Young gentlemen not under the age of sixteen, and not above nineteen,
who may have prepared themselves for the army, by studying at any
military college, academy, or other institution, should be selected for
appointments to engineers, &c., but they ought always to be subjected
to a previous examination, in order that it may be ascertained that
they have been properly educated. Non-commissioned officers, who may
bear high characters in their regiments, ought also to be occasionally
appointed to ensigncies, provided they have been so well educated as
to pass an examination, but not otherwise, however meritorious their
conduct may have been. But I am decidedly of opinion, and many will
agree with me, that no captain should ever be promoted to the rank of
Field Officer, who could not pass a much stricter examination before
a board which should be established for this purpose, and also for
examining candidates for first appointments to cavalry, infantry,
engineers, and artillery; and this would obviate the necessity of
having expensive institutions for public military education.
One of the best educated officers I ever met with, had never been at
any military school. He had been taught enough of his own language,
in which so many are deficient, and Latin; but the study of the
latter had not been allowed to occupy too much of that period of life,
when boys can be best instructed in what is much more useful. At a
respectable school, he had made considerable progress in the higher
branches of arithmetic, also in Algebra, Geometry, History, Drawing,
&c., and had acquired a perfect knowledge of what is so essential to
an officer, viz. Geography, in all its various bearings; such as the
dimensions, boundaries, aspect, climate, soil, mineral, and other
productions, resources, commerce, &c. of countries; together with the
genius, or bent of mind of their inhabitants; their education, habits,
government, the reputations of their armies and navies, productive
industry, internal communications, such as canals and roads, &c.;
information upon all which points being what ought to be looked upon
as constituting a considerable part of a military education. Under
the able head of the school alluded to, who was aware of his wish
to become an accomplished soldier, he went through fortification,
chiefly according to Vauban's system; and he even acquired a slight
knowledge, but sufficient for an infantry officer, of the theory of
gunnery. Whilst thus occupied, and which was not uncommon in those
days, he became an Ensign, and then a Lieutenant in a regiment of the
line by purchase. He was also at this time able to avail himself of
the advantages to be derived from the assistance of a scientific and
practical French officer, who, on account of his loyalty, had been
obliged to emigrate, after having served in the army of the Prince of
Condé. By him he was advanced in the knowledge of the French language,
and likewise made to understand, and how to apply usefully, what he
had been previously taught. The military features of a country were
pointed out to him; and wherein the strength or weakness of positions
consisted; and other matters such as the effects of concentration and
extension of force, &c.; and which should be understood by officers who
have any pretensions to being considered scientific.
I hope the reader will excuse me for having been so minute in giving
the history, trifling as it may appear, of this officer's instruction;
but it has been done solely with the view of showing, in some measure,
what I mean by a military education, and also what those should have
undergone, who aspire to become field officers in the British army.
In young gentlemen desirous of entering the army, I would in their
previous examination expect to find, at least, the germs of such
accomplishments; but the officer I allude to had mastered, without ever
entering a military school, nearly the whole I have mentioned before
the age of seventeen; and he had thus acquired habits of study, which
were not only agreeable, but useful to him afterwards through life.
I beg here to remark, that it has always greatly surprised me, why
it should be deemed indispensable, that a young gentleman must have
a first rate education, in order to his being admitted into the
artillery; whilst any one is allowed into our cavalry and infantry,
without it being ascertained whether he can either read or write.
Surely the latter may be supposed to want even a better education than
the former, if it is expected that he should be able to manœuvre, or
direct the movements of troops correctly, either upon a confined or
large scale; or to act properly, or as a scientific officer in the
field, as he may often have to construct field works, and perform other
military operations, when well educated engineers are not at hand.
The examinations of captains might be allowed to take place at any
period after they have attained that rank, but should they fail to pass
after two attempts, they ought not to be allowed to present themselves
again before the board, for this purpose. This last examination I
consider as most important, for from amongst these officers must be
taken our future commanders of regiments, who may reasonably look
forward to become our generals, to be afterwards intrusted with
important commands, and even with the civil government of portions
of our foreign possessions; for which their high tone of honourable
military feeling, and strict habits of discipline, as well as respect
for civil authority, must render them so superiorly calculated, as to
leave no comparison between them and civilians in general for such
appointments; but if most of the allowances, and emoluments formerly
attached to these governments, are not restored, and which were in
general not more than sufficient to enable those who held them, to
support with becoming dignity their stations as representatives of
majesty, it would be perhaps as wise to yield to the fancies of a few
turbulent and disloyal men, whose understandings seem to be obscured by
wild speculations upon colonial affairs; and to allow them to rule in
their own way, or as advised or instigated by that indefatigable organ
of economy, our distant but valuable possessions--doubly valuable to
Great Britain, for in the ships employed in our colonial trade, many
of our seamen receive those early lessons which afterwards fit them,
according to the present system, for our navy.
