EINSTEIN'S LAW OF GRAVITATION [15]

By Prof. J. S. Ames

Johns Hopkins University

... In the treatment of Maxwell's equations of the electromagnetic

field, several investigators realized the importance of deducing the

form of the equations when applied to a system moving with a uniform

velocity. One object of such an investigation would be to determine

such a set of transformation formulæ as would leave the mathematical

form of the equations unaltered. The necessary relations between

the new space-coordinates, those applying to the moving system,

and the original set were of course obvious; and elementary methods

led to the deduction of a new variable which should replace the time

coordinate. This step was taken by Lorentz and also, I believe, by

Larmor and by Voigt. The mathematical deductions and applications

in the hands of these men were extremely beautiful, and are probably

well known to you all.

Lorentz' paper on this subject appeared in the Proceedings of the

Amsterdam Academy in 1904. In the following year there was published

in the Annalen der Physik a paper by Einstein, written without any

knowledge of the work of Lorentz, in which he arrived at the same

transformation equations as did the latter, but with an entirely

different and fundamentally new interpretation. Einstein called

attention in his paper to the lack of definiteness in the concepts

of time and space, as ordinarily stated and used. He analyzed clearly

the definitions and postulates which were necessary before one could

speak with exactness of a length or of an interval of time. He disposed

forever of the propriety of speaking of the "true" length of a rod or

of the "true" duration of time, showing, in fact, that the numerical

values which we attach to lengths or intervals of time depend upon the

definitions and postulates which we adopt. The words "absolute" space

or time intervals are devoid of meaning. As an illustration of what

is meant Einstein discussed two possible ways of measuring the length

of a rod when it is moving in the direction of its own length with

a uniform velocity, that is, after having adopted a scale of length,

two ways of assigning a number to the length of the rod concerned. One

method is to imagine the observer moving with the rod, applying along

its length the measuring scale, and reading off the positions of the

ends of the rod. Another method would be to have two observers at rest

on the body with reference to which the rod has the uniform velocity,

so stationed along the line of motion of the rod that as the rod

moves past them they can note simultaneously on a stationary measuring

scale the positions of the two ends of the rod. Einstein showed that,

accepting two postulates which need no defense at this time, the two

methods of measurements would lead to different numerical values, and,

further, that the divergence of the two results would increase as the

velocity of the rod was increased. In assigning a number, therefore,

to the length of a moving rod, one must make a choice of the method to

be used in measuring it. Obviously the preferable method is to agree

that the observer shall move with the rod, carrying his measuring

instrument with him. This disposes of the problem of measuring space

relations. The observed fact that, if we measure the length of the rod

on different days, or when the rod is lying in different positions,

we always obtain the same value offers no information concerning the

"real" length of the rod. It may have changed, or it may not. It

must always be remembered that measurement of the length of a

rod is simply a process of comparison between it and an arbitrary

standard, e.g., a meter-rod or yard-stick. In regard to the problem

of assigning numbers to intervals of time, it must be borne in mind

that, strictly speaking, we do not "measure" such intervals, i.e.,

that we do not select a unit interval of time and find how many times

it is contained in the interval in question. (Similarly, we do not

"measure" the pitch of a sound or the temperature of a room.) Our

practical instruments for assigning numbers to time-intervals depend

in the main upon our agreeing to believe that a pendulum swings in

a perfectly uniform manner, each vibration taking the same time as

the next one. Of course we cannot prove that this is true, it is,

strictly speaking, a definition of what we mean by equal intervals

of time; and it is not a particularly good definition at that. Its

limitations are sufficiently obvious. The best way to proceed is

to consider the concept of uniform velocity, and then, using the

idea of some entity having such a uniform velocity, to define equal

intervals of time as such intervals as are required for the entity

to traverse equal lengths. These last we have already defined. What

is required in addition is to adopt some moving entity as giving our

definition of uniform velocity. Considering our known universe it

is self-evident that we should choose in our definition of uniform

velocity the velocity of light, since this selection could be made by

an observer anywhere in our universe. Having agreed then to illustrate

by the words "uniform velocity" that of light, our definition of equal

intervals of time is complete. This implies, of course, that there is

no uncertainty on our part as to the fact that the velocity of light

always has the same value at any one point in the universe to any

observer, quite regardless of the source of light. In other words,

the postulate that this is true underlies our definition. Following

this method Einstein developed a system of measuring both space and

time intervals. As a matter of fact his system is identically that

which we use in daily life with reference to events here on the

earth. He further showed that if a man were to measure the length

of a rod, for instance, on the earth and then were able to carry the

rod and his measuring apparatus to Mars, the sun, or to Arcturus he

would obtain the same numerical value for the length in all places

and at all times. This doesn't mean that any statement is implied

as to whether the length of the rod has remained unchanged or not;

such words do not have any meaning--remember that we can not speak of

true length. It is thus clear that an observer living on the earth

would have a definite system of units in terms of which to express

space and time intervals, i.e., he would have a definite system

of space coordinates (x, y, z) and a definite time coordinate (t);

and similarly an observer living on Mars would have his system of

coordinates (x', y', z', t'). Provided that one observer has a definite

uniform velocity with reference to the other, it is a comparatively

simple matter to deduce the mathematical relations between the two

sets of coordinates. When Einstein did this, he arrived at the same

transformation formulæ as those used by Lorentz in his development of

Maxwell's equations. The latter had shown that, using these formulæ,

the form of the laws for all electromagnetic phenomena maintained

the same form; so Einstein's method proves that using his system of

measurement an observer, anywhere in the universe, would as the result

of his own investigation of electromagnetic phenomena arrive at the

same mathematical statement of them as any other observer, provided

only that the relative-velocity of the two observers was uniform.

