The following notes are taken from my case-book:--

Man--Blacksmith and carpenter. Silver bangle on right wrist;

two silver rings on right little finger; silver ring on each

first toe. Gold ear-rings. Languti (cloth) tied to silver chain

round loins.

Man--Light blue eyes, inherited from his mother. His children

have eyes of the same colour. Lobes of ears pendulous from heavy

gold ear-rings set with pearls. Another man with light blue eyes

was noticed by me.

Man--Branded with cicatrix of a burn made with a burning cloth

across lower end of back of forearm. This is a distinguishing

mark of the Kotas, and is made on boys when they are more than

eight years old.

Woman--Divorced for being a confirmed opium-eater, and living

with her father.

Woman--Dirty cotton cloth, with blue and red stripes, covering

body and reaching below the knees.

Woman--Two glass bead necklets, and bead necklet ornamented

with silver rings. Four brass rings, and one steel ring on left

forearm. Two massive brass bangles, weighing two pounds each, and

separated by cloth ring, on right wrist. Brass bangle with brass

and steel pendants, and shell bangle on left wrist. Two steel

rings, and one copper ring on right ring-finger; brass rings on

left first, ring, and little fingers. Two brass rings on first

toe of each foot. Tattooed lines uniting eyebrows. Tattooed on

outer side of both upper arms with rings, dots, and lines; rows

of dots on back of right forearm; circle on back of each wrist;

rows of dots on left ankle. As with the Todas, the tattooed devices

are far less elaborate than those of the women in the plains.

Woman--Glass necklet ornamented with cowry shells, and charm

pendant from it, consisting of a fragment of the root of some

tree rolled up in a ball of cloth. She put it on when her baby

was quite young, to protect it against devils. The baby had a

similar charm round its neck.

In the course of his investigation of the Todas, Dr. Rivers found that

of 320 males 41 or 12.8 per cent. and of 183 females only two or 1.1

per cent. were typical examples of red-green colour-blindness. The

percentage in the males is quite remarkable. The result of examination

of Badaga and Kota males by myself with Holmgren's wools was that

red-green colour-blindness was found to be present in 6 out of

246 Badagas, or 2·5 per cent. and there was no suspicion of such

colour-blindness in 121 Kotas.

Kota (a fort).--A sub-division of Balija, and an exogamous sept

of Padma Sale. The equivalent Kotala occurs as an exogamous sept of

Boya. There are, in Mysore, a few Kotas, who are said to be immigrants

from South Canara, and to be confined to the Kadur district. According

to a current legend, they were originally of the Kota community,

but their ancestors committed perjury in a land-case, and were cursed

to lose their rank as Brahmans for seven hundred years. [14] Kota is

also the name of a section of Brahmans.

Kotari.--A class of domestic servants in South Canara, who claim to

be an independent caste, though some regard them as a sub-caste of

Bant. [15]

Kotegara or Koteyava.--See Servegara.

Koti (monkey).--The name for Koravas, who travel about the country

exhibiting monkeys.

Kotippattan.--The Kotippattans are described, in the Travancore

Census Report, 1901, as "a class of Tamil Brahmans, who, at a very

early age in Malabar history, were declared by society to have lost

the original Brahmanical status. The offence was, it is said, their

having taken to the cultivation of the betel-vine as their chief

occupation. The ordinances of caste had prescribed other duties for

the Brahmans, and it is not unlikely that Sankaracharya, to whose

curse the present position of the Kotippattan is traced, disapproved

of the change. In general appearance as regards thread, position of

hair-tuft, and dress of men as well as women, and in ceremonials, the

Kotippattans cannot be easily distinguished from the Brahman class. Sad

instances have occurred of Brahman girls having been decoyed into

matrimonial alliances with Kotippattans. They form a small community,

and the state of social isolation into which they have been thrown

has greatly checked their increase, as in the case of many other

Malabar castes. Their priests are at present Tamil Brahmans. They do

not study the Vedas, and the Gayatri hymn is recited with the first

syllable known as the pranavam. In the matter of funeral ceremonies,

a Kotippattan is treated as a person excommunicated. The cremation is a

mere mechanical process, unaccompanied by any mantras (sacred formulæ)

or by any rites, anantarasamskara (deferred funeral rites) being done

after the lapse of ten days. They have their annual sraddhas, but no

offerings of water (tarpanam) on the new-moon day. Their household

deity is Sasta. Their inheritance is from father to son. Their

household language is Malayalam. Their chief seat is Vamanapuram,

twenty miles from Trivandrum."

Kotlu (cow-shed).--An exogamous sept of Yanadi.

Kottaipaththu.--A sub-division of Agamudaiyans, who believe that they

are the same as the Kottai (fort) Vellalas of Tinnevelly.

Kottai Vellala.--"The Kottai Vellalas," Mr. J. A. Boyle writes,

[16] have been "shut up within narrow walls, the others between two

rivers. The result of insulation has been the same, and they have

developed from small families into small, but perfectly distinct,

castes. In the centre of the town of Srivaiguntam, in the Tinnevelly

district, is a small fort, composed of a mud enclosure, containing

the houses of a number of families known as Kottai (fort) Vellalas,

who are separated from social intercourse and intermarriage with

other families of the great Vellala caste. The traditional origin

of this settlement is dated nearly a thousand years ago, when their

ancestors were driven by a political revolution from their home in

the valley of the Veigay (the river which flows past Madura). Under

the Pandya dynasty of Madura, these Vellalas were, they allege, the

chamberlains or treasurers, to whom belonged the hereditary dignity

of crowning the newly-succeeded kings. And this is still commemorated

by an annual ceremony, performed in one of the Tinnevelly temples,

whither the heads of families still repair, and crown the head of

the swami (god). Their women never leave the precincts of the mud

enclosure. After seven years of age, no girl is allowed to pass

the gates, and the restriction is supported by the tradition of a

disobedient little girl, who was murdered for a thoughtless breach

of this law. Into the fort no male stranger may enter, though there

is no hindrance to women of other castes to enter. After marriage,

no woman of the caste may be seen by man's eyes, except those of her

husband, father, brothers, and maternal uncles. When the census was

taken, they refused to say how many women there were inside the fort,

and infanticide is not only possible, but most probable; for there

is a suspicious absence of increase in the colony, which suggests

some mode of disposing of the 'useless mouths,' unknown to health

officers and policemen. Until recent times, housed within the fort,

were certain prædial slaves (Kottar, smiths) of inferior social status,

who worked for their masters, and lived in the same rigid seclusion

as regards their women. They have been turned out, to live beyond

the enclosure, but work for their masters."

It is said that, during the days of oppression at the hands of

Muhammadan and Poligar rulers, the Kottai Vellalas had to pay

considerable sums of money to secure immunity from molestation. The

Kottai Pillai, or headman of the community, is reported to possess

the grants made from time to time by the rulers of the country,

guaranteeing them the enjoyment of their customs and privileges. The

fort, in which the Kottai Vellalas live, is kept in good preservation

by Government. There are four entrances, of which one is kept closed,

because, it is said, on one occasion, a child who went out by it to

witness the procession of a god was killed. Brahmans who are attached

to the fort, male members of various castes who work for the inmates

thereof, and Pallans may freely enter it. But, if any one wishes to

speak to a man living in the fort, the Paraiyan gatekeeper announces

the presence of the visitor. Females of all castes may go into the

fort, and into the houses within it.

On marriage and other festive occasions, it is customary for the

Kottai Vellalas to give raw rations to those invited, instead of,

as among other castes, a dinner. The Kottans eat and drink at the

expense of their masters, and dance.

Like the Nangudi Vellalas (Savalai Pillais), the Kottai Vellalas have

kilais (septs) running in the female line, and they closely follow

them in their marriage customs. It is usual for a man to marry his

paternal aunt's daughter. The bridegroom goes in state, with his and

the bride's relations and their respective Kottans, to the bride's

house. Arrived at the marriage pandal (booth), they are welcomed by

the bride's party. The homam (sacrificial fire) is then raised by the

officiating Brahman priest, who blesses the tali (marriage badge),

and hands it to a Kottan female, who passes it on to the elder sister

of the bridegroom, or, if he has no such sister, to a female who takes

her place. She takes it inside the house, and ties it on the neck of

the bride, who has remained within during the ceremony. The contracting

couple are then man and wife. The husband goes to live with his wife,

who, after marriage, continues to live in her father's house. On the

death of her father, she receives half of a brother's share of the

property. If she has no brothers, she inherits the whole property. [17]

Kottai Vellala women wear ordinary jewels up to middle life, when they

replace them by a jewel called nagapadam, which is a gold plate with

the representation of a five-headed cobra. This is said to be worn

in memory of the occasion when a Pandyan king, named Thennavarayan,

overlooking the claims of his legitimate son, gave the kingdom to

an illegitimate son. The fort Vellalas living at Sezhuvaimanagaram

refused to place the crown on the bastard's head. They were

consequently persecuted, and had to leave the country. They decided

to throw themselves into a fire-pit, and so meet their death in a

body. But, just as they were about to do so, they were prevented by

a huge five-headed cobra. Hearing of this marvellous occurrence, the

Pandyan king who was ruling in Tinnevelly invited them to settle at

Srivaiguntam. The fort Vellalas claim that one of the Pandyan kings

gave them extensive lands on the bank of the Vaigai river when they

lived at Sezhuvaimanagaram. They claim further that the ministers

and treasurers of the Pandyan kings were selected from among them.

The dead are usually cremated. The corpses are borne by Kottans, who

carry out various details in connection with the death ceremonies. The

corpses of women are placed in a bag, which is carefully sewn up.

I am informed that, owing to the scarcity of females, men are at the

present day obliged to recruit wives from outside.

The Kottaipaththu Agamudaiyans believe that they are the same as the

Kottai Vellalas.

Kottakunda (new pot).--An exogamous sept of Medara.

Kottan.--An occupational name, meaning bricklayer, returned, at times

of census, by some Pallis in Coimbatore. Some Pallis are also employed

as bricklayers in the City of Madras. Kottan is also recorded as a

title of Katasan.

Kottha.--A sub-division of Kurubas, the members of which tie a woollen

thread round the wrist at marriages.

Kottiya Paiko.--A sub-division of Rona.

Kove (ant-hill).--An exogamous sept of Gangadikara Vakkaliga.

Kovila (Indian cuckoo, Eudynamis honorata).--A gotra of Medara.

