. M. J. Walhouse, in 1881, [43] in connection with the

Kuneivar on the lower slopes of the Palnis, that women were never

allowed to wear white clothes. None could tell why, but it was said

that, within memory, women offending against the rule had been cast

from a high rock.] The claim of a man to his paternal aunt's daughter

is rigidly maintained, and the evasions of the rule allowed by other

castes when the ages of the parties are disproportionate are not

permitted. Consequently, a boy sometimes marries more than one of

these cousins of his, and, until he reaches manhood, those of them

who are much older than he is live with other men of the caste, the

boy being the nominal father of any children which may be born. A boy

of nine or ten may thus be the putative father of a child of two or

three. [In this connection, Mr. J. H. Nelson writes [44] that Madura

Collectors have sometimes been puzzled not a little by evidence adduced

to show that a child of three or four years was the son or daughter of

a child of ten or twelve.] When a man has no children except a girl,

and his family is in danger of coming to an end, a curious practice,

called keeping up the house, is followed. The girl cannot be claimed

by her maternal uncle's son as usual, but may be married to one of

the door-posts of the house. A silver bangle is put on her right wrist

instead of a tali (marriage badge) round her neck; she is allowed to

consort with any man of her caste; her earnings go to her parents;

she becomes their heir, and, if she has a son, the boy inherits their

property through her. The custom is a close parallel to the system of

making girls Basavis, which is so common in the western part of Bellary

and the neighbouring parts of Dharwar and Mysore. Divorce is readily

obtained, on the petitioner paying the amount of the bride-price, but

the children all go to the father. Divorcées and widows may remarry,

and they do so with a frequency which has made the caste a byword

among its neighbours. The Kunnuvans worship the usual deities of the

plains. They generally burn their dead."

It is recorded, in the Manual of the Madura district, that the

Kunnuvans of the western parts of the Palni hills differ in many

of their customs from those of the eastern. With both divisions,

incompatibility of temper is a sufficient ground for divorce, and

a husband can at any time get rid of his wife by taking her to her

parents together with a pair of oxen if he be an eastern Kunnuvan,

and a vatti or round metal dish if he be a western. On the other hand,

if the wife dislikes her partner, she may leave him upon giving up

her golden jewels--the silver she retains--and may, according to

her pleasure, either go back to her father's house, or marry another

man. In the west, however, she takes with her only such property as

she may have possessed at the time of her marriage. Her children must

all be made over to the deserted husband; and, if she be pregnant

when she goes away, and a child be born while she is living with

her second husband, it must nevertheless be given up to the first,

upon payment of the expense of rearing it if in the east, upon mere

demand in the west. In this way a woman may legally marry any number

of men in succession, though she may not have two husbands at one and

the same time. She may, however, bestow favours on paramours without

hindrance, provided they be of equal caste with her. On the other

hand, a man may indulge in polygamy to any extent he pleases, and

the wealthier Kunnuvans keep several wives as servants, especially

for agricultural purposes. The religion of the Kunnuvans appear to

be the Saiva, but they worship their mountain god Valapan with far

more devotedness than any other.

The name Kunnuvan is derived by Mr. Nelson from kunru, a hill.

Kunta.--A division of Kuravas of Travancore, who derive their name

from their first ancestor having appeared from a sacrificial altar

(homakunta).

Kunte (pond).--A gotra of Kurni.

Kurakula (vegetable class).--An occupational title, returned at times

of census, by Oriya and Telugu cultivators in Ganjam and Vizagapatam.

Kurava.--For the following note on the Kuravas of Travancore, I am

indebted to Mr. N. Subramani Aiyar.