Einstein discussed many other most important questions at this time;

but it is not necessary to refer to them in connection with the

present subject. So far as this is concerned, the next important

step to note is that taken in the famous address of Minkowski, in

1908, on the subject of "Space and Time." It would be difficult to

overstate the importance of the concepts advanced by Minkowski. They

marked the beginning of a new period in the philosophy of physics. I

shall not attempt to explain his ideas in detail, but shall confine

myself to a few general statements. His point of view and his line of

development of the theme are absolutely different from those of Lorentz

or of Einstein; but in the end he makes use of the same transformation

formulæ. His great contribution consists in giving us a new geometrical

picture of their meaning. It is scarcely fair to call Minkowski's

development a picture; for to us a picture can never have more than

three dimensions, our senses limit us; while his picture calls for

perception of four dimensions. It is this fact that renders any even

semi-popular discussion of Minkowski's work so impossible. We can all

see that for us to describe any event a knowledge of four coordinates

is necessary, three for the space specification and one for the time. A

complete picture could be given then by a point in four dimensions. All

four coordinates are necessary: we never observe an event except at

a certain time, and we never observe an instant of time except with

reference to space. Discussing the laws of electromagnetic phenomena,

Minkowski showed how in a space of four dimensions, by a suitable

definition of axes, the mathematical transformation of Lorentz and

Einstein could be described by a rotation of the set of axes. We are

all accustomed to a rotation of our ordinary cartesian set of axes

describing the position of a point. We ordinarily choose our axes at

any location on the earth as follows: one vertical, one east and west,

one north and south. So if we move from any one laboratory to another,

we change our axes; they are always orthogonal, but in moving from

place to place there is a rotation. Similarly, Minkowski showed that

if we choose four orthogonal axes at any point on the earth, according

to his method, to represent a space-time point using the method of

measuring space and time intervals as outlined by Einstein; and, if

an observer on Arcturus used a similar set of axes and the method of

measurement which he naturally would, the set of axes of the latter

could be obtained from those of the observer on the earth by a pure

rotation (and naturally a transfer of the origin). This is a beautiful

geometrical result. To complete my statement of the method, I must

add that instead of using as his fourth axis one along which numerical

values of time are laid off, Minkowski defined his fourth coordinate

as the product of time and the imaginary constant, the square root of

minus one. This introduction of imaginary quantities might be expected,

possibly, to introduce difficulties; but, in reality, it is the very

essence of the simplicity of the geometrical description just given

of the rotation of the sets of axes. It thus appears that different

observers situated at different points in the universe would each have

their own set of axes, all different, yet all connected by the fact

that any one can be rotated so as to coincide with any other. This

means that there is no one direction in the four-dimensional space

that corresponds to time for all observers. Just as with reference to

the earth there is no direction which can be called vertical for all

observers living on the earth. In the sense of an absolute meaning

the words "up and down," "before and after," "sooner or later,"

are entirely meaningless.

This concept of Minkowski's may be made clearer, perhaps, by the

following process of thought. If we take a section through our

three-dimensional space, we have a plane, i.e., a two-dimensional

space. Similarly, if a section is made through a four-dimensional

space, one of three dimensions is obtained. Thus, for an observer on

the earth a definite section of Minkowski's four-dimensional space will

give us our ordinary three-dimensional one; so that this section will,

as it were, break up Minkowski's space into our space and give us our

ordinary time. Similarly, a different section would have to be used

to the observer on Arcturus; but by a suitable selection he would

get his own familiar three-dimensional space and his own time. Thus

the space defined by Minkowski is completely isotropic in reference

to measured lengths and times, there is absolutely no difference

between any two directions in an absolute sense; for any particular

observer, of course, a particular section will cause the space to

fall apart so as to suit his habits of measurement; any section,

however, taken at random will do the same thing for some observer

somewhere. From another point of view, that of Lorentz and Einstein,

it is obvious that, since this four-dimensional space is isotropic,

the expression of the laws of electromagnetic phenomena take identical

mathematical forms when expressed by any observer.