Kovilar (temple people).--The name adopted by a section of Pallis

or Vanniyans, who wear the sacred thread, and have temples of their

own, in which they worship. Koil Adiyan (temple servant) has been

returned by some Balijas at times of census. Kovilammamar or Koilpat,

denoting ladies of, or those who live in palaces, is a title of some

Samanta ladies. Kovilagam is the usual term for the house of a Raja

or Tirumalpad, and Koilpantala is recorded, from Travancore, as a

synonym for Koil Tamburan. The Nattukottai Chettis have exogamous

septs, or koils, named after temples, e.g., Mathur koil.

Koya.--The land and boat-owning class of Muhammadans in the Laccadive

islands. The name is said to be a corrupt form of Khoja, meaning a

man of distinction. Mappillas use Koya as a suffix to their names,

e.g., Hassan Koya, Mahomed Koya (see Mappilla).

Koyappan.--Koyappan or Koyavappan are corrupt forms of Kusavan

(Malabar potters).

Koyi.--The Koyis, Kois, or Koyas, are a tribe inhabiting the hills

in the north of the Godavari district, and are also found in the

Malkangiri taluk of the Jeypore Zamindari. They are said to belong

to the great Gond family, and, when a man of another caste wishes to

be abusive to a Koyi, he calls him a Gondia. The Koyi language is

said by Grierson to be a dialect of Gondi. Writing concerning the

Koyis of the Godavari district, the Rev. J. Cain states [18] that

"in these parts the Kois use a great many Telugu words, and cannot

always understand the Kois who come from the plateau in Bustar. A

few years ago, when Colonel Haig travelled as far as Jagdalpuram,

the Kois from the neighbourhood of Dummagudem who accompanied him

were frequently unable to carry on any conversation with many of

the Kois on this plateau. There are often slight differences in the

phraseology of the inhabitants of two villages within a mile of each

other. When two of my teachers, living not more than a mile apart,

were collecting vocabularies in the villages in which they lived, they

complained that their vocabularies often differed in points where they

expected to find no variety whatever." A partial vocabulary of the Koyi

language is given by the Rev. J. Cain, who notes that all the words

borrowed from Telugu take purely Koi terminations in the plural. "Its

connection," he writes, "with the Gond language is very apparent, and

also the influence of its neighbour Telugu. This latter will account

for many of the irregularities, which would probably disappear in

the language spoken by the Kois living further away from the Telugu

country." Mr. G. F. Paddison informs me that all the Gonds whom he

met with in the Vizagapatam district were bholo loko (good caste),

and would not touch pork or mutton, whereas the Koyi shares with the

Dombs the distinction of eating anything he can get in the way of meat,

from a rat to a cow. It is noted by Mr. H. A. Stuart [19] that "the

Khonds call themselves Kui, a name identical with Koi or Koya." And,

in 1853, an introduction to the grammar of the Kui or Kandh language

was produced by Lingum Letchmajee. [20]

It is recorded by the Rev. J. Cain that "until the talukas were handed

over to British rule, the Bhadrachallam Zamindar always kept up a

troop of Rohillas, who received very little pay for their services,

and lived chiefly by looting the country around. In attendance upon

them were one hundred Kois, and one hundred Madigas. Twenty-five Koi

villages form a samutu, and, in the Bhadrachallam taluka, there are

ten samutus. In the territory on the opposite side of the river, which

also belonged to the Ashwa Rau family, there were ten samutus. Each

samutu was bound in turn to furnish for a month a hundred Kois

to carry burdens, fetch supplies, etc., for the above-mentioned

Rohillas. During the month thus employed they had to provide their

own batta (subsistence money). The petty Zamindars of Albaka, Cherla,

Nagar, Bejji and Chintalanada, likewise had their forces of Nayaks and

Kois, and were continually robbing and plundering. All was grist which

came to their mill, even the clothes of the poor Koi women, who were

frequently stripped, and then regarded as objects of ridicule. The Kois

have frequently told me that they could never lie down to rest without

feeling that before morning their slumbers might be rudely disturbed,

their houses burnt, and their property all carried off. As a rule, they

hid their grain in caves and holes of large trees." It is recorded,

in the Vizagapatam Manual, that, in 1857, the headman of Koraturu,

a village on the Godavari river, was anxious to obtain a certain rich

widow in marriage for his son. Hearing, however, that she had become

the concubine of a village Munsiff or Magistrate of Buttayagudem, he

attempted, with a large body of his Koi followers, to carry her off

by force. Failing in the immediate object of his raid, he plundered

the village, and retreated with a quantity of booty and cattle.

Those Koyis, the Rev. J. Cain writes, who live in the plains "have a

tradition that, about two hundred years ago, they were driven from

the plateau in the Bustar country by famine and disputes, and this

relationship is also acknowledged by the Gutta Kois, i.e., the hill

Kois, who live in the highlands of Bustar. These call the Kois who

live near the Godavari Gommu Kois and Mayalotilu. The word Gommu is

used to denote the banks and neighbourhood of the Godavari. Thus, for

instance, all the villages on the banks of the Godavari are called

Gommu ullu. Mayalotilu means rascal. The Gutta Kois say the lowland

Kois formerly dwelt on the plateau, but on one occasion some of them

started out on a journey to see a Zamindar in the plains, promising

to return before very long. They did not fulfil their promise,

but settled in the plains, and gradually persuaded others to join

them, and at times have secretly visited the plateau on marauding

expeditions.... The Kois regard themselves as being divided into

five classes, Perumboyudu, Madogutta, Peregatta, Matamuppayo, and

Vidogutta." The Rev. J. Cain states further that "the lowland Kois

say that they are divided into five tribes, but they do not know

the first of these. The only names they can give are Paredugatta,

Mundegutta, Peramboyina, and Wikaloru, and these tribes are again

sub-divided into many families. The members of the different tribes

may intermarry, but not members of the same tribe."

It is recorded by Mr. F. R. Hemingway [21] that "exogamous septs,

called Gattas, occur in the tribe. Among them are Mudo (third),

Nalo (fourth) or Paredi, Aido (fifth) or Rayibanda, Aro (sixth),

Nutomuppayo (130th), and Peramboya. In some places, the members of

the Mudo, Nalo, and Aido Gattas are said to be recognisable by the

difference in the marks they occasionally wear on their foreheads,

a spot, a horizontal, and a perpendicular line respectively being

used by them. The Aro Gatta, however, also uses the perpendicular

line." It is further noted by Mr. Hemingway that the Racha or Dora

Koyas consider themselves superior to all other sub-divisions, except

the Oddis (superior priests).

It is noted by the Rev. J. Cain that at Gangolu, a village about

three miles from Dummagudem, "live several families who call

themselves Basava Gollavandlu, but on enquiry I found that they are

really Kois, whose grandfathers had a quarrel with some of their

neighbours, and separated themselves from their old friends. Some of

the present members of the families are anxious to be re-admitted

to the society and privileges of the neighbouring Kois. The word

Basava is commonly said to be derived from bhasha, a language,

and the Gollas of that class are said to have been so called in

consequence of their speaking a different language from the rest of

the Gollas. A small but well-known family, the Matta people, are all

said to have been originally Erra Gollas, but six generations ago

they were received into the Koi people. Another well-known family,

the Kaka people, have the following tradition of their arrival

in the Koi districts. Seven men of the Are Kapulu caste of Hindus

once set out on a journey from the neighbourhood of Warangal. Their

way led through dense jungle, and for a very long time they could

find no village, where they and their horses could obtain food and

shelter. At length they espied a small hut belonging to a poor widow,

and, riding up to it, they entered into conversation with her, when

they learned that the whole country was being devastated by a nilghai

(blue bull: Boselaphus tragocamelus), which defied all attempts to

capture it. In despair, the king of the country, who was a Koi of the

Emu family, had promised his youngest daughter in marriage to any man

who would rid the country of the pest. Before very long, the youngest

of the Kapus was out wandering in the neighbouring jungle, and had an

encounter with the formidable beast, which ran at him very fiercely,

and attempted to knock him down. The young man raised a small brass

pot, which he was carrying, and struck the animal so forcible a blow

on the head that it fell dead on the spot. He then cut off its tail,

nose, and one ear, and carried them away as trophies of his victory;

and, having hidden his ring in the mutilated head of the animal,

he buried the body in a potter's pit close to the scene of the

encounter. He and his elder brothers then resumed their journey,

but they had not gone far before they received news from the widow

that the potter, hearing of the death of the animal, had gone to the

king with the tidings, and asserted that he himself was the victor,

and was therefore entitled to the promised reward. The king, however,

declined to comply with his request, unless he produced satisfactory

evidence of the truth of the story. The real victor, hearing all

this, bent his steps to the king's court and asserted his claim,

showing his trophies in proof of his statements, and requesting the

king to send and dig up the carcase of the animal, and see whether

the ring was there or not. The king did so, and, finding everything

as the claimant had asserted, he bestowed his daughter on him, and

assigned to the newly married couple suitable quarters in his own

house. Before very long, the next elder brother of the bridegroom

came to pay him a visit, riding in a kachadala, i.e., a small cart

on solid wooden wheels. He found all the city in great trouble in

consequence of the ravages of a crow with an iron beak, with which

it attacked young children, and pecked out their brains. The king,

deeply grieved at his subjects' distress, had it proclaimed far and

wide that the slayer of this crow should receive in reward the hand

of his youngest remaining daughter. The young man had with him a new

bamboo bow, and so he fitted an arrow to the string, and let fly at

the crow. His aim was so good that the crow fell dead at once, but

the force of the blow was so great that one of the wings was driven

as far south as the present village of Rekapalli (wing village),

its back fell down on the spot now occupied by Nadampalli (loin or

back village), its legs at Kalsaram (leg village), and its head at

Tirusapuram (head village), whilst the remainder fell into the cart,

and was carried into the presence of the king. The king was delighted

to see such clear proofs of the young man's bravery, and immediately

had the marriage celebrated, and gave the new son-in-law half the

town. He then made an agreement with his sons-in-law and their

friends, according to which they were in future to give him as many

marriageable girls as could be enclosed and tied up by seven lengths

of ropes used for tying up cattle, and he was to bestow upon them as

many as could be tied up by three lengths. In other words, he was to

receive seventy children, and to give thirty, but this promise has

never been fulfilled. The victor received the name of Kaka (crow),

and his descendants are called the Kaka people."