I would have been better pleased were it in my power now to proceed
to other subjects, rather than have to touch upon what is really
unpleasant to me; for I know that I am about to tread on very ticklish
ground, and to offend the aristocratical notions of many; and I am also
aware, it is very likely, that I shall in consequence be set down as a
mere plebeian, or even accused of being wanting in that loyalty, which,
as a British soldier, I should possess; but still I feel that I ought
to go on steadily, in order, if possible, to accomplish what I have in
view, that is to say--in endeavouring to do all I can so as to have our
army the finest in the world, for which we possess ample materials,
and as an essential step towards this, I must venture to propose to
make certain changes in our regiments of guards; and I do not see how
I can avoid recommending that they should, in a great measure, be
converted into battalions of regular cavalry and infantry, so as to
be supplied, in future, with recruits from (selected) districts, the
same as other corps; for without this, they could only be composed of
an inferior description of men: yet in point of rank they should,
of course, be placed at the head of the list of British regiments,
for their gallantry, on all occasions, well entitles them to this
distinction; but the privileges and the advantages of their officers,
in, I must say, improperly obtaining rank, can no longer, it appears to
me, be tolerated by those noblemen and gentlemen, who, I trust, would,
under the proposed system, officer our regular army. It can be of no
consequence to the country, that a few of our young nobility, and the
sons of wealthy men, who wish to go into exclusive corps, for a short
time only, were prevented from getting too rapidly forward in rank,
through the means of money and interest, to the discouragement of real
soldiers. I must, however, in fairness, bring before the reader what a
good soldier, Lieut.-General Sir Charles Dalbiac, says upon the subject.
"TO MAJOR-GENERAL THE RIGHT HON. SIR HENRY HARDINGE, K.C.B.
"My dear Sir Henry,--The army estimates for the ensuing year being
now under the consideration of the House of Commons, I am induced to
trouble you with a few remarks upon a point to which I have always
attached considerable importance.
"It has been much the practice in previous years, when in committee
of supply upon army estimates, for certain Hon. members of the House
of Commons to raise objections against the establishment of our
household troops; and in the session of 1836 the hon. baronet the
member for East Cornwall moved as an amendment to the vote proposed
by the Secretary at War (for a sum of money to be granted to His
Majesty to defray the expenses of His Majesty's land forces), "that
the Foot Guards be placed on the same footing as the infantry of the
line." I feel quite assured that Hon. members could never entertain a
proposition of this nature were they thoroughly acquainted with the
difficulties and the consequences that would attend the conversion of
the household regiments into regiments of the line; and an anxiety to
aid your endeavours to disabuse Hon. members in this matter, should
fresh occasion need, and thereby set the question at rest, must be the
apology for my present letter.
"I may premise, not indeed, for your information, but for that of
others, that the brigade of household cavalry consists of the two
regiments of Life Guards and the royal regiment of Horse Guards (Blue).
The brigade of household infantry consists of three battalions of the
Grenadier Guards, two battalions of the Coldstream, and two battalions
of the Scots Fusileer Guards, in all seven battalions.
"The grounds of objection taken against these corps have been,--
"1. That the maintenance of household troops creates an additional and
unnecessary charge against the public.
"2. That the household troops are exempted from the ordinary tour of
colonial service.
"3. That the officers of the household troops enjoy privileges in
respect to rank which are not enjoyed by the officers in regiments of
the line; and that such exemption from the ordinary tour of colonial
service, and such enjoyment of privileges in respect to rank, engender
invidious feelings between the officers of the different services.
"First, as to the plea that the maintenance of the household corps
entail an additional and an unnecessary charge upon the public.