There are more than 50,000 Kuravas in Travancore, of whom the

largest numbers live in the taluks of Kunnatur, Chirayinkil, and

Kottarakkara. They were originally divided into four branches, called

Kunta Kuravan, Pum Kuravan, Kakka Kuravan, and Pandi Kuravan. Almost

all the Kuravas of this country belong to the first of these

sections. The Pum Kuravas are believed to have become a different

caste, called Velan. Similarly, the Kakka Kuravans have crystallised

into a distinct caste named Kakkalan. Pandi Kuravas speak Tamil,

and are chiefly found in Nanchinad, being there known as Nanchi

Kuravas. The Kunta Kuravas attribute the origin of their name to

the appearance of their first ancestor from a sacrificial altar

(homakunta). They are known in some places, such as Nedumangad,

by the name of Muli Kuravas, probably because they emit a drawling

noise when called. It has been suggested that the Kuravas are one of

the early tribes of Southern India, and one with the Kurumbas of the

Tamil country, and closely allied to the Vedans. Such of them as still

preserve their old practices, and do not mingle with the low-country

people, are known as Malan Kuravas. They form one of the sixteen

hill-tribes mentioned in the Keralolpatti. About three centuries

ago, Nanchinad in Travancore was governed by a line of Kurava kings,

called Nanchi Kuravans.

The Kuravas are prædial slaves, who were liable in olden days to

be bought and sold along with the land they occupied. They are not

regarded as so faithful as the Pulayas. Their homes are, like those

of the Pulayas, low thatched sheds. They eat meat, and drink toddy

and arrack. Their women tie their hair in the centre of the head,

and not behind like the Pulayas. Tattooing is very largely resorted to.

Though Hindu deities are worshipped, the Chavars, or spirits of the

dead, receive the most particular attention. The days considered

to be of religious importance are Onam in the month of Chingam, the

Ailiyam and Makam stars in Kanni, the 28th of Makaram, the Bharani

star in Kumbham and Minam, and the first day of Audi. The special

deities of the Kuravas are called Katiyatikal or mountain gods,

whom they worship on these days with an offering. On the 30th of

each month, and on days of festivity, all the Kuravas take beaten

rice and toddy, and offer them with a view to propitiating their

ancestors. Small sheds are dedicated to Chavars, where the priest,

called Piniyali or sorcerer, is the only important person. The Kuravas

have among themselves a special class of exorcisers, whom they call

Rarakkar (literally Vicharakkar), or those who make enquiries about

the occurrence of diseases. The Rarakkaran first becomes possessed,

and cries out the names of all the mountain deities in the vicinity,

violently shaking every limb of his body as he does so. Some of

these deities are Chavar, Ayiravalli, Chattan, Pakavati, Matan, Murti,

Taivam, Pakavan, Appuppan, and Maruta. He then takes a handful of paddy

(unhusked rice) from a quantity placed in front of him, and, after

counting, decides, upon the chance of one or two grains remaining in

the end after each of them is removed, whether some one in the house

is not attacked by, or liable to the attack of some evil spirit. The

same process is repeated, in order to find out the proper remedy for

appeasing them. The Rarakkaran at the end proceeds out of the house

in a northerly direction. The Urali, or headman of Peruvirutti Mala

in Kunnattur, becomes possessed on the evening of the third Monday of

Minam, and foretells coming events for such Kuravas as are assembled.

The headmen of the Kuravas are called Urali and Panikkan, and they

must be paid a fee of not less than ten chuckrams on all religious

occasions. The priest is known as Kaikkaran.

The Kuravas observe two forms of marriage ceremonial, viz., the

tali-kettu before puberty, and sambandham. At the former, an elderly

Kuratti (Kurava woman) ties the minnu or wedding ornament round the

neck of the girl. When a Kurava wishes to marry a girl, he must pay

twelve fanams to her maternal uncle. Widows remarry, and divorce,

though void without the consent of the headmen, is easily effected. The

form of inheritance is marumakkathayam (in the female line).

The dead are buried, and death pollution is observed for twelve days.

The Kuravas are obliged to stand, according to some at forty-eight,

and according to others at sixty-four paces from a high-caste

Hindu. They regard themselves as higher in the social scale than

Pulaiyas and Paraiyans.

Kuravan.--Recorded, in the Travancore Census Report, 1901, as a

sub-division of Nayar.

Kureshi.--Recorded, in the Madras Census Report, 1901, as a territorial

name returned by Muhammadans, Kureshi being a village in Arabia;

also one of the sub-divisions of the Navayat tribe.