The Koyis of the Godavari district are described in the Manual as being

"a simple-minded people. They look poor and untidy. The jungles in

which they reside are very unhealthy, and the Kois seem almost to

a man to suffer from chronic fever. They lead an unsophisticated,

savage life, and have few ideas, and no knowledge beyond the daily

events of their own little villages; but this withdrawal from

civilised existence is favourable to the growth of those virtues

which are peculiar to a savage life. Like the Khonds, they are noted

for truthfulness, and are quite an example in this respect to the

civilised and more cultivated inhabitants of the plains. They call

themselves Koitors, the latter part of which appellation has been

very easily and naturally changed by the Telugu people, and by the

Kois who come most closely into contact with them, into Dorala,

which means lords; and they are always honoured by this title in

the Godavari district. [The Rev. J. Cain expresses doubts as to the

title Dora being a corruption of tor, and points out that it is a

common title in the Telugu country. Some Koyis on the Bastar plateau

call themselves Bhumi Razulu, or kings of the earth.] The villages

are small, but very picturesque. They are built in groups of five or

six houses, in some places even a smaller number, and there are very

rarely so many as ten or fifteen. A clearing is made in the jungle,

and a few acres for cultivation are left vacant round the houses. In

clearing away the wood, every tree is removed except the ippa (Bassia

latifolia) and tamarind trees, which are of the greatest service

to the people on account of their fruit and shade. The Kois do not

remain long in the same place. They are a restless race. Four years

suffice to exhaust the soil in one locality, and they do not take the

trouble to plough deeper, but migrate to another spot, where they make

a fresh clearing, and erect a new village. Their huts are generally

covered with melons and gourds, the flowing tendrils of which give

them a very graceful appearance, but the surrounding jungle makes them

damp and unhealthy. When the cultivation season is over, and the time

of harvest draws on, the whole of the village turns out by families,

and lives on the small wooden scaffoldings erected in the fields, for

the purpose of scaring away the wild animals and birds, which come

to feed on the ripening grain. Deer and wild pigs come by night to

steal it, and herds of goats by day. Tigers and cheetas (leopards)

often resort to the fields of Indian corn, and conceal themselves

among the lofty plants. Poorer kinds of grain are also grown, such

as millet and maize, out of which the people make a kind of porridge,

called java. They likewise grow a little cotton, from which they make

some coarse cloth, and tobacco. The ippa tree is much prized. The

Koyis eat the flowers of this tree, which are round and fleshy. They

eat them either dried in the sun, or fried with a little oil. Oil both

for lights and for cooking is obtained from the nut, from which also

an intoxicating spirit is extracted." I gather that the Koyis further

use the oil for anointing the hair, whereas, in Kurnool, the forest

officers barter with the Chenchus for the fruits, which they will part

with, as they do not require them for the toilette or other purpose.

The cultivation of the Koyis has been described as "of the simplest,

most unprofitable kind. A piece of jungle is selected, and all

the trees, except the fruit-bearing ones, are cut down and burned,

the ashes being used for manure. Then, without removing the stumps

or further clearing, the land is scratched along the top, and the

seed sown. For three or four years the natural fertility of the soil

yields them a crop, but then, when the undergrowth begins to appear

and the soil to be impoverished, being too lazy to plough and clean

it properly or to give it manure, they abandon it, and the land again

becomes scrub jungle."

In a note on cultivation in the Agency tracts of the Godavari district,

F. R. Hemingway writes as follows. [22] "The majority of the hill

Reddis and the Koyas in the Agency carry on shifting cultivation,

called podu, by burning clearings in the forests. Two methods prevail:

the ordinary (or chalaka) podu, and the hill (or konda) podu. The

former consists in cultivating certain recognised clearings for a

year or two at a time, allowing the forest to grow again for a few

years, and then again burning and cultivating them; while, under the

latter, the clearing is not returned to for a much longer period,

and is sometimes deserted for ever. The latter is in fashion in

the more hilly and wilder parts, while the former is a step towards

civilisation. In February or March, the jungle trees and bushes are cut

down, and spread evenly over the portion to be cultivated; and, when

the hot weather comes on, they are burnt. The ashes act as a manure,

and the cultivators think that the mere heat of the burning makes

the ground productive. The land is ploughed once or twice in chalaka

podus before and after sowing, but not at all in konda podus. The seed

is sown in June. Hill cholam and samai are the commonest crops. The

former is dibbled into the ground. Grain is usually stored in regular

granaries (kottu), or in thatched bamboo receptacles built on a raised

foundation, and called gadi. These are not found in Bhadrachalam or

the central delta, where a high, round receptacle made of twisted straw

(puri) is used. Grain is also stored, as elsewhere, in pits."

It is noted by Mr. Hemingway that the houses of the Koyis "are made of

bamboo, with a thatch of grass or palmyra. They are very restless, and

families change frequently from one village to another. Before morning,

they consult the omens, to see whether the change will be auspicious or

not. Sometimes the hatching of a clutch of eggs provides the answer,

or four grains of four kinds of seed, representing the prosperity

of men, cattle, sheep, and land, are put on a heap of ashes under a

man's bed. Any movement among them during the night is a bad omen. The

Koyas proper are chiefly engaged in agriculture. Their character is

a curious medley. They excite admiration by their truthfulness and

simplicity; contempt by their drunkenness, listlessness, and want of

thrift; amusement by their stupidity and their combination of timidity

and self-importance; and disgust by their uncanny superstitions and

thinly veiled blood-thirstiness. Their truthfulness is proverbial,

though it is said to be less characteristic than of yore, and they

never break their word. Their drunkenness is largely due to the

commonness of the ippa tree (Bassia latifolia), from the flowers of

which strong spirit is distilled, and is most noticeable when this

is blossoming. Their laziness is notorious, and their stupidity is

attested by numerous stories. One, vouched for by the Rev. J. Cain,

relates how some of them, being despatched with a basket of fruit and

a note describing its contents, and being warned that the note would

betray any pilfering, first buried the note so that it could not see,

then abstracted some of the fruit, afterwards disinterred the note and

delivered it and the basket, and were quite at a loss, when charged

with the theft, to know how the note could have learnt about it. They

are terribly victimised by traders and money-lenders from the low

country, who take advantage of their stupidity to cheat them in every

conceivable way. Their timidity has on occasions driven them to seek

refuge in the jungle on the appearance of a Hindu in clean clothes,

but, on the other hand, they insist upon, and receive a considerable

measure of respect from lowlanders whom they encounter. They are

perfectly aware that their title Dora means lord, and they insist

upon being given it. They tolerate the address 'uncle' (mama) from

their neighbours of other castes, but they are greatly insulted if

called Koyas. When so addressed, they have sometimes replied 'Whose

throat have I cut?' playing on the word koya, which means to slice,

or cut the throat. When driven to extremes, they are capable of much

courage. Blood feuds have only recently become uncommon in British

territory, and in 1876 flourished greatly in the Bastar State."

Concerning the marriage custom of the Koyis the Rev. J. Cain writes

that "the Koyis generally marry when of fair age, but infant marriage

is unknown. The maternal uncle of a girl has always the right to

dispose of her hand, which he frequently bestows upon one of his own

sons. If the would-be bridegroom is comparatively wealthy, he can

easily secure a bride by a peaceable arrangement with her parents;

but, if too poor to do this, he consults with his parents and friends,

and, having fixed upon a suitable young girl, he sends his father and

friends to take counsel with the headman of the village where his

future partner resides. A judicious and liberal bestowal of a few

rupees and arak (liquor) obtain the consent of the guardian of the

village to the proposed marriage. This done, the party watch for a

favourable opportunity to carry off the bride, which is sure to occur

when she comes outside her village to fetch water or wood, or, it may

be, when her parents and friends are away, and she is left alone in

the house. The bridegroom generally anxiously awaits the return home

of his friends with their captive, and the ceremony is proceeded

with that evening, due notice having been sent to the bereaved

parents. Some of the Koyis are polygamists, and it not unfrequently

happens that a widow is chosen and carried off, it may be a day or

two after the death of her husband, whilst she is still grieving on

account of her loss. The bride and bridegroom are not always married

in the same way. The more simple ceremony is that of causing the woman

to bend her head down, and then, having made the man lean over her,

the friends pour water on his head, and, when the water has run off

his head to that of the woman, they are regarded as man and wife. The

water is generally poured out of a bottle-gourd. (These gourds are

used by the Koyis as bottles, in which they carry drinking water when

on a journey. Very few Koyis stir far from their homes without one of

these filled with water.) Generally, on this all-important occasion,

the two are brought together, and, having promised to be faithful to

each other, drink some milk. Some rice is then placed before them,

and, having again renewed their promises, they eat the rice. They then

go outside the house, and march round a low heap of earth which has

been thrown up under a small pandal (booth) erected for the occasion,

singing a simple love song as they proceed. Afterwards they pay their

respects to the elders present, and beg for their blessing, which

is generally bestowed in the form of 'May you be happy! may you not

fight and quarrel!' etc. This over, all present fall to the task of

devouring the quantity of provisions provided for the occasion, and,

having well eaten and drunk, the ceremony is concluded. If the happy

couple and their friends are comparatively wealthy, the festivities

last several days. Dancing and singing are kept up every evening,

and, when the fun waxes fast and furious, the mother-in-law takes

up her new son-in-law on her shoulders, and his mother her new

daughter-in-law, and dance round as vigorously as age and strength

permit. If the mothers-in-law are not able, it is the duty of the

respective maternal aunts to perform this ludicrous office. When the

bridegroom is a fine strapping young man, this is a duty rather than a

pleasure. Some do not object to run away with the wife of another man,

and, in former years, a husband has been known to have been murdered

for the sake of his wife. Even at present, more disputes arise from

bride-stealing than from any other cause, especially as up to the

present time (1876) the Government officials have not been able to

stop this practice. In the case of a man running away with another

man's wife, the samatu dora (headman), on its being reported to him,

goes to the village where the culprit lives, assembles the headman,

and calls the offender before him. He then fines the man twelve rupees,

and orders him to give another twelve to the husband of the woman whom

he has stolen, and then demands two rupees' worth of liquor, a goat,

and grain for a feast. On these being brought, the night is spent in

feasting and drinking, and the fault is forgiven. In cases of breach

of the seventh commandment, the offender is often placed between two

logs of wood, upon which as many men sit as can be accommodated, and

press it down as long as they can without endangering the unfortunate

man's life. In all the Koi villages there is a large house, where

the young unmarried men have to sleep, and another which the young

unmarried girls have to occupy at night."