"It will be found by reference to the army estimates for the military
year now expiring, that the charge for the three regiments of household
cavalry is stated at the sum of 85,757_l._, and a little calculation
will show that the charge for corresponding numbers of cavalry of
the line amounts to about 62,757_l._ the difference being 23,000_l._
It will also be found that the charge for the brigade of Foot Guards
amounts to 192,104_l._, and a little calculation will show that the
charge for corresponding numbers of infantry of the line amounts to
about 159,854_l._, the difference being 33,250_l._ It would thus
appear, upon a first superficial glance of the army estimates for the
current military year, that by converting (or changing) the household
regiments into regiments of the line, a saving would accrue to the
public of about 56,250_l._ per annum.
"It becomes very essential, however, to inquire by what process such
proposed conversion could be carried into effect: and here I would
again advert to the amendment moved by the Hon. baronet the member for
East Cornwall in 1836, "That the Foot Guards be placed on the same
footing as the infantry of the line," the particular wording of which
amendment implies a supposition that the House of Commons or the
Sovereign possessed the power of converting the household troops, as
at present constituted, into troops of the line. But I humbly presume
that any such conceived power would be subject to question; because it
is quite unnatural to imagine that either the Sovereign or the House
of Commons could ever commit a breach of faith with any portion of Her
Majesty's forces.
"It is well known that the commissioned officers, the non-commissioned
officers, and soldiers of the household troops have, one and all,
engaged or enlisted to serve Her Majesty in those particular corps,
and in those particular corps only. And in consideration of the very
privileges which are peculiar to the household corps have the officers
thereof been induced to submit to extraordinary sacrifices in the
purchase of their respective commissions, the regulated price of a
lieutenant-colonelcy in the Foot Guards being double, the price of
every minor commission more than double the price of corresponding
commissions in battalions of the line. The supposition therefore that
the existing establishments of the household troops can ever "be placed
on the same footing as the troops of the line" is entirely out of
the question; when they are no longer to be maintained as at present
constituted, they must be disbanded altogether.
"Let us, then, commence with the commissioned officers. The contract
under which the officers of the household corps engaged to serve
Her Majesty having been annulled, the officers will be entitled, in
common fairness, to be placed in the same pecuniary situation in
which they stood prior to their having entered Her Majesty's service.
They will accordingly require to receive back the regulated value of
their respective commissions. Now, according to the scale of prices
fixed by His Majesty's regulations of the 8th of April, 1824, the
value of the commissions of the officers in the household brigade of
cavalry, taken collectively (exclusive of the three colonels, who are
general officers), amounts to the sum of 201,285_l._, and the value
of the commissions of the officers in the brigade of Foot Guards,
taken collectively, amounts to the sum of 610,600_l._, which two
sums, being added together, form a total of 811,885_l._ But, as an
appropriation in aid of the said sum to be provided, there will be the
value of the commissions in the new levy of regiments of the line,
which will be raised to replace the household corps. The regulated
value of the commissions in three regiments of cavalry of the line
amounts to 126,840_l._, and the regulated value of the commissions
in six regiments of infantry of the line (which number of regiments
will exceed the establishment of the brigade of Foot Guards) amounts
to 242,400_l._; and these two sums being added together form a total
of 369,240_l._, which total being deducted from the previous total of
811,885_l._, leaves a balance against the public of 442,645_l._ as the
difference between the value of commissions to be paid for and the
value of commissions to be sold.
"There will then require to be raised a new levy of 6,279 men to
replace the non-commissioned officers and men of the household corps
who are to be discharged; the bounty money for which new levy, with
expenses prior to joining (officially stated at 5_l._ 2_s._ 6_d._
per man), will amount to 31,475_l._; and this sum being added to the
previous balance of 442,645_l._ will swell the amount to be provided by
the public to 474,120_l._ for raising regiments of the line to serve as
substitutes for our present household troops.
"Next with respect to contingencies. The charge on account of army
contingencies is stated in the estimates at 101,148_l._, of which sum
the proportion of 65,000_l._ appears applicable to the troops stationed
in the United Kingdom, their amount being about 37,500 effectives. But
the said contingencies are not applicable to the household troops when
employed on the London duties, except to a fractional amount; and the
ordinary average of the household troops so employed may be taken at
5,000 men. This brings the expenditure on account of contingencies to
about 2,000_l._ per annum for every 1,000 men. If, then, the military
duties of the metropolis are to be performed by regiments of the line
in lieu of the household troops, there will be an increase of charge on
account of contingencies to the amount of 10,000_l._ per annum.