Kuricchan.--The Kuricchans, or Kuricchiyans, are described by

Mr. H. A. Stuart [45] as "the hunting caste of Malabar. Some derive the

word from kurikke, to mark or assign, as they say that this caste fixed

the hunting days. This must be the production of a highly imaginative

person. Dr. Gundert thinks it is derived from, or allied to, Canarese

Koracha (Korava). I would rather say it is allied to that word,

and that both are derivatives of kuru, a hill (cf. Tamil kurinchi),

kurunilam, etc., and Malayalam kurissi, a suffix in names of hilly

localities. With the exception of 2,240 persons in Kottayam, and 373

in Kurumbranad, both bordering on Wynaad, all the Kuricchans are found

in Wynaad. They are excellent bowmen, and played an important part

in the Pyche Raja's rebellion at the beginning of the (nineteenth)

century. The Kuricchans affect a great contempt for Brahmans. When

a Brahman has been in a Kuricchan's house, the moment he leaves it,

the place where he was seated is besmeared with cowdung to remove the

pollution! They follow inheritance in the male line in some places,

and in the female line in others. Their god is called Muttappan,

which literally means grandfather. They now subsist mostly by punam

(shifting) cultivation."

In the Gazetteer of Malabar, the Kuricchiyans (kuricchi, hill country)

are described as "a jungle tribe of punam cultivators, found in the

Wynaad and the slopes of the ghats, north of Calicut. They consider

themselves polluted by the approach of other hill tribes and by the

touch of Tiyans and Kammalans; and their women require water sanctified

by a Brahman to purify them. They perform the tali kettu ceremony

before puberty, and say that they follow the marumakkathayam family

system (of inheritance in the female line), though the wife usually

goes to live with her husband in a new hut, and the husband has to pay

a price for his bride. They act as oracles during the great festival

at Kottiyur. The performer becomes inspired after sitting for some time

gazing into a vessel containing gingelly oil, and holding in his hand a

curious-shaped wand of gold about a foot and a half long, and hollow."

It is recorded by Mr. Logan, [46] in connection with a disturbance in

Malabar early in the last century, that "the first overt act occurred

at Panamaram in Wynad. Some five days previous to 11th October 1802,

one of the proscribed rebel leaders, Edachenna Kungan, chanced to

be present at the house of a Kurchiyan, when a belted peon came up,

and demanded some paddy (rice) from the Kurchiyan. Edachenna Kungan

replied by killing the peon, and the Kurchiyans (a jungle tribe) in

that neighbourhood, considering themselves thus compromised with the

authorities, joined Edachenna Kungan. This band, numbering about 150,

joined by Edachenna Kungan and his two brothers, then laid their plans

for attacking the military post at Panamaram, held by a detachment of

70 men of the 1st Battalion of the 4th Bombay Infantry under Captain

Dickenson and Lieutenant Maxwell. They first seized sentry's musket,

and killed him with arrows. Captain Dickenson killed and wounded

with his pistols, bayonet, and sword, 15 of the Kurchiyars, 5 of whom

died. The whole of the detachment was massacred."

In a note on an inspection of a Kuriccha settlement, Mr. F. Fawcett

recorded that the houses were close to some rice-fields cultivated by

the Kuricchas. The Mappillas, however, took the crop as interest on

an outstanding debt. One house was noted as having walls of wattle

and mud, a thatched roof, and verandah. In the eastern verandah

were a bow and arrows, a fresh head of paddy (unhusked rice), some

withered grain, etc., dedicated to the god Muttappan. A man requested

Mr. Fawcett not to approach a hut, in which a meal was being cooked,

as he would pollute it. A child, a few months old, with a ring in each

ear, and a ring of shell or bone on a string to avert the evil eye,

was lying in a cradle suspended from the roof. Both by Mr. Fawcett and

others, the Kuricchas are given the character of remarkably innocent,

truthful, and trustworthy people.

For the following note, I am indebted to Mr. E. Fernandez. The

Kuricchas usually live by cultivation, but it is considered a great

stroke of good luck to obtain a post as postal runner or amsham

peon. When on a hunting expedition, they are armed with bows and

arrows, or occasionally with guns, and surround a hill. Some of

them then enter the jungle with dogs, and drive the game, which is

killed by the dogs, or shot with arrows or bullets. The flesh of the

spoil is divided up between the sylvan deity, the jenmi (landlord),

the dogs, the man who put the first arrow or bullet into the animal,

and the other Kuricchas. In some places, the Kuricchas use arrows for

shooting fresh-water fish. The principle is described by Mr. Fawcett

as being the same as in the Greenlander's spear, and the dart used

with a blow-pipe on the west coast for catching sharks.