It is noted by Mr. Hemingway that, "if a Koya youth is refused by the

maiden of his choice, he generally carries her off by force. But a

boy can reserve a girl baby for himself by giving the mother a pot,

and a cloth for the baby to lie upon, and then she may not be carried

off. Girls who consort with a man of low caste are purified by having

their tongues branded with a hot golden needle, and by being made

to pass through seven arches of palmyra leaves which are afterwards

burnt." (cf. Koraga.) According to Mr. R. E. Enthoven, [23] "the

suggestion seems to be a rapid representation of seven existences,

the outcast regaining his (or her) status after seven generations

have passed without further transgression. The parallel suggested

is the law of Manu that seven generations are necessary to efface a

lapse from the law of endogamous marriage."

In a note on marriage among the Koyis of Vizagapatam, Mr. C. Hayavadana

Rao writes that the parents and other relations of the bridegroom go

to the bride's home with a present (voli) of three or four head-loads

of fermented liquor made from ragi (Eleusine Coracana) seeds, a pair

of new cloths for the girl's father and mother, and a pig. A feast is

held, and, on the following day, the bride is conducted to the home

of the bridegroom. The marriage ceremony is then conducted on lines

similar to those already described.

In connection with birth ceremonies, the Rev. J. Cain writes that

"the Koi women are very hardy, and careless about themselves. After

the birth of a child, they do not indulge in the luxury of a cot, but,

according to their usual custom, continue to lie upon the ground,

bathe in cold water, and eat their accustomed food. Directly the

child is born, it is placed upon a cot, and the mother resumes her

ordinary work of fetching water, wood, leaves, etc., cooking for

the family, and so on. On the seventh day the child is well washed,

and all the neighbours and near relatives assemble together to

name the child. Having placed the child on a cot, they put a leaf

of the mohwa tree (Bassia) in the child's hand, and pronounce some

name which they think suitable. If the child closes its hand over

the leaf, it is regarded as a sign that the child acquiesces, but,

if the child rejects the leaf or cries, they take it as a sign that

they must choose another name, and so they throw away the leaf,

and substitute another leaf and another name, until the child shows

its approbation. If the name chosen is that of any person present,

the owner of that name generally expresses his appreciation of the

honour thus conferred by placing a small coin in the hand of the child,

otherwise the father is bound to do so. This ceremony is followed by

a night of dancing and singing, and the next day the father gives

a feast to his neighbours and friends, or, if too poor for that,

treats the male friends to liquor. Most Kois now name their children

without all the elaborate ceremonial mentioned above."

"The bodies of children," the Rev. J. Cain writes, "and of young

men and young women are buried. If a child dies within a month of

its birth, it is usually buried close to the house, so that the rain

dropping from the eaves may fall upon the grave, and thereby cause the

parents to be blessed with another child in due course of time. With

the exception of the above mentioned, corpses are usually burnt. A

cow or bullock is slain, and the tail cut off and put in the dead

person's hand, after the cot on which the corpse is carried has been

placed upon the funeral pile. If a pujari, or Koi priest, is present,

he not unfrequently claims a cloth or two belonging to the dead

person. The cot is then removed, and the body burnt. Mr. Vanstavern

reports having seen part of the liver of the slain animal placed in the

mouth of the corpse. The friends of the deceased retire, and proceed

to feast upon the animal slain for the occasion. Three days afterwards

they generally return, bringing contributions of cholam (grain), and,

having slain one or more animals, have a second feast. In some parts,

immediately after the corpse is consumed, the ashes are wetted, rolled

into balls, and deposited in a hole about two feet deep, dug on the

roadside just outside their village. Over the hole is placed a slab of

stone, and at the head an upright stone, and, whenever friends pass

by these monuments, they endeavour to place a few leaves of tobacco

on the slabs, remarking at the same time how fond the deceased were

of tobacco in their lifetime. The hill Kois have erected very large

slabs in days gone by, and it is not uncommon to see rows of ten to

fifteen outside the villages close to well-frequented roads, but at

present they seldom take the trouble to put up any monuments. In the

Malkanagiri taluk, the Kois every now and then erect these stones,

and, when encamped in a village, we were struck by the height of one,

from the top of which was suspended an ox tail. On enquiry we found

that it was the tomb of the late headman, who had been enterprising

enough to build some large bunds (embankments), and thus improve his

rice fields. Success attended his efforts, and five crops rewarded

him. But, alas, envious persons plotted his downfall, he became ill,

and called in the diviner, who soon discovered the cause of the fatal

illness in the shape of balls of mud, which had been surreptitiously

introduced into his stomach by some demoness at the instigation

of some foes. Three days after the funeral feast, a second one

is frequently held, and, if means are forthcoming, another on the

seventh and fifteenth days. The nights are always spent in dancing to

the beating of the tom-tom or drum. All believe that these feasts are

necessary for the repose of the spirits of the deceased, and that, if

these are not thus duly honoured, they will wander about the jungle in

the form of pisachas (devils) ready to avenge their friends' neglect

of their comfort by bringing evil upon their children or cattle. If

they are not satisfied as to the cause of the death of any of their

friends, they continue to meet at intervals for a whole year, offer the

sacrificial feasts, and inquire of the diviner whether he thinks that

the spirit of the deceased has been able to associate with spirits

or its predeceased friends, and, when they obtain an answer in the

affirmative, then and then only do they discontinue these feasts."

In connection with death ceremonies, Mr. Hemingway notes that "when a

Koya dies, a cow or bullock is slaughtered, and the tail is cut off,

and put in the dead man's hand. The liver is said to be sometimes put

in his mouth. His widow's tali (marriage badge) is always placed there,

and, when a married woman dies, her tali is put in her mouth. The

pyre of a man is lighted by his nephew, and of a woman by her son. No

pollution is observed by those attending the funeral. The beef of

the slain animal provides a feast, and the whole party returns home

and makes merry. On the eighth day, a pot of water is placed in the

dead man's house for him to drink, and is watched by his nephew. Next

morning another cow is slaughtered, and the tail and a ball of cooked

rice are offered to the soul at the burning ground."

Concerning the death ceremonies in the Vizagapatam district,

Mr. C. Hayavadana Rao writes that the corpses of young children are

buried far away from the home of their parents. It is customary,

among the more prosperous families, to put a few rupees into the

mouth of a corpse before the funeral pyre is lighted. The money is

made to represent the value of the animal sacrificed in the Godavari

district. Death pollution is not observed, but on the eighth day

the relations kill a fowl, and burn it at the spot where the body

was cremated. The ashes of a dead person are carried to a spot set

apart close to the highway. Water is poured over them, and they

are made into small balls. A hole, two or three feet deep, is dug,

into which the balls, a few of the pots belonging to the deceased,

and some money are put. They are covered over with a stone slab,

at one end of which an upright slab is set up. A cow is killed,

and its tail cut off, and tied to the upright slab, to appease the

ghost of the dead person. The remainder of the animal is carried off,

and used for a feast. Ghasias are notorious for opening up these Koyi

sepulchres, and stealing the money buried in them.

Mr. H. Tyler informs me that he came across the burning funeral pyre

of a Koyi girl, who had died of syphilis. Across a neighbouring path

leading to the Koyi village, were a basket fish-trap containing grass,

and on each side thorny twigs, which were intended to catch the malign

spirit of the dead girl, and prevent it from entering the village. The

twigs and trap, containing the captured spirit, were to be burnt by

the Koyis on the following day.

It is noted by Mr. Hemingway that "people who are neither good enough

for heaven, nor bad enough for hell, are born again in their former

family. Children with hare-lip, moles, etc., are often identified as

re-incarnations of deceased relations. Tattooing is common. It is,

for various reasons, considered very important for the soul in the

next world that the body should have been adequately tattooed."

Concerning the religion of the Koyis, the Rev. J. Cain writes that

they say "that the following gods and goddesses were appointed to

be worshipped by Sudras:--Muttelamma, Maridimahalakshmi, Poturazu

and Korrazulu; and the following were to receive adoration from

the Koyis:--Kommalamma, Katurudu, Adamarazu. The goddess Mamili

or Pele must be propitiated early in the year, or else the crops

will undoubtedly fail; and she is said to be very partial to human

victims. There is strong reason to think that two men were murdered

in 1876 near a village not far from Dummagudem, as offerings to this

devata, and there is no reason to doubt that every year strangers

are quietly put out of the way in the Bastar country, to ensure the

favour of this blood-thirsty goddess. All the Koyis seem to hold in

great respect the Pandava brothers, especially Arjuna and Bhima. The

wild dogs or dhols are regarded as the dutas or messengers of these

brothers, and the long black beetles which appear in large numbers

at the beginning of the hot weather are called the Pandava flock of

goats. Of course they would on no account attempt to kill a dhol,

even though it should happen to attack their favourite calf, and

they even regard it as imprudent to interfere with these dutas, when

they wish to feast upon their cattle." The tradition among the Koyis

is that, when the Pandava brothers were in exile, Bhima, whom they

call Bhimador, went hunting in the jungle, and met a wild woman of

the woods, whom he fell in love with and married. The fruit of this

union was the Koyi people. The tradition further states that this wild

woman was not a human being. [24] "A Koi," the Rev. J. Cain continues,

"whom Mr. Alexander met in a village about two miles from Dummagudem,

caused him to infer that the Kois think heaven to be a great fort,

and in it plenty of rice to eat for those who enter it; that hell is

a dismal place, where a crow, made of iron, continually gnaws off the

flesh of the wicked. This must have been that particular Koi's own

peculiar belief, for it certainly is not that of any of the Kois with

whom I so frequently come in contact. The mention of the iron crow

reminds me that, about two years ago, a rumour rapidly spread in some

of the villages that an iron cock was abroad very early in the morning,

and upon the first village in which it heard one or more cocks begin

to crow it would send a grievous pestilence, and at least decimate the

village. In one instance at least, this led to immediate extermination

of all the unfortunate cocks in that village. Last year (1878)

the inhabitants of a village on the left bank of the Godavari were

startled by the tallaris (village peons) of the neighbouring village

bringing about twenty fowls, and ordering them to be sent on the next

village south of Dummagudem. On being asked the reason of this order,

they replied that the cholera goddess was selecting her victims in the

villages further north, and that, to induce her to leave their parts,

some of these villages had sent these fowls as offerings to her, but

they were to be passed on as far as possible before they were slain,

for then she would follow in anticipation of the feast, and so might

be tempted quite out of these regions. The Police, however, interfered,

and they were passed back into the Upper Godavari district."