"One item of extra charge for the household troops comes under the head
of clothing (and accoutrements), which exceeds the charge under the
same head for corresponding numbers of the line by nearly 11,000_l._
But it may be asked whether the clothing or the equipment of the
household troops surpasses in respectability or in splendour what
is due to the seat of Royalty and the seat of Government, or what is
consistent with the pageantry which should belong to the Sovereign
of these kingdoms, or what the nation would desire to behold upon
occasions of state or of Royal parade? If not, the same allowances
with respect to clothing must be granted to the troops of the line
when employed on the London duties as are now granted to the household
regiments.
"Another item of extra charge for the household troops is on account of
pay. The pay of the privates in the battalions of Foot Guards is 1d.
a-day more than in battalions of the line, and there is a considerable
increase of pay in the household cavalry above the pay of the cavalry
of the line; but a great portion of that increase is in consideration
of the additional cost and the additional wear and tear of those
articles of cavalry equipment which the non-commissioned officers and
men of the household cavalry are required to provide out of their own
pockets. And here again, if the troops of the line are to be brought
up for the duties of the metropolis, where every article of life is
dearer than in the provinces, and if the non-commissioned officers
and men are to be subject to greater disbursements on account of the
additional wear and tear of more costly appointments, it will not be
accounted unreasonable if, when they shall be expected to maintain the
same appearances as those which are now maintained by the household
troops, they should also expect to receive the same consideration with
respect to pay which had been enjoyed by their predecessors.--Under
the circumstances above stated, especially the circumstance of an
original outlay of nearly half a million sterling, together with the
interest to be paid thereupon, it may reasonably be questioned whether
any advantage could accrue to the public, even on the score of expense,
by substituting troops of the line for the performance of the London
duties in lieu of the household regiments. In every other respect but
that of expense, the transmutation would be productive of incalculable
detriment to the public service.
"I proceed to the second objection raised against the maintenance of
the household troops--namely, 'that the household troops are exempted
from the ordinary tour of colonial service.' It will presently be shown
that exemption from a portion of colonial service must, of necessity,
take place in favour of any body of troops (whether household or of
the line) which shall be appointed to the London duties, provided
the said duties shall continue to be carried on, as heretofore, with
perfect efficiency and with perfect safety to the public service. Upon
all other occasions (save in a portion of the colonies) the battalions
of the Foot Guards have taken their full share of foreign service
with the regiments of the line. The proud memorials which are borne
upon the colours of those distinguished battalions afford abundant
testimony of their achievements in the field throughout the late war,
from the memorable plains of Lincelles, under their late revered
Colonel-in-Chief, the Duke of York, to the post of Hougumont, where,
to use the words of the Duke of Wellington, the battalions of Guards
'set an example which was followed by the whole British army,' in that
eventful struggle when it belonged to a comparative handful of English,
Scotch, and Irish soldiers to restore the balance of trembling Europe!
Nor have the Guards been spared since the peace upon occasions where
prospects were held out for service in the field. In the year 1826,
when an expedition was suddenly despatched for Portugal, a brigade of
Guards was placed on ship board in less than 48 hours. In 1838, when
it became expedient to augment our forces in North America, the first
troops that embarked were a brigade of Guards.--Nor was it amongst
the least of the advantages to be drawn from the establishment of our
household troops, as at present maintained, that the battalions of
the Foot Guards are held at all times in a state of the most perfect
efficiency, and available at any moment for service in the field,
whilst it will often occur that scarcely a single battalion can be
drawn from amongst the regiments of the line, serving at home, in a
state perfectly efficient for field service abroad. Nor can this be
wondered at when it is considered that the battalions of the line which
are stationed in the United Kingdom consist only of those which have
recently returned home from the East or West Indies, or other of our
colonies, in order to recruit, to refit, and reorganize, and at the
end of four years to be despatched again to some foreign station. But
if the household troops are exempt from taking their turn of duty in
certain of the colonies, there are other duties which press far more
severely upon the brigade of Foot Guards than upon any other portion
of the British army. Let a course of 25 years' service be taken, and
let a comparison be made between the number of night duties performed,
the number of nights when the soldier has been kept out of bed, in a
battalion of Foot Guards, and the number of similar duties performed in
any battalion of the line, and the balance will be as three or four to
one against the Guards.--Hence is it that the casualties produced by
consumption and other pulmonary diseases are exceedingly more numerous
amongst the battalions of the Foot Guards than amongst any other
battalions in her Majesty's service.