From Malabar I have received two forms of blowpipe, used for killing

fish, birds, and small game. In one, the tube consists of a piece

of straight slender bamboo about 4' 6'' in length; the other,

which is about 7' in length, is made from the stem of the areca

palm. In the latter, two pieces of the stem are placed face to face,

so that a complete tube is made. Round the exterior, thin cloth or

tree-bark, steeped in gum, is tightly wrapped, so that the two halves

are kept together. Sometimes the blow-pipe is decorated with painted

designs. The arrow consists of a reed shaft and iron arrow-head, which,

by means of a socket, fits loosely on the conical end of the shaft. A

piece of string, several feet long, is tied round the arrow-head,

and wound closely round the shaft. When the arrow is discharged from

the tube, and enters, for example, the body of a fish, the string is

uncoiled from the shaft, which floats on the surface of the water,

and points out the position of the fish, which is hauled up.

A Paniyan, Adiyan, Kurumba, or Pulayan, approaching within a

recognised distance of a Kuriccha, conveys pollution, which must

be removed by a bath, holy water, and the recitation of mantrams

(consecrated formulæ). The Kuricchas address Brahmans as Tambrakal,

and Nayars as Tamburan. They are themselves addressed by Paniyans

and Adiyans as Acchan and Pappan, by Jen Kurumbas as Muttappan,

and by Pulayans as Perumannom.

In addition to Muttappan, the Kuricchas worship various other deities,

such as Karimbil Bhagavathi, Malakurathi, and Athirallan. No animal

sacrifices are performed, but each family celebrates annually

a ceremony called Kollu Kodukal, for which the Pittan (head of

the family) fixes an auspicious day. The temple is cleaned, and

smeared with cow-dung, and holy water is sprinkled, to remove all

pollution. Those who attend at the ceremony bathe before proceeding to

the temple, which is lighted with oil-lamps. Cocoanuts, sugar-candy,

plantains, beaten rice, a measure (edangali) full of rice, and another

full of paddy, are placed before the lamps, and offered to the deity

by the Pittan. One of the community becomes possessed, and gives

forth oracular utterances. Finally he falls down, and the deity is

supposed to have left him. The offerings are distributed among those

who have assembled.

The management of tribal affairs is vested in the Pittans of the

different families, and the final appellate authority is the Kottayath

Raja, who authorises certain Nayars to hear appeals on his behalf.

The Kuricchas celebrate the tali-kettu kalyanam. Marriages are arranged

by the Pittans. The wedding is a very simple affair. The bridegroom

brings a pair of cloths and rings made of white metal or brass as a

present for the bride, and a feast is held.

Kurivi (sparrow).--A gotra of Kurni.

Kurma (tortoise).--A gotra of Nagaralu. The equivalent Kurum is

recorded as a sept of Pentiya.

Kurmapu.--The Kurmapuvallu are women, in the Vizagapatam district,

who have not entered into matrimony, but earn money by prostitution,

and acting as dancers at feasts. They are so called from the fact

that they were originally dancing-girls attached to the temple of

Sri Kurmam, a place of pilgrimage in Vizagapatam. [47]

Kurni.--The name Kurni is, according to the Census Report, 1901,

"a corruption of kuri (sheep) and vanni (wool), the caste having been

originally weavers of wool. They now weave cotton and silk, and also

cultivate. They have two main sub-divisions, Hire (big) and Chikka

(small). The Hires are all Lingayats, and are said to have sixty-six

totemistic septs or gotras. They employ Jangams as priests, and also

men of their own caste, who are called Chittikaras. They will mess with

the non-Lingayat section, and with Lingayats of other castes. They

do not eat meat, or smoke or drink alcohol, but the Chikkas do all

three. Marriage before puberty is the rule in the caste. Divorces

are permitted. Widows may marry again, but have to spend two nights

alone at two different temples. Their wedding ceremonies are carried

out by widows only, and the woman is not afterwards allowed to take

part in religious or family observances." A synonym of both Kurnis

and Devangas is Jada or Jandra, meaning great men. A further synonym

of the Kurnis is said to be Kunigiri. The term Nese, meaning weaver,

is applied to several of the weaving castes, including the Kurnis.