Writing further concerning the religion of the Koyis, the Rev. J. Cain

adds that "one Sunday afternoon, some Kois came to us from a village

nine miles away, and begged for medicine for a man, whose right

cheek, they said, had been torn away by a tiger, just as if it had

been cut out by a knife. A few days afterwards we heard a story,

which was far more credible. The people of the village were very

anxious for good crops, and resolved to return to the practice of

offering a stranger passing by to the goddess Mamili, and so two

of them were on the look-out for a victim. They soon saw one, and

began to pursue him, but he, a Koi, knowing the former evil repute

of the village, suspected their design and fled, and at last took

refuge up a manchan. They began to ascend too, when he took out of

his belt a knife, and struck at his assailants, and cut away his

right cheek. This caused the two assailants to retreat, and the man

escaped. As human sacrifices are now illegal, a langur monkey is

frequently substituted, and called for occasion Ekuromma Potu, i.e.,

a male with small breasts. This name is given in the hope of persuading

the goddess that she is receiving a human sacrifice. Mutyalamma is the

goddess, who is supposed to preside over small-pox and cholera. When

the villages have determined to appease this dread goddess, they erect

a pandal (booth) outside their village under a nim (Melia Azadirachta)

tree, search all round for the soft earth of a white-ant heap, and

proceed at once to mould this earth into the form of an image of a

woman, tie a cloth or two round her, hang a few peacock's feathers

around her neck, and place her under the pandal on a three-legged

stool, which has been made of the wood of Cochlospermum Gossypium

(silk-cotton tree) for the occasion. They then bring forward a chicken

and try to persuade it to eat some of the grains they have thrown

down before the image, requesting the goddess to inform them whether

she will leave their village or not. If the chicken picks up some of

the grains, they regard it as a most favourable omen, but, if not,

their hearts are immediately filled with dread of the continued anger

of the goddess. They then bring forward two sheep or goats, and then

present to them a dish of toddy, and, if the toddy is drunk by the

animals, they are quite assured of the speedy departure of the plague

which is devastating their village. The sheep are then tied up till

the next morning. In the meantime a sorcerer is brought to the front,

and they enquire of him the determination of the goddess. After this

they return to the village, and they all drink well, and the night

is spent in dancing, in which the women join. The next morning the

pandal and its inmate are removed to a site still farther away from

the village, after which the fowl is killed over the image, on which

some drops of blood are allowed to fall. The sheep then have garlands

hung round their necks, and their heads are adorned with turmeric,

and pots of cold water are poured over them. The deity is at the

same time again asked whether she intends to leave them alone, and,

if she is disposed to be favourable towards them, she replies by

causing the sheep to shiver. The animals are immediately killed,

the left ear and left leg being cut off and placed in the mouth, and

the head cut off and left as an offering before the image. The rest

of the sacrifice is then carried away, to be cooked and enjoyed by

all the worshippers before they reach home, as their wives are not

allowed to partake of the sacrificial feast.

"Another goddess or demoness, of which many stand in dread, is called

a Pida, and her they propitiate in the month of December. All the men

of the village gather together and collect from each house a handful

of cholam, which they give to the wife of the pujari, directing her

to make bread with it for her husband. After he has partaken of it,

they bring pots of warm water and pour it over his head, and then

all in the village spend some time in dancing. A chatty (pot) is

brought after a time, in which are placed leaves of the Diospyros

Embryopteris, and two young men carry it between them, suspended from

a pole cut from the same tree, all around the village. The pujari,

carrying a cock, accompanies them, and also the rest of the men of

the village, each one carrying a staff cut from the above mentioned

tree, with which he strikes the eaves of each house passed in

their perambulations. When they have been all around the village,

they all march off some little distance, and tie up the stick on

which the pot is suspended to two neighbouring trees, and place

their staves close by. The pujari sets to work to kill the cock,

and they all beg the demoness, whom they suppose to have entered the

pot, not to come to their village again. The pujari then cooks and

eats the cock with food which has been supplied him, and the other

worshippers also satisfy the cravings of hunger with food they have

brought with them. On no account do they return home until after dark,

lest the demoness should see the road to their village, and follow

in their wake. Very frequently on these occasions, votive offerings,

promised long before, are sacrificed and eaten by the pujari. It is

not at all uncommon for a Koi to promise the Pida a seven-horned male

(i.e., a cock) as a bribe to be let alone, a two-horned male (i.e.,

a goat) being set apart by more wealthy or more fervent suppliants.

"The Kois acknowledge that they worship the devatalu or the dayyamulu

(demons of the mountains). The Korra Razu is supposed to be the deity

who has supreme control over tigers, and a friend of mine once saw a

small temple devoted to his worship a few miles from the large village

of Gollapalli, Bastar, but it did not seem to be held in very great

respect. There is no Koi temple in any village near Dummagudem, and

the Kois are seldom, if ever, to be found near a Hindu temple. Some

time ago there was a small mud temple to the goddesses Sarlamma and

Kommalamma at Pedda Nallapalli, and the head Koi of the village was

the pujari, but he became a Christian, and the temple fell into ruins,

and soon melted away. A few families have added to their own faith

the worship of Siva, and many of them are proud of the appellation

of Linga Kois." "In times of drought," Mr. Hemingway writes, "a

festival to Bhima, which lasts five days, is held. When rain appears,

the Koyis sacrifice a cow or pig to their patron. Dancing plays an

important part at all these feasts, and also at marriages. The men

put on head-dresses of straw, into which buffalo horns are stuck,

and accompany themselves with a kind of chant."

"There is," the Rev. J. Cain writes, "generally one velpu for each

gens, and in a certain village there is the chief velpu for the

whole tribe of Kois. When any of the inferior velpus are carried

about, contributions in kind or cash are collected by its guardians

almost exclusively from the members of the gens to which the velpu

belongs. When the superior velpu is taken to any village, all the

inferior velpus are brought, and, with the exception of two, are

planted some little distance in front of their lord. There are two,

however, which are regarded as lieutenants of the paramount power,

and these are planted one on each side of their superior. As it

was expressed to me, the chief velpu is like the Raja of Bastar,

these two are like his ministers of state, and the rest are like the

petty zamindars (land-owners) under him. The largest share of the

offerings goes to the chief, the two supporters then claim a fair

amount, and the remainder is equally divided amongst those of the

third rank.... Ancestral worship prevails among the Kois, especially

on the occasions when the velpu of the family is carried round. The

velpu is a large three-cornered red cloth, with a number of figures of

various ancestors roughly cut out of different coloured cloth, white,

green, blue, or yellow, and stitched to the main cloth. Whenever any

important male member of the family dies, a new figure is added to

commemorate his services. It is usually kept in the custody of the

leading man of the family, and taken round by him to all members of

that family once a year, when each member is bound to give an offering

to the velpu. No one belonging to a different family takes any part

in the ceremonies. On the occasion of its being carried round, it is

fixed to a long bamboo ornamented at the top with the hair from the

tail of a yak, and with loudly sounding brass bells. On arriving at a

village where there are a sufficient number of Kois of the particular

family to make it worth while to stay, the priest in charge of the

velpu and his attendant Doli give due notice of their arrival, and,

having planted the velpu in the ground, the night is spent by all

the members of the family to which the velpu belongs in dancing and

making merry to the sound of the drum, which is beaten by the Doli

only. The priest in charge has to fast all night, and keep himself

ceremonially pure. In the morning they all proceed to the nearest

stream or tank (pond), with the velpu in front carried by the priest,

and there bathe, and also enjoy the fun of sprinkling each other

with water to their hearts' content. This done, they come up out of

the water, plant the velpu on the bank, and send for the bullock to

be sacrificed. When this is brought, its legs are tied together, and

it is then thrown on the ground, and the priest (or, if he is weak,

a strong younger man) has to kill it at one blow. It is then cut up,

and, after the attendant priest has received his share, it is divided

amongst the attendant crowd, who spend the rest of the day in feasting

and drinking. As a rule, no act of obeisance or worship is even paid to

the velpu, unless the offering of money to the custodian be regarded

as such. Sometimes a woman very desirous of having a child brings a

cock, throws it down before the velpu and makes obeisance to it, but

this is not a very common custom. The Dolivandlu or Dolollu always

attend the velpu, and are present at all the marriage feasts, when

they recite old stories, and sing national songs. They are not Kois,

but really a section of the Mala caste, although they will not mix

with the rest of the Malas of their own family, excepting when on the

Bastar plateau among the hill Kois. The Kois have very amusing stories

as to how the hair from the tail of the yak is obtained. They say that

the yak is a hairy animal which lives in a country far away, but that

its great peculiarity is that it has only one leg, and that this leg

has no joints in it. Being a very swift animal, it is impossible to

capture it in any ordinary way, but, as it rests at night by leaning

against one particular tree, the hunters carefully mark this tree, and

some time during the day cut the trunk through as far as advisable,

and watch the result. When night comes on, the animal returns to

its resting place, leans against the tree, which is no longer able

to give support to the yak, and both fall to the ground. The hunters

immediately rush in, and seize their prey. A friend has supplied me

with the following reference in 'De Bello Gallico.' They (the hunters)

either undermine all the trees in that place at the roots, or cut them

so far as to leave the external appearance of a standing tree. Then

the elk, which has no knots or joints, comes, leans, as usual, and

down comes tree, elk and all."

Concerning the velpus, Mr. Hemingway writes that "they consist of small

pieces of metal, generally iron and less than a foot in length, which

are kept in a hollow bamboo deposited in some wild and unfrequented

spot. They are guarded with great secrecy by those in charge of them,

and are only shown to the principal worshippers on the rare occasions

when they are taken out to be adored. The Koyas are very reticent

about them. Mr. Cain says that there is one supreme velpu, which is

recognised as the highest by the whole Koya tribe, and kept hidden

in the depths of Bastar. There are also velpus for each gatta, and

for each family. The former are considered superior to the latter,

and are less frequently brought out of their retreats. One of them

called Lakkala (or Lakka) Ramu, which belongs either to the Aro or

Peramboya gatta, is considered more potent than the others. It is

ornamented with eyes of gold and silver, and is kept in a cave near

Sitanagaram in the Bhadrachalam taluk. The others are deposited in

different places in the Bastar state. They all have names of their own,

but are also known by the generic term Adama Razu. Both the gatta and

family velpus are worshipped only by members of the sept or family to

which they appertain. They are taken round the country at intervals,

to receive the reverence and gifts of their adherents. The former

are brought out once in every three or four years, especially during

widespread sickness, failure of crops, or cattle disease. An animal

(generally a young bullock) is stabbed under the left shoulder, the

blood is sprinkled over the deity, and the animal is next killed,

and its liver is cut out and offered to the deity. A feast, which

sometimes lasts for two days, takes place, and the velpu is then put

back in its hiding-place.