"I come now to the third objection that has been raised against the
household troops--namely, 'that the officers of the household corps
(especially of the Foot Guards) enjoy privileges with respect to rank
which are not enjoyed by the officers of regiments of the line.'
No doubt the privileges with respect to rank which are enjoyed by
officers of the household corps are high privileges. But the question
is, whether the Sovereign of these kingdoms shall be despoiled of the
prerogative which has been so long exercised by the Sovereign, of
maintaining near the Royal person a select body of household troops,
and of conferring upon the officers of such select body some especial
mark of Royal favour? I deny that the privileges accorded to the
officers of the Guards, with respect to rank, have engendered invidious
feelings amongst the officers of the army at large. Individuals, no
doubt, will be found in every service to complain of wrongs and of
grievances. But the said privileges have not been of _ex post facto_
creation. They have been productive of no breach of contract or of
faith with the officers of other corps. Every officer now serving in
the line accepted his commission subject to the disadvantages which
might arise from the privileges accorded to the officers of the
household troops with respect to brevet rank and brevet promotion.
"The most important question of all remains to be considered--a
question which, I am persuaded, can never have presented itself to
those Hon. members of the House of Commons who would advocate the
disbandment of our household corps. By what description of troops, and
by what course of service, are the military duties of this metropolis
to be regulated and carried on when the household corps shall have
ceased to exist?
"It has already been explained that the battalions of the line,
which are stationed from time to time in the United Kingdom, are,
generally speaking, amongst the least effective of any of Her Majesty's
service. The evil is unavoidable, owing to the inefficient state in
which regiments usually return home from colonial or other service
abroad. Such, then, would be the description of troops to which the
London duties would be assigned in the event of the household corps
being disbanded. Moreover, it is the general rule of the service,
that regiments shall change their quarters every year; but suppose an
exception were made in favour of the regiments performing the London
duties, and that such regiments were retained in London two years,
instead of one, still what would be the consequence?--That just as
they were beginning to be inured to the duties of the metropolis,
they would be marched off, and be succeeded by other regiments, whose
apprenticeship would then have to commence. Woe to this vast and
opulent metropolis upon the day of riot or of actual disturbance, when
the public peace and the protection of property shall be committed to
raw and inexperienced troops; and all troops must be accounted raw and
inexperienced (however high their qualifications in other respects)
which shall have been nowise initiated in the peculiar duties which
they are called upon to perform. Had the celebrated light division of
the lamented Moore--had the famous fighting division of the gallant
Picton, landed at Portsmouth at the termination of the late war, fresh
from the fields of all their glory, flushed with the pride of all their
victories, and thence been ordered to take the London duties--had
they been accompanied with the cavalry brigade which La Marchant led
in the onset at Salamanca, or by the cavalry brigade which Ponsonby
headed in their charge against the column of 12,000 at Waterloo, I
would have accounted the whole of those distinguished corps, from the
moment they had crossed Westminster-bridge, as raw and inexperienced
troops in respect to the duties upon which they were about to enter,
so utterly different are the military duties required by the garrison
of London from the military duties performed by the British army
in any other part of the world. You are aware that no portion of
my military service has been passed in the household regiments. I
entertain no favour or affection towards those corps above that which
I bear towards the whole army. I set no higher value, as soldiers,
upon a battalion of Guards than upon a battalion of the line. It
is solely on account of the apprenticeship they have served--it is
because, in addition to their general duties as soldiers, they have
been trained from their enlistment to the peculiar duties which belong
to a London garrison--because they have been instructed in the delicate
and the critical position in which they are often placed whilst on
duty--because they have been taught to bear and forbear--because they
are conversant with all the arts, and intrigues, and temptations of
a London populace--because they are familiar with all the public
departments, the public offices, and the public authorities, as well
as with all the localities within the bills of mortality,--it is on
these grounds that I pronounce the household corps to be by far better
fitted for the London duties than can ever be the case with any other
portion of her Majesty's troops. To the foregoing advantages, I would
add the perfect understanding which has been established and cemented
between the household corps and the metropolitan police. The beautiful
manner in which their reciprocal duties are blended on every occasion
of being brought together amounts to a piece of mechanism, which no
exertions could ever preserve under a continued introduction of fresh
and inexperienced troops.