The following extract is taken from an appeal for subscriptions in

aid of the publication of the Bhavishyottara Purana by the Kurnis in

a village in the Bellary district. "Greetings from all the Kuruhine

Setti Virasaivas residing in Hirihala village of Bellary taluk. The

wish of the writers is that all, old and young, should rejoice in the

sixty-six gotras, sixty-six rudras, and sixty-six rishis. He who reads

the order of these sixty-six gotras of the Kuruhina Settis will enter

Sivaloka. His twenty-one generations will attain to the position of

ganas (attendants) of Sivaloka. Such was the order of Iswara. This is

the end of the chapter in the Nilakantha Mallikarjuna Bhavishyat purana

acquired by Shanmukha from the Iswara shruti of the Haravatula." The

gotras are described as being of the Brahman, Kshatriya, and Vaisya

sub-divisions of the caste, and of Shanmukha's Sudra caste:--

Gotras.

Anasu, ferrule.

Anchu, edge or border.

Arashina, turmeric.

Are, Bauhinia racemosa.

Arya, venerable.

Banaju, trade or painted wooden toys.

Bandi, cart.

Banni, Prosopis spicigera.

Basari, fig tree.

Benne, butter.

Bile, white.

Dharma, conduct.

Durga, fort.

Gaduge, throne.

Gauda, headman.

Gikkili, rattle.

Gorige, Cyamopsis psoralioides.

Gullu, Solanum ferox.

Gundu, cannon-ball.

Halige, plank.

Halu, milk.

Heggu, nape of the neck.

Hemme, vanity.

Hittu, flour.

Hon, gold.

Hullu, grass.

Ime, eyelid.

In, sweet.

Inichi, squirrel.

Irani, earthen vessel used at marriages.

Jali, Acacia arabica.

Jirige, cummin seed.

Jiva, life.

Junju, cock's comb.

Kadi, blade of grass.

Katige, collyrium.

Kadle (Bengal gram, Cicer arietinum).

Kadu, wild.

Kakke, Cassia Fistula.

Kamadi, tortoise.

Kanni, rope.

Katte, embankment.

Ken, red.

Kenja, red ant.

Kere, tank.

Kesari, lion.

Kinkila, Indian cuckoo, Eudynamis honorata.

Koti, dagger.

Kudure, horse.

Kunte, pond.

Kurivi, sparrow.

Mallige, jasmine.

Maralu, sand.

Menasu, pepper or chillies.

Midichi, locust.

Mini, leather rope.

Muchchu, broken rice.

Muddu, kiss or love.

Mullu, thorn.

Naga, snake.

Nellu, unhusked rice.

Parama, highest.

Raksha, protecting.

Rama, lovely.

Rikki, feather ?

Salige, wire.

Sampige, Michelia Champaca.

Samsara, family.

Sara, string.

Sindhu, sea or flag ?

Swarabha, sound.

Tikke, gem.

Uttama, best.

Vanki, armlet.

Vatte, camel.

Some of the above names also occur as exogamous septs, or sub-divisions

of other Canarese or Telugu classes, e.g.--

Arashina, turmeric. Agasa, Kuruba, Odde.

Bandi, cart. Kapu, Kavarai, Kuruba, Kuravan, Mala, Odde, Yanadi.

Halu, milk. Holeya, Kuruba, Vakkaliga.

Hon, gold. Kuruba, Odde.

Jirige, cummin. Kuruba.

Kudure, horse. Vakkaliga.

Mallige, Malli, or Mallela, jasmine. Holeya, Kamma, Kuruba,

Kuravan, Madiga, Mala, Odde, Tsakala.

Menasu, pepper or chillies. Kuruba.

Sampigi or Sampangi, Michelia Champaca. Odde.