"At present," the Rev. J. Cain writes, "the Kois around here

(Dummagudem) have very few festivals, except one at the harvest of

the zonna (Sorghum vulgare). Formerly they had one not only for every

grain crop, but one when the ippa flowers were ready to be gathered,

another when the pumpkins were ripe, at the first tapping of the

palm tree for toddy, etc. Now, at the time the zonna crop is ripe

and ready to be cut, they take a fowl into the field, kill it, and

sprinkle its blood on any ordinary stone put up for the occasion,

after which they are at liberty to partake of the new crop. In many

villages they would refuse to eat with any Koi who has neglected this

ceremony, to which they give the name Kottalu, which word is evidently

derived from the Telugu word kotta (new). Rice-straw cords are hung

on trees, to show that the feast has been observed." In some places,

Mr. Hemingway tells us, the victim is a sheep, and the first fruits are

offered to the local gods, and to the ancestors. Another singular feast

occurs soon after the cholam (zonna) crop has been harvested. Early

on the morning of that day, all the men of each village have to turn

out into the forest to hunt, and woe betide the unlucky individual

who does not bring home some game, be it only a bird or a mouse. All

the women rush after him with cow-dung, mud or dirt, and pelt him

out of their village, and he does not appear again in that village

until the next morning. The hunter who has been most successful then

parades the village with his game, and receives presents of paddy

(rice) from every house. Mr. Vanstavern, whilst boring for coal at

Beddadanolu, was visited by all the Koi women of the village, dressed

up in their lords' clothes, and they told him that they had that

morning driven their husbands to the forest, to bring home game of

some kind or other. This quaint festival is said by Mr. Hemingway to

be called Bhudevi Pandaga, or the festival of the earth goddess. When

the samalu crop is ripe, the Kois summon the pujari on a previously

appointed day, and collect from every house in the village a fowl and

a handful of grain. The pujari has to fast all that night, and bathe

early the next morning. After bathing, he kills the fowls gathered the

previous evening in the names of the favourite gods, and fastens an

ear of samalu to each house, and then a feast follows. In the evening

they cook some of the new grain, and kill fresh fowls, which have

not to be curried but roasted, and the heart, liver, and lights of

which are set apart as the especial food of their ancestral spirits,

and eaten by every member of each household in their name. The bean

feast is an important one, as, until it is held, no one is allowed

to gather any beans. On the second day before the feast, the village

pujari must eat only bread. The day before, he must fast the whole

twenty-four hours, and, on the day of the feast, he must eat only

rice cooked in milk, with the bird offered in sacrifice. All the men

of the village accompany the pujari to a neighbouring tree, which

must be a Terminalia tomentosa, and set up a stone, which they thus

dedicate to the goddess Kodalamma. Every one is bound to bring for the

pujari a good hen and a seer of rice, and for himself a cock and half

a seer of rice. The pujari also demands from them two annas as his

sacrificing fee. Each worshipper then brings his cock to the pujari,

who holds it over grains of rice which have been sprinkled before

the goddess, and, if the bird pecks at the rice, good luck is ensured

for the coming year, whilst, if perchance the bird pecks three times,

the offerer of that particular cock can scarcely contain himself for

joy. If the bird declines to touch the grains, then ill-luck is sure

to visit the owner's house during the ensuing year.

"The Kois have but little belief in death from natural causes. Some

demon or demoness has brought about the death by bringing fever

or small-pox, or some other fell disease, and this frequently at

the instigation of an enemy of the deceased. In days gone-by, the

taking of the ordeal to clear oneself was the common practice, but at

present it is quite the exception. But, if there are very suspicious

circumstances that ill-will has brought about the death, the friends of

the deceased assemble, place the corpse on a cot, and make straight for

the suspected enemy. If he or she is unfortunate enough to be at home,

a trial takes place. A pot is partly filled with water, on the top

of which ghee (clarified butter) and milk are poured, and then it is

placed on the fire. As soon as it begins to boil, stones are thrown

in, and the accused is summoned to take them out. If this is done

without any apparent injury to the unfortunate victim, a verdict of not

guilty is returned; but, if there are signs of the hand being at all

scalded or burnt, the unhappy wight has to eat a bone of the deceased,

which is removed and pounded, and mixed with boiled rice and milk. In

days gone-by, the sentence was death." According to Mr. Hemingway,

when a death occurs, "an enquiry is held as to who is guilty. Some

male member of the family, generally the nephew of the deceased,

throws coloured rice over the corpse as it lies stretched on the bed,

pronouncing as he does so the names of all the known sorcerers who

live in the neighbourhood. It is even now solemnly asserted that,

when the name of the wizard responsible is pronounced, the bed gets

up, and moves towards the house or village where he resides." "For

some months," the Rev. J. Cain continues, "a poor old Koi woman was

living in our compound, because she had been driven out of village

after village in Bastar from the suspicion that she was the cause of

the death of more than one relative, and she was afraid that she might

fall a victim to their just(?) vengeance. The fear that some envious

person will persuade a demon to plague them affects their whole life

and conduct. Over and over again we have been told by men and women,

when we have remonstrated with them on account of their scanty attire

'Yes, it is quite true that we have abundance of clothes at home, but,

if we were always to wear them, some enemy or other would prevail

on a demon to take possession of us, and kill us.' A young Koi was

once employed to teach a few children in his own village, but, alas,

ere long he became unwell of some strange disease, which no medicine

could remove. As a last resource, a diviner was called in, who made a

careful diagnosis of the case, and the illness was declared to have

been brought on by a demoness at the instigation of some enemy, who

was envious of the money which the lad had received for teaching. I

once saw one of these diviners at work, discovering the sickness which

had laid prostrate a strong man. The diviner had in his hand a leaf

from an old palmyra leaf book, and, as he walked round and round the

patient, he pretended to be reading. Then he took up a small stick,

and drew a number of lines on the ground, after which he danced and

sang round and round the sick man, who sat looking at him, evidently

much impressed with his performance. Suddenly he made a dart at the

man, and, stooping down, bit him severely in two or three places in

the back. Then, rushing to the front, he produced a few grains which

he said he had found in the man's back, and which were evidently the

cause of the sickness. In the case of the young man before mentioned,

the diviner produced a little silver, which he declared to be a sure

sign that the sickness was connected with the silver money he was

receiving for teaching. The diviners have to wear their hair long,

like Samson, and, if it falls off or is cut short, their power is

supposed to leave them." It is noted by Mr. Hemingway that in some

parts, when any one falls ill, the professional sorcerer is consulted,

and he reads both the cause and the remedy in a leaf platter of rice,

which he carries thrice round the invalid.

The name Chedipe (prostitute) is applied to sorceresses among

various classes in the Godavari district. She is believed to ride on

a tiger at night over the boundaries of seven villages, and return

home at early morn. When she does not like a man, she goes to him

bare-bodied at dead of night, the closed doors of the house in which

he is sleeping opening before her. She sucks his blood by putting his

toe in her mouth. He will then be motionless and insensible like a

corpse. Next morning he feels intoxicated, as if he had taken ganja

(Cannabis sativa), and remains in that condition all day. If he

does not take medicine from one skilled in treating such cases,

he will die. If he is properly treated, he will be as well as ever

in about ten days. If he makes no effort to get cured, the Chedipe

will molest him again and again, and, becoming gradually emaciated,

he will die. When a Chedipe enters a house, all those who are awake

will become insensible, those who are seated falling down as if they

had taken a soporific drug. Sometimes she drags out the tongue of

the intended victim, who will die at once. At other times, slight

abrasions will be found on the skin of the intended victim, and, when

the Chedipe puts pieces of stick thereon, they burn as if burnt by

fire. Sometimes she will hide behind a bush, and, undressing there,

fall on any passer-by in the jungle, assuming the form of a tiger

with one of the four legs in human form. When thus disguised, she is

called Marulupuli (enchanting tiger). If the man is a brave fellow,

and endeavours to kill the Chedipe with any instrument he may have

with him, she will run away; and, if a man belonging to her village

detects her mischief, she will assume her real form, and answer meekly

that she is only digging roots. The above story was obtained by a

native revenue official when he visited a Koyi village, where he was

told that a man had been sentenced to several years' imprisonment for

being one of a gang who had murdered a Chedipe for being a sorceress.

In the Godavari district, a sorcerer known as the Ejjugadu (male

physician) is believed, out of spite or for payment, to kill another

by invoking the gods. He goes to a green tree, and there spreads

muggu or chunam (lime) powder, and places an effigy of the intended

victim thereon. He also places a bow and arrow there, and recites

certain spells, and calls on the gods. The victim is said to die in

a couple of days. But, if he understands that the Ejjugadu has thus

invoked the gods, he may inform another Ejjugadu, who will carry out

similar operations under another tree. His bow and arrow will go to

those of the first Ejjugadu, and the two bows and arrows will fight

as long as the spell remains. The man will then be safe. The second

Ejjugadu can give the name of the first, though he has never known him.

"The leading man," the Rev. J. Cain writes, "of the Koyi samatu is

called the Samatu Dora, and he is assisted by two others, who are

called Pettandarulu. The duties of the Samatu Dora are to preside over

all meetings, to settle all tribal disputes, and to inflict fines

for all breaches of caste rules, of which fines he always receives

a certain share. The office is not necessarily hereditary, and the

appointment is generally confirmed by the landlord of the majority

of the villages, be the landlord the Zemindar or the Government."

The Koyis say that their dance is copied from Bhima's march after a

certain enemy. The dance is described by Mr. G. F. Paddison as being

"a very merry business. They sing for a couple of beats, and then take

two steps round, and sing again. They first sang to us a song in their

own lingo, and then broke into Telugu 'Dora Babu yemi istavu'--What

will the great man give us? They then burst into a delightful Autolycus

song, 'Will you give us a cloth, a jewel for the hair?' and so on."