"The household corps of the British army represent a body of troops
which, for appearance, for discipline, for intelligence, and for
respectability, are unequalled by the troops of any other nation upon
earth. They reflect credit upon the Sovereign, upon the Government,
upon the service, and upon the nation at large. They serve to impress
every foreigner who visits this country with a high opinion of our
military character, and of our military power. Yet have propositions
been entertained for disbanding these household corps. The result that
would follow upon their disbandment is manifest. That, whereas the
military duties of London are now, and have been hitherto, conducted
in a manner the most perfect and the most efficient, they would be
committed henceforth to different portions of Her Majesty's troops,
which, by reason of their frequent relief, and their consequent want
of experience, could at no time be expected to carry on the military
duties of London with equal efficiency for the maintenance of the
public peace, and the protection of public property; and in the event
of any serious disturbance arising (which God avert!) the disbandment
of our household corps, and the dissolution of that unity of service
which is at present so happily established between the military and the
civil forces of the metropolis, might be productive of consequences
fatal to the security of the metropolis itself, and to the interests of
the empire at large.--I remain, my dear Sir Henry, with the greatest
respect, yours most faithfully,
"J.C. Dalbiac, Lieutenant-General.
"_13, Albany, March 9, 1840._"
Sir Charles Dalbiac's letter is certainly a strong appeal to the
army and country; and as one of the staff of Picton's division, I
particularly feel it. What Sir Charles says, as to the soldiers of
that division taking the duties of London, I readily admit to be quite
correct. My objection is not to the Guards, but to the unnecessary and
injurious privileges possessed by their officers. Perhaps, however, the
desirable object I have in view, may not be considered attainable; and
should this prove the case, it might not be unreasonable to expect,
that these corps should be kept perfectly distinct from the regular
regiments; and that no exchange shall ever be allowed between officers
of the Guards and those of the regular army. If they must continue a
privileged body, to the injury of the service, their privileges ought
not to be allowed to hurt even the feelings of the latter.
All regular regiments of cavalry, infantry, and artillery, should,
as before observed, be liable to serve in any part of the world, in
case of war or commotion; but they should from many parts of it be
invariably and immediately re-called, as soon as the causes for which
they were sent out had been removed; but these regiments might be
stationed wherever it should be deemed expedient, and for any period;
for instance, in such countries as North America, the Cape of Good
Hope, the islands in the Mediterranean, &c.
Service in the regular army being limited to ten years only, there
could be no necessity in future for burdening the country with
any other pensions than those already proposed for well behaved
non-commissioned officers and soldiers, except in cases of severe
wounds, or loss of health in the service; but both these should be
placed under very strict regulations; and my object for so limiting
the period is, that when the time for discharging a soldier arrives,
he would not be too old to return to and resume his former occupation
or trade; for, I am sorry to say, that old soldiers, in general, are
rather addicted to drunkenness, and consequently have become unfit for
the quiet walks of life; and practice in war also teaches us, that
experienced officers, and young but well-disciplined soldiers, always
achieve the most brilliant and enterprising feats of heroism in battle
or at sieges; and even in skirmishing I have never found that veterans
were to be preferred. There were exceptions occasionally met with, but
those who have seen much of modern warfare, will, I think, coincide
with me in these opinions.
To effect some of the objects I have in view, it should be permanently
settled, how many corps of cavalry, infantry, engineers, artillery,
and marines, are to constitute the regular army of Great Britain
and Ireland; and their respective establishments in officers should
likewise be permanently fixed upon; for I am most anxious, and I
consider it to be practicable, to do away with half-pay to officers;
and although the peace and war establishments of corps, as to
non-commissioned officers and privates, may vary, I do not see, if
officers are not unnecessarily and improperly taken away from their
regiments, why their numbers should ever be increased or decreased;
for the whole being efficient, and well instructed, they could, in a
very short time, with the aid of intelligent non-commissioned officers,
train such recruits as it might be found requisite to call out to
augment the establishments of corps; and thus a considerable saving to
the country may be effected.