Kuruba.--Though plucky in hunting bears and leopards, the Kurubas at

Hospet were exceedingly fearful of myself and my methods, and were

only partially ingratiated by an offer of a money prize at one of the

wrestling combats, in which they delight, and of which I had a private

exhibition. The wrestlers, some of whom were splendid specimens of

muscularity, had, I noticed, the moustache clipped short, and hair

clean shaved at the back of the head, so that there was none for the

adversary to grip. One man, at the entreaties of an angry spouse,

was made to offer up the silver coin, presented by me in return for

the loan of his body for measurement, as bad money at the shrine of

Udachallama, together with two annas of his own as a peace-offering

to the goddess. The wives of two men (brothers), who came to me for

measurement, were left sobbing in the village. One, at the last moment,

refused to undergo the operation, on the principle that one should

be taken, and the other left. A man was heard, at question time, to

mutter "Why, when we are hardworking and poor, do we keep our hair,

while this rich and lazy Sahib has gone bald?" Another (I believe,

the tame village lunatic) was more complimentary, and exclaimed "We

natives are the betel leaf and nut. You, Sir, are the chunam (lime),

which makes them perfect."

Many of the Kurubas wear charms in the form of a string of black

sheep's wool, or thread tied round the arm or neck, sometimes with

sacred ashes wrapped inside, as a vow to some minor deity, or a four

anna piece to a superior deity. A priest wore a necklet of rudraksha

(Elæocarpus Ganitrus) beads, and a silver box, containing the material

for making the sacred marks on the forehead, pendent from a loin

string. His child wore a similar necklet, a copper ornament engraved

with cabalistic devices, and silver plate bearing a figure of Hanuman,

as all his other children had died, and a piece of pierced pottery

from the burial-ground, to ward off whooping-cough, suspended round

the neck. In colour-scale the Kurubas vary enormously, from very dark

to light brown. The possessor of the fairest skin, and the greatest

development of adipose tissue, was a sub-magistrate. At Hospet,

many had bushy mutton-chop whiskers. Their garments consisted of a

tight fitting pair of short drawers, white turban, and black kambli

(blanket), which does duty as overcoat, umbrella, and sack for bringing

in grass from the outlying country.

Some of the Kurubas are petty land-owners, and raise crops of cholam

(Andropogon Sorghum), rice, Hibiscus cannabinus, etc. Others are

owners of sheep, shepherds, weavers, cultivators, and stone-masons. The

manufacture of coarse blankets for wearing apparel is, to a very large

extent, carried on by the Kurubas. In connection with this industry,

I may quote the following extracts from my "Monograph on the woollen

fabric industry of the Madras Presidency" (1898).

Bellary.--In the Bellary Manual (1872), it is stated that "cumblies are

the great article of export, and the rugs made in the Kudligi taluk

are in great demand, and are sent to all parts of the country. They

are manufactured of various qualities, from the coarse elastic cumbly

used in packing raw cotton, price about six annas, to a fine kind

of blanket, price Rs. 6 to 8. In former times, a much finer fabric

was manufactured from the wool of the lamb when six months old,

and cumblies of this kind sold for Rs. 50 or Rs. 60. These are no

longer made." Coarse blankets are at present made in 193 villages,

the weavers being mostly Kurubas, who obtain the wool locally,

sun-dry it, and spin it into thread, which is treated with a watery

paste of tamarind seeds. The weaving is carried out as in the case of

an ordinary cotton cloth, the shuttle being a piece of wood hollowed

out on one side. Inside the ruined Maratha fort at Sandur dwells a

colony of Kurubas, whose profession is blanket-weaving. The preliminary

operations are performed by the women, and the weaving is carried out

by the men, who sit, each in his own pit, while they pass the shuttle

through the warp with repeated applications of tamarind paste from

a pot at their side.

Kurnool.--Blankets are manufactured in 39 villages. Sheep's wool is

beaten and cleaned, and spun into yarn with hand spindles. In the

case of the mutaka, or coarse cumblies used by the poorer classes, the

thread used for the warp is well rubbed with a gruel made of tamarind

seeds before being fitted up in the loom, which is generally in the

open air. In the case of jadi, or cumblies of superior quality used

as carpets, no gruel is used before weaving. But, when they are taken

off the loom, the weavers spread them out tight on a country cot,

pour boiling water over them, and rub them well with their hands,

until the texture becomes thick and smooth.