For the following account of a dance at the Bhudevi Pandaga festival

at Ankagudem in the Polavaram taluk of the Godavari district, I am

indebted to Mr. N. E. Marjoribanks. "Permission having been given

to dance in our presence, the whole village turned out, and came to

our camp. First came about half a dozen young men, got up in their

best clothes, with big metal ear-rings, basket caps adorned with

buffalo horns and pendants of peacock skins (the neck feathers), and

scanty torn cloths, and provided, some with barrel-shaped tom-toms,

others with old rusty flintlocks, and swords. Next came all the adult

women, two by two, each pair clasping hands, and hanging on to the

next pair by holding their waist-cloths with their free hands. The

young men kept up a steady monotonous beat on their drums, and went

through various pantomimes of the chase, e.g., shooting and cutting

up an animal, or a fight between two bulls. The women sang a chaunt,

and came along slowly, taking one step back after two steps forwards,

copied by the village old men, women, and children. At the camp, the

women went round in this fashion in circles, the pantomime among the

men continuing, and each vying with the others in suggesting fresh

incidents. The women then went through a series of figures. First

the older ones stood in a circle with their arms intertwined,

and the younger girls perched aloft, standing astraddle on their

shoulders. Like this the circle proceeded half round, and then back

again till some of the smaller girls looked as if they would split in

half, their discomfort causing great merriment among the others. Next

all stood in a circle, and jumped round, two steps one way and then

back. This was varied by a backwards and forwards movement, the

chaunt continuing all the time. Inam (present of money) having been

duly disbursed, the double chain of women went round the camp twice,

and made off to the village, all standing and raising a shout twice as

they turned out of the circle to go. The next day, we were told that

the men of the village were all going hunting in the forest. About the

middle of the day, we saw a procession approaching as on the previous

day, but it consisted entirely of women, the drummers and swordsmen

being women dressed up as men. The chaunt and dance were as before,

except that the pantomime abounded in the most indecent gestures and

attitudes, all illustrative of sexual relations. One girl slipped

(or pretended to) and fell. Whereupon, one of those playing a man's

part fell upon her to ravish her. A rescue ensued amidst roars of

merriment, and the would-be ravisher was in process of being stripped

when our modesty compelled us to call an interval. In the evening the

men returned unsuccessful, and, we were told (but did not see it),

were pelted with dung and rubbish. The next day they went out again,

and so did we. Our beats yielded nothing, and we returned to find to

our horror the women of the village awaiting our return. Fortunately

we had noticed some whistling teal on a tank, and had shot some for

the pot. I verily believe this glorious bag was our salvation from

dire humiliation. The same dance and antics were repeated round

the bodies of the two tigers and panther that we shot during our

stay. The Koyis insisted on singeing the whiskers of the beasts,

saying we should never get any more if this was not done. Of course

we reduced the ceremony to the barest form." I gather that, if the

Koyis shoot a sambar (deer) or 'bison,' the head is stuck up on the

outskirts of the village, and there are very few villages, which have

not got one or two such trophies. Besides beating for game, the Koyis

sit up at night over salt-licks or water, and thus secure their game."

It is recorded in the Catalogue Raisonné of Oriental Manuscripts [25]

that "the Coya people reside within their forest boundaries. If any

traveller attempt to pluck fruit from any tree, his hand is fastened

to the spot, so that he cannot move; but if, on seeing any one of

the Coya people, he calls out to that person, explaining his wishes,

and gets permission, then he can take the fruit and move away, while

the Coya forester, on the receipt of a small roll of tobacco leaf, is

abundantly gratified. Besides which, the Coya people eat snakes. About

forty years since, a Brahman saw a person cooking snakes for food, and,

expressing great astonishment, was told by the forester that these were

mere worms; that, if he wished to see a serpent, one should be shown

him; but that, as for themselves, secured by the potent charms taught

them by Ambikesvarer, they feared no serpents. As the Brahman desired

to see this large serpent, a child was sent with a bundle of straw

and a winnowing fan, who went, accompanied by the Brahman, into the

depths of the forest, and, putting the straw on the mouth of a hole,

commenced winnowing, when smoke of continually varying colours arose,

followed by bright flame, in the midst of which a monstrous serpent

having seven heads was seen. The Brahman was speechless with terror

at the sight, and, being conducted back by the child, was dismissed

with presents of fruits."

The Mission school at Dummagudem in the Godavari district, where the

Rev. J. Cain has laboured so long and so well, was primarily intended

for Koyis, but I gather that it has been more successful in dealing

with the Malas. In 1905, the lower primary school at Butchampet in

the Kistna district was chiefly attended by Koyi children.

Koyippuram.--Recorded, in the Travancore Census Report, 1901, as a

sub-division of Nayar.

Krishnavakakkar.--The Krishnavakakkars are, in Travancore, practically

confined to the southern taluks of Eraniel and Kalkulam. The caste

name literally means belonging to Krishna, but probably means nothing

more than belonging to the pastoral class, as the titular suffixes,

Ayan and Acchi, to the names of males and females, found in the early

settlement accounts of the State, indicate. In modern times the title

Pillai has been adopted. By some castes, e.g., the Shanars, they are

called Kuruppu.

The tradition is that, in ancient times, a large section of them

migrated from Ambadi, the place of Krishna's nativity and early

childhood, to Conjeeveram, in the vicinity of which place there is

still a village called Ayarpati. Here they resided for some time,

and then seventy-two families, seeking fresh fields and pastures new,

proceeded to Kerala, and presented an image of Krishna, which they

had brought from northern India to the reigning king Maharaja Udaya

Martanda Varma. According to another account, the recipient of the

image was one Pallivana Perumal at an earlier date. The Maharaja,

according to the legend, observing the interesting customs of the

immigrants, and especially their devotion to Krishna, called them

Krishnanvaka, and ordered them to serve in the temple of Krishna

(Tiruvampadi within the pagoda of Sri Padmanabha at Trivandrum). Their

leader was given the title of Ananthapadmanabha Kshetra Pallava

Rayan. This migration is supposed to have occurred in the first year of

the Malabar era. A neet, or royal grant, engraved on a copper plate,

was issued to them, by which they were entrusted with the management

of the temple, and commanded to live at Vanchiyur in Trivandrum. In

the pollution consequent on a birth or death among the seventy-two

families, the image of Krishna, which they had brought, was believed

to share for three days as a distant relation, and, in consequence,

the daily ceremonies at the temple were constantly interrupted. They

were told to remove to a place separated from Trivandrum by at least

three rivers, and settled in the Eraniel and Kalkulam taluks. They

were, as a tax in kind for lands given to them for cultivation,

ordered to supply peas for the Tiruvampati temple. During the reign of

Martanda Varma the Great, from 904 to 933 M.E., successive neets were

issued, entrusting them with diverse duties at this temple. Such,

briefly, is the tradition as to the early history of the caste in

Travancore. The title Pallava Rayan (chief of the Pallavans) seems

to indicate the country, from which they originally came. They must

have been originally a pastoral class, and they probably proceeded

from Conjeeveram, the capital of the Pallavas, to Travancore, where,

being worshippers of Vishnu, they were entrusted with the discharge

of certain duties at the shrine of Krishna in Trivandrum.

The Krishnavakakkar are not strict vegetarians, as fish constitutes

a favourite diet. Intoxicating liquors are forbidden, and rarely

drunk. In respect to clothing and ornaments, those who follow the

makkathayam system of inheritance (from father to son) differ from

those who follow the marumakkathayam system (through the female line),

the former resembling the Vellalas in these matters, and the latter

the Nayars. The only peculiarity about the former is the wearing

of the mukkuthi (nose ornament), characteristic till recently of

all Nayar women in south Travancore, in addition to the ordinary

ornaments of Chettis and other Tamilians. Widows, too, like the

latter, are dressed in white, and the pampadam and melitu in the

ears form their only ornaments. They tie up their hair, not in front

like Nayar women, nor at the back like Tamil women, but in the middle

line above the crown--the result of a blend between an indigenous and

exotic custom. The hair is passed through a cadjan ring secured by a

ring of beads, and wound round it. The ring is decorated with arali

(Nerium odorum) flowers. Tattooing was very common among women in

former times, but is going out of fashion.

They worship both Siva and Vishnu, and special adoration is paid to

Subramaniya, for whose worship a great shrine is dedicated at Kumara

Koil. Sasta, Bhutattan, and Amman have small shrines, called ilankams,

dedicated to them. They live in large groups, each presided over

by a headman called Karyastan, who is assisted by an accountant and

treasurer. The offices are elective, and not hereditary. Their priest

is known as Karnatan or Asan. At present there is apparently only one

family of Karnatans, who live at Mepra in the Eraniel taluk. The female

members of this priestly family are known as Mangalyama, and do not

intermarry or feed with the general community. The marumakkathayam

Krishnavakakkar speak Malayalam, while the makkathayis speak a very

corrupt Tamil dialect intermixed with Malayalam.

The names of the seventy-two houses of the caste are remembered, like

the gotras of the Brahmans, and marriage between members of the same

house are absolutely forbidden. Among the marumakkathayam section,

the talikettu is celebrated in childhood, and supplemented by the

actual wedding after the girl reaches puberty. On the marriage day,

the bridegroom goes in procession to the house of the bride, sword

in hand, and martially clad, probably in imitation of Krishna on

his marriage expedition to the Court of Kundina. On the third day

of the marriage ceremonies, the bride's party go to the house of the

bridegroom with an air of burning indignation, and every effort is made

to appease them. They finally depart without partaking of the proffered

hospitality. On the seventh day, the newly-married couple return to the

bride's house. The custom is said to be carried out as symbolising

the act of bride-capture resorted to by their ancestor Krishna

in securing the alliance of Rukmani. It is generally believed that

fraternal polyandry once prevailed among these people, and even to-day

a widow may be taken as wife by a brother of the deceased husband,

even though he is younger than herself. Issue, thus procreated,

is the legitimate issue of the deceased, and acquires full right of

inheritance to his property. If one brother survives the deceased,

his widow is not required to remove her marriage ornament during life.

The origin of the marumakkathayam custom is alleged to have been that

the first immigrants came with a paucity of women, and had to contract

alliances with the indigenous Travancoreans. At the present day only

about a hundred families follow the law of inheritance through the

female line. Their children are known by the name of the mother's

illam (house). The male, but not the female members of makkathayam and

marumakkathayam sections, will eat together. A daughter, in default

of male issue, succeeds to the property of her father, as opposed to

his widow. The Krishnavakakkar believe that, in these matters, they

imitate the Pandavas. A peculiar feature of their land-tenure is what

is known as utukuru--a system which exists to a smaller extent among

the Shanars of Eraniel and the adjacent taluks. In the ayakkettu or old

settlement register, it is not uncommon to find one garden registered

in the name of several persons quite unconnected with each other by any

claim of relationship. In some instances the ground is found registered

in the name of one person, and the trees on it in the name of another.