Situated as Great Britain now is with regard to other nations; and
considering the number of troops likely to be at all times required in
some of our foreign possessions, together with the state of Ireland,
and also how very few corps are now available for home service; and
even bearing in mind our fine army of reserve, but which ought not
unnecessarily to be called out, and likewise what I have yet to propose
in regard to the East Indies and some of our foreign possessions, I
cannot suppose, that our regiments of cavalry ought to consist of less
than 1 colonel, 1 lieut.-colonel, 2 majors, 8 captains, 8 lieutenants,
8 cornets, 24 sergeants, 32 corporals, 16 trumpeters, 560 privates.
And to insure our having really effective corps of infantry, they
ought to have 1 colonel, 1 lieut.-colonel, 2 majors, 10 captains,
10 lieutenants, 10 ensigns, 30 sergeants, 40 corporals, 20 buglers,
760 privates. Both cavalry and infantry should, of course, have the
usual number of regimental staff officers and sergeants, including a
school-master, sergeant, and a trumpet and bugle major.
The establishments of corps of engineers, artillery, and of marines,
should also be finally decided upon; as likewise that of a permanent
staff, which I intend to propose for the army.
I am aware that objections have been made to the plan of a military
fund, yet I have never heard a good reason assigned by those who
made them against it. To such as ask if it would not render officers
too independent, I would not even deign to give an answer. I see,
therefore, no cause why I should not venture strongly to urge that
a military fund be established under the sanction and approval of
Government; and to promote so desirable an object, the country, as it
would thus soon be freed from the great expense of half-pay to the
officers of the army, ought, in common justice, to contribute a certain
sum annually, and especially at first, towards it; for it should be
borne in mind, that, comparatively speaking, very few pensions would
be hereafter required for soldiers, and, I may say, none whatever for
officers.
All officers, according to their rank, should be obliged to contribute
a certain small sum monthly towards the fund, which could be regulated
in proportion to the assistance afforded by Parliament, and likewise
by what might be expected to arise from such officers as were desirous
of retiring from the army being required to pay a fixed but moderate
sum, according to the rank they may hold at the time, into the fund;
but I expect that the whole amount in any manner contributed, or which
will accumulate at interest in the public fund, would produce annually
sufficient to enable those who may be intrusted with its management,
to allow retired officers, after a certain number of years service,
considerably more than is at present granted in the shape of half-pay.
At present, officers sometimes receive fixed sums, according to their
rank, for going upon half-pay; but I propose to reverse this as to
retirements; and my reason for so doing is to quicken promotion; for
I wish to make it the interest of every officer under the individual
desirous of retiring (who ought to be allowed to retain his rank) to
make up the sum amongst them, which he would have to pay into the fund,
in order that he might be entitled to a retirement, and something
besides to go into his own pocket, and which he should be permitted to
take openly; for a step would, by this means, be gained by all those
under him in the corps; and this would greatly remove the apprehension
of promotion becoming too slow, and officers would no longer be
exposed to the present galling and disheartening system of purchase. A
considerable sum might thus be produced annually for the fund, out of
which, as I calculate, even general officers should receive retirements
at the same rate as lieut.-colonels.
Something of this kind is, I find, adopted by officers in the service
of the East India Company, who contribute so much monthly towards a
purse given to retiring officers, by which their promotion is found to
be quickened.
If wounds, or ill health, acquired in the service, should compel an
officer to retire from his regiment, or should he have served for
fourteen years, he ought, without any payment to the fund, to be
allowed the full retirement to which he would be entitled according
to his rank, whether those below him were willing to contribute for
him to the fund or not; but should these officers have done so, in
order to induce him to retire, and an attempt be made to conceal the
transaction, the retired officer, if it was afterwards found out that
deceptions had been practised, ought, by an unalterable regulation, to
be deprived of his retirement.
The senior Cornet or Ensign, Lieutenant, Captain or Major, as the case
might be, would find it their interest to subscribe a much larger sum
than the other officers, for him who was to retire, as he would thus
acquire a higher rank in the corps and also an increase of pay.
With respect to pay-masters and surgeons, as a plan has already
been adopted by Government for their retirements, after a certain
number of years service, it would be unwise to interfere with such an
arrangement, but they should, nevertheless, be permitted to subscribe
to the military fund, although they could not, like the other officers,
be expected to pay towards it on retiring; and unless their monthly
payments to the fund were increased, which would not probably be
desirable, they must be satisfied with smaller retirements from it;
but all such points should come under the consideration of a board
of management, as well as the amount of retirements for regimental
quarter-masters and assistant-surgeons, but officers ought not to be
allowed any retirements whatever until after seven years service;
and till they have completed their fourteen years, (or twenty years
when there should be another increase) it ought to be only on a very
moderate scale. It might also be a point requiring consideration-but
it strikes me, that for obvious reasons, a general Court Martial by
its sentence ought to have the power of depriving an officer of any
retirement he might have become entitled to.