Kistna.--Both carpets and blankets are made at Masulipatam,

and blankets only, to a considerable extent, in the Gudivada

taluk. The Tahsildar of Nuzvid, in several villages of which taluk

the blanket-weaving industry is carried on, gives me the following

note. The sheep, of which it is intended to shear the wool, are first

bathed before shearing. If the wool is not all of the same colour, the

several colours are picked out, and piled up separately. This being

done, each separate pile is beaten, not as a whole, but bit by bit,

with a light stick of finger thickness. Then the cleaning process is

carried out, almost in the way adopted by cotton-spinners, but with a

smaller bow. Then the wool is spun into yarn with the help of a thin

short piece of stick, near the bottom of which a small flat, circular

or square weight of wood or pot-stone (steatite) is attached, so as

to match the force of the whirling given to the stick on the man's

thigh. After a quantity of yarn has been prepared, a paste is smeared

over it, to stiffen it, so that it can be easily passed through the

loom. The paste is prepared with kajagaddalu, or tamarind seeds, when

the former is not available. Kajagaddalu is a weed with a bulbous root,

sometimes as large as a water-melon. The root is boiled in water, and

the thin coating which covers it removed while it is still hot. The

root is then reduced to a pulp by beating in a mortar with frequent

sprinkling of water. The pulp is mixed with water, to make it sticky,

and applied to the yarn. Tamarind seeds are split in two, and soaked

in water for several hours. The outer coating then becomes detached,

and is removed. The seeds are beaten into a fine flour, and boiled

until this acquires the necessary consistency. They are then made

into a paste with water, and applied to the yarn.

Madura.--Coarse blankets are manufactured to a small extent by Kuruba

women in twenty-two villages of the Melur, Dindigul, and Palni taluks.

In the province of Mysore, parts of Chitaldrug and the town of Kolar

are noted for the manufacture of a superior kind of blanket, of fine

texture like homespun, by Kurubas. The wool is spun by the women.

By one section of the Kurubas, called Sunnata or Vasa (new) only

white blankets are said to be made.

The personal names of Kurubas are derived from their gods, Basappa,

Lingappa, Narasimha, Huliga, etc., with Ayya, Appa, or Anna as

affixes. An educational officer tells me that, when conducting a

primary examination, he came across a boy named Mondrolappa after

Sir Thomas Munro, who still lives in the affections of the people.

"It has," Mr. H. A. Stuart writes, [48] "been suggested that the name

Kuruba is a derivative of the Canarese root kuru, sheep (cf. Tamil

kori); but it has been objected to this that the Kurumbas were not

originally a purely shepherd tribe, and it is contended that the

particular kind of sheep called kori is so called because it is

the sheep of the Kurumbas. Again, the ancient lexicographer of the

Tamil language, Pingala Muni, defines Kurumban as Kurunila Mannar,

or petty chieftains. But the most common derivation is from the Tamil

kurumbu, wickedness, so that Kurumban means a wicked man. With this

may be compared the derivation of Kallan from kalavu, theft, and the

Kallans are now generally believed to have been closely connected

with, if not identical with the original Kurumbas. On the other hand,

the true derivation may be in the other direction, as in the case of

the Sclavs. The language of the Kurumbas is a dialect of Canarese,

and not of Tamil, as stated by Bishop Caldwell. It resembles the old

Canarese." Concerning the affinities of the Kurubas, Mr. Stuart states

that "they are the modern representatives of the ancient Pallavas,

who were once so powerful in Southern India. In the seventh century,

the power of the Pallava kings seems to have been at its zenith,

though very little trace of their greatness now remains; but, soon

after this, the Kongu, Chola, and Chalukya chiefs succeeded in winning

several victories over them, and the final overthrow of the Kurumba

sovereignty was effected by the Chola King Adondai about the eighth

century A.D., and the Kurumbas were scattered far and wide. Many

fled to the hills, and, in the Nilgiris and Wynad, in Coorg and

Mysore, representatives of this ancient race are now found as wild

and uncivilised tribes." Let me call anthropometric evidence, and

compare the Kurubas of Mysore and Bellary with the jungle Kurumbas

of the Nilgiris and the allied Kadirs and Mala Vedars, by means of

the two important physical characters, stature and nasal index.

Stature. Nasal index.

Average. Maximum. Minimum. Average. Maximum. Minimum.

cm. cm. cm.