The dead are generally cremated, and the ashes taken to the foot of

a milky tree, and finally thrown into the sea. On the sixteenth day,

the Asan is invited to perform the purificatory ceremony. A quantity

of paddy (unhusked rice), raw rice, and cocoanuts, are placed on a

plantain leaf with a cup of gingelly (Sesamum) oil, which is touched

by the Asan, and poured into the hands of the celebrants, who, after

an oil bath, are free from pollution. [26]

Kshatriya.--The second, or ruling and military caste of the four

castes of Manu. In the Madras Census Report, 1891, it is recorded

that "the term Kshatriya is, of course, wholly inapplicable to the

Dravidian races, who might with as much, perhaps more, accuracy

call themselves Turks. There possibly are a few representatives

of the old Kshatriya castes, but the bulk of those who figure in

the returns under this head are pure Dravidian people. The claim

to the title is not confined to the old military classes desirous

of asserting their former position, for we find it put forward by

such castes as Vannias and Shanans, the one a caste of farmers and

labourers, the other toddy-drawers. It is not possible to distribute

these pseudo-Kshatriyas among their proper castes, as 70,394 of them

have given Kshatriya as the sub-division also." It is noted, in the

Madras Census Report, 1901, that "Parasurama is said to have slain

all the Kshatriyas seven times over, but 80,000 persons have returned

themselves as such in this Presidency alone. Strictly speaking, there

are very few persons in the Presidency who have any real title to

the name, and it has been returned mainly by the Pallis or Vanniyas

of Vizagapatam, Godavari, and Chingleput, who say they are Agnikula

Kshatriyas, by the Shanans of Tinnevelly, and by some Mahratis in

South Canara. In Tinnevelly, Kammas and Balijas have also returned

the name." It is further recorded, in the Mysore Census Report, 1901,

that the castes grouped under the head Kshatriya are "the Arasus,

Rajaputs, Coorgs, and Sikhs. To the Arasu section belongs the Royal

Family of Mysore." Some Rachevars style themselves Arya Kshatriyalu.

For the following note on Malayala 'Kshatriyas,' I am indebted

to Mr. N. Subramani Aiyar. There is an old Sanskrit verse, which

describes eight classes of Kshatriyas as occupying Kerala from very

early times, namely, Bhupala or Maharaja, as those of Travancore and

Cochin, Rajaka or Raja, as those of Mavelikkara and Cranganore, Kosi

or Koil Tampuran, Puravan or Tampan, Sri Purogama or Tirumulppad,

Bhandari or Pandarattil, Audvahika or Tirumulppad, and Cheta or

Samanta. The Samantas cannot be looked upon as Malayala Kshatriyas

proper. The indigenous Kshatriyas of Kerala are divided into four

well distinguishable septs, viz., the Koil Pandala, the Raja, the

Tampan; and the Tirumulppad. The total number of Malayala Kshatriyas

in Travancore is 1,575, the largest number living in the taluks of

Tiruvella, Vaikam, and Mavelikara. Tampans live mostly at Vaikam,

and Tirumulppads at Shertallay and Tiruvella. The remaining two septs

are not so much caste septs as isolated groups of families. Koil

Pandala literally means the keeper of the royal treasury. Tampan

is a corruption of Tampuran, the latter being a title directly

applied to the Rajas, while the term Tirumulppad, in its literal

sense, conveys the idea of those who wait before kings. Women are

known as Tumpurattis in the first two, as Tampattis in the third,

and Nampishthatiris in the fourth division. The Pantalam Rajas have

the title of Sriviradhara, and those of Mullanikkadu of Narasimha.

According to immemorial tradition, Koil Tampurans were the nephews of

the Cheraman Perumals or viceroys of Chera, who ruled at Cranganore,

their earliest residence being Beypore in British Malabar, where

three or four families of this sept lived at the beginning of the

Christian era. From one of these families, male members were invited

about 300 M.E., for marrying the ladies of the Venadswarupam, i.e.,

the Travancore royal house. They began to live at Kilimanur in the

Chirayinkil taluk, six miles from Attingal, where the female members of

the royal family permanently resided. In 963 M.E., the year in which

Tipu Sultan invaded Malabar, eight persons, five females and three

males, belonging to the Alyankodu Kovilakam in North Malabar fled,

and found shelter in Travancore. All their expenses were commanded to

be met from the State treasury. As the five women were only cousins

and not uterine sisters, one of them removed herself to the rural

village Kirtipuram near Kandiyur in the Mavelikkara taluk, and thence

to Gramam, a little further in the interior. Another, in course of

time, settled at Pallam in Kottayam, and a third at Paliyakkara

in Tiruvella, while the fourth, having no issue, stayed with the

youngest at the Nirazhi palace of Changanacheri. This last lady gave

birth to five children, being three females and two males. The first

of these branches removed to Anantapuram in Kartikapalli in 1040,

and the second to Chemprol in Tiruvella in 1041, while the third

continued to reside at Changanacheri. After 1040 M.E., three more

Koil Pandala families immigrated from British Malabar, and settled

at Cherukol, Karamma, and Vatakkematham. These, however, are not so

important as the previous ones. As already stated, the Kilimanur Koil

Tampurans were among these the earliest settlers in Travancore, and

a whole property (revenue village) was granted to them in freehold

in 1728 A.D., in recognition of the sacrifice a member of the family

made in saving the life of a Travancore prince from the murderous

attack of the Ettuveetil Pillamar. The first family of Kolasvarupam

Rajas immigrated into Travancore in the fifth century M.E. As the

Travancore royal house then stood in need of adoption, arrangements

were made through a Koil Tampuran of the Tattari Kovilakam to bring

two princesses for adoption from Kolattunad, and the first family of

Rajas, known as the Putupalli Kovilakam, settled at Kartikapalli. The

family is now extinct, as the last member died in 1033 M.E. The next

family that migrated was Cheriyakovilakam between 920 and 930, also

invited for purposes of adoption. These latter lived at Aranmula. The

third series of migrations were during the invasion of Malabar by Tipu

Sultan in 964 M.E., when all the Rajas living at the time went over

to Travancore, though, after the disturbance was over, many returned

home. The Rajas of the Kolasvarupam began to settle permanently

in the country, as they could claim relationship with the reigning

sovereigns, and were treated by them with brotherly affection. There

were only two branches at the beginning, namely, Pallikovilakam and

Udayamangalam. The families of Mavelikara, Ennaykkad and Prayikkara

are divisions of the Chengakkovilakam house. The Udayamangalam house

has branched off into three divisions, Mittil, whose descendants now

live at Mariyapalli, Nedumprum, and Kartikapalli. Naduvilekkovilakam

members live at Perinjel in Aranmula, and Cheriyakovilakam, whose

members are divided into five other families, in the same locality. No

branch of the Udayamangalam house resides in British Malabar. Some of

these branches even now own large estates in that collectorate. There

are two other important families of Rajas in Travancore, viz., those

of Pantalam and Punjat. Both of them are believed to have been related

to the early Pandyan kings. The reason alleged for the immigration

of the Pantalam Rajas into Travancore is the persecution of a Nayak

minister in mediæval times, who compelled them to change their mode of

inheritance from marumakkathayam (in the female line) to makkathayam

(from father to son), and then marry his daughter. They are supposed to

have sojourned at Sivagiri and Tenkasi in the Tinnevelly district on

their way to Travancore. Ilattur in the Shenkottah taluk originally

belonged to them, but was afterwards taken over by Travancore in

default of payment of the annual subsidy. Tampans are believed

by tradition to have had territorial sovereignty in Kerala, until

they were deprived of it by the Ilayetasvarupam kings. This does not

appear to have any basis of truth, as the Ilayetasvarupam kings lived

in Central Travancore, while the Tampans live in the north, where

the former are never known to have led any invasion. In mediæval

times, both Tampans and Tirumalppads were invariably commanders of

armies. With the invasion of Malabar by Tipu Sultan, many sought

refuge in the kingdom of Travancore, and continued to live here after

the passing of the storm.

The Malayala Kshatriyas are as a class learned. Both men and women

are, in the main, accomplished Sanskrit scholars. Mr. Kerla Varma,

C.S.I., Valiyakoil Tampuran, a finished poet and an accomplished

patron of letters, and Mr. Ravi Varma, the talented artist, are both

Koil Tampurans. The houses of the Koil Tampurans and Rajas are known

as kottarams or kovilakams, i.e., palaces, while those of the Tampans

and Tirumalppads are known as kovilakams and mathams. The Malayala

Kshatriyas resemble the Brahmans in their food and drink. The males

dress like the Nambutiris, while the dress and ornaments of the

women are like those of other classes in Malabar There are, however,

three special ornaments which the Kshatriya ladies particularly wear,

viz., cheru-tali, entram, and kuzhal. The Koil Pandalas and Rajas

are landlords of considerable wealth, and a few have entered the

Civil Service of the State. The Tampans and Tirumalppads, besides

being landlords and agriculturists, are personal servants of the

ruling families of Kerala, the latter holding this position to even a

greater extent than the former. The Kshatriya personal attendants of

the Maharajas of Travancore serve them with characteristic fidelity

and devotion.

The Malayala Kshatriyas are a particularly religious community. In

a place within their houses, called tevarappura or the room for

religious worship, the Vaishnavite salagrama and Saivite linga are

kept together with the images of other deities, and Brahmans officiate

at their worship. Ganapati puja (worship), and antinamaskaram are

regularly observed.

As all the Koil Tampurans belong to one sept or gotra, that of

Visvamitra, and all the Rajas to another, that of Bhargava, neither

of these divisions are permitted to marry among themselves. The

Tirumalppads also, with their local divisions such as Ancherri,

Koyikkal, Plamtanam, and Kannezham, own Visvamitra, and hence do not

marry among themselves. As for the Tampans, all the families belonging

to that group trace their descent to a common ancestor, and belong to

the same sept as the Koil Tampurans and Tirumalppads. As a consequence,

while the Koil Tampurattis are married to Nambutiri husbands, the Koil

Tampurans themselves take wives from the families of Rajas. Rajas

may keep Nayar or Samanta ladies as mistresses, the same being the

case with the Tampans and Tirumalppads also. The Ranis of Pantalam

take Nambutiri husbands, while Tampan and Tirumalppad women live

with any class of Brahmans. No Kshatriya lady is permitted to leave

her home for that of her husband, and so no grihaprevesa ceremony

prevails among them. Thirteen is the proper age for marrying girls,

but the marriage may be postponed until the choice of a fit husband

is made. In the branches of the Kolattunad family, girls who attain

puberty as maids are obliged to keep a vow, in honour of Ganapati.

The Tampan and Tirumalppad women, as also those of the Pantalam family,

have their talis (marriage badge) tied by Aryappattars. Remarriage of

widows is permitted. Polygamy is rare. Divorce may take place at the

will of either party, and prevails largely in practice. The Rajas make

a donation of Rs. 50 to 70 as stridhanam, excepting those of Pantalam,

who only pay about Rs. 35.