Some of our best commanders of regiments had objections to married
officers remaining in the corps, and often did their best, but without
injuring them, to have them removed; for they always found, that at
the very time when their thoughts ought to have been entirely given
to their profession, they were quite distracted from it, by the
care of the world, and anxiety about their families; now the fund I
propose to establish, would enable those who had become so situated,
or such captains as might be apprehensive that they could not pass
the examinations required before they could get the rank of major, to
retire, without being obliged to do so, to the quiet of domestic life.
I must beg also to observe, that it has long been a common saying as
to young men, that the most talented of a genteel family ought to go
to the bar, the next into the church, and that any dunce would answer
well enough for the army or navy; but if the examinations I have
suggested are strictly inforced, this reproach will be removed, and
taking into account what I am so anxious to establish for the benefit
of officers, not only as regards a military fund, but also with respect
to promotion, the army would be rendered a much more desirable and
suitable profession for young men of talent than it is at present, and
would make it well worth their while to exert themselves to get into
it.
There ought not to be any difficulties started as to the appointment of
a board of management of the military fund, and as it is to be presumed
that no member of Her Majesty's Government could have a wish to
interfere, or to have any control over the board; I have now to propose
(and I think this will satisfy all parties) that the Commander-in-Chief
should have the nomination of the president and board, which should
consist of at least two, if not of four efficient members, removable
only by the authority which had appointed them to it, and which should
also have the power of choosing as secretary, a gentleman of habits
of business, who would require the assistance of a certain number of
clerks. An annual report of the state of the military fund should
be made out and submitted for the information of Government, the
Commander-in-Chief, and that of every corps in the army.
The officers of the board and secretary for performing what cannot be
otherwise than troublesome duties, all the details of which they would
have to regulate, and as they must have considerable responsibility
attached to them, probably requiring security to be given, I conclude
they would be allowed respectable fixed salaries. The clerks will
also be of course well paid. I may be sanguine, but I confess I feel
very confident, that the plan would be found, under the management
of an able board, to work well. I have been more minute than I could
have wished, but my object in being so, was to obviate many of the
objections which are likely to be started. I regret much, however,
that I cannot now see how to include the officers of the navy in it;
for, unless it were so arranged, that they could contribute towards the
fund, as retiring officers of the army are made to do, I fear that so
desirable an object cannot, as they are now situated, be effected for
them.
By establishing this military fund, Government would not only be able
to do away with half-pay, but also to discontinue the practice of
granting pensions, excepting in particular cases to officers of the
army, their widows and children, as I conclude that they would all in
future be provided for under the regulations to be made by the board
of management; and what a relief to the minds of officers, and what a
proud and proper feeling it would be for them to indulge in, that they
could at such a trifling sacrifice, and on such easy terms, provide
for themselves; and for those about whom they must naturally be so
anxious, without becoming a burden to the country; and would not this
plan give them a stake in it, which must perpetuate (though it cannot
for a moment be supposed, that in such feelings and principles they
can be wanting,) that attachment to their Sovereign, and to our free
and admirable constitution, which they have ever so strongly evinced;
and thus an additional and powerful barrier would be formed against
the dangerous designs of men, who apparently wish to see our excellent
institutions destroyed, and the country thrown, to suit their own
selfish purposes, into such confusion, as could only end in a despotism
of some kind or other.
I am not blind to the circumstance, that if what I am endeavouring to
establish for the good of the service is accomplished, a severe blow
must be given to the patronage of the army, but I trust that this
will not be allowed to become a stumbling-block in the way of so much
general benefit. I, however, willingly leave the cause of our gallant
army, with which I am now, I may say, almost unconnected, to public
opinion, which fortunately in this country is so powerful, as not to
be easily or long withstood; and we may, I will venture to say, be
certain, that if what I have presumed to propose, is practicable and
desirable, the Commander-in-Chief will readily meet the wishes of the
country and the army, with all that good will and zeal which he has on
so many occasions evinced for the welfare of both.