The question of course must be raised as to what can be said in regard

to phenomena which so far as we know do not have an electromagnetic

origin. In particular what can be done with respect to gravitational

phenomena? Before, however, showing how this problem was attacked by

Einstein; and the fact that the subject of my address is Einstein's

work on gravitation shows that ultimately I shall explain this, I

must emphasize another feature of Minkowski's geometry. To describe

the space-time characteristics of any event a point, defined by its

four coordinates, is sufficient; so, if one observes the life-history

of any entity, e.g., a particle of matter, a light-wave, etc., he

observes a sequence of points in the space-time continuum; that is,

the life-history of any entity is described fully by a line in this

space. Such a line was called by Minkowski a "world-line." Further,

from a different point of view, all of our observations of nature

are in reality observations of coincidences, e.g., if one reads

a thermometer, what he does is to note the coincidence of the

end of the column of mercury with a certain scale division on

the thermometer tube. In other words, thinking of the world-line

of the end of the mercury column and the world-line of the scale

division, what we have observed was the intersection or crossing of

these lines. In a similar manner any observation may be analyzed;

and remembering that light rays, a point on the retina of the eye,

etc., all have their world-lines, it will be recognized that it is

a perfectly accurate statement to say that every observation is the

perception of the intersection of world-lines. Further, since all we

know of a world-line is the result of observations, it is evident

that we do not know a world-line as a continuous series of points,

but simply as a series of discontinuous points, each point being where

the particular world-line in question is crossed by another world-line.

It is clear, moreover, that for the description of a world-line

we are not limited to the particular set of four orthogonal axes

adopted by Minkowski. We can choose any set of four-dimensional

axes we wish. It is further evident that the mathematical expression

for the coincidence of two points is absolutely independent of our

selection of reference axes. If we change our axes, we will change

the coordinates of both points simultaneously, so that the question

of axes ceases to be of interest. But our so-called laws of nature are

nothing but descriptions in mathematical language of our observations;

we observe only coincidences; a sequence of coincidences when put in

mathematical terms takes a form which is independent of the selection

of reference axes; therefore the mathematical expression of our laws

of nature, of every character, must be such that their form does

not change if we make a transformation of axes. This is a simple but

far-reaching deduction.

There is a geometrical method of picturing the effect of a change

of axes of reference, i.e., of a mathematical transformation. To a

man in a railway coach the path of a drop of water does not appear

vertical, i.e., it is not parallel to the edge of the window; still

less so does it appear vertical to a man performing manoeuvres in

an airplane. This means that whereas with reference to axes fixed

to the earth the path of the drop is vertical; with reference to

other axes, the path is not. Or, stating the conclusion in general

language, changing the axes of reference (or effecting a mathematical

transformation) in general changes the shape of any line. If one

imagines the line forming a part of the space, it is evident that

if the space is deformed by compression or expansion the shape of

the line is changed, and if sufficient care is taken it is clearly

possible, by deforming the space, to make the line take any shape

desired, or better stated, any shape specified by the previous change

of axes. It is thus possible to picture a mathematical transformation

as a deformation of space. Thus I can draw a line on a sheet of paper

or of rubber and by bending and stretching the sheet, I can make the

line assume a great variety of shapes; each of these new shapes is

a picture of a suitable transformation.

Now, consider world-lines in our four-dimensional space. The

complete record of all our knowledge is a series of sequences of

intersections of such lines. By analogy I can draw in ordinary space

a great number of intersecting lines on a sheet of rubber; I can

then bend and deform the sheet to please myself; by so doing I do

not introduce any new intersections nor do I alter in the least the

sequence of intersections. So in the space of our world-lines, the

space may be deformed in any imaginable manner without introducing

any new intersections or changing the sequence of the existing

intersections. It is this sequence which gives us the mathematical

expression of our so-called experimental laws; a deformation of

our space is equivalent mathematically to a transformation of axes,

consequently we see why it is that the form of our laws must be the

same when referred to any and all sets of axes, that is, must remain

unaltered by any mathematical transformation.

Now, at last we come to gravitation. We can not imagine any world-line

simpler than that of a particle of matter left to itself; we shall

therefore call it a "straight" line. Our experience is that two

particles of matter attract one another. Expressed in terms of

world-lines, this means that, if the world-lines of two isolated

particles come near each other, the lines, instead of being straight,

will be deflected or bent in towards each other. The world-line of

any one particle is therefore deformed; and we have just seen that a

deformation is the equivalent of a mathematical transformation. In

other words, for any one particle it is possible to replace the

effect of a gravitational field at any instant by a mathematical

transformation of axes. The statement that this is always possible

for any particle at any instant is Einstein's famous "Principle

of Equivalence."

Let us rest for a moment, while I call attention to a most interesting

coincidence, not to be thought of as an intersection of world-lines. It

is said that Newton's thoughts were directed to the observation of

gravitational phenomena by an apple falling on his head; from this

striking event he passed by natural steps to a consideration of the

universality of gravitation. Einstein in describing his mental process

in the evolution of his law of gravitation says that his attention

was called to a new point of view by discussing his experiences with

a man whose fall from a high building he had just witnessed. The man

fortunately suffered no serious injuries and assured Einstein that in

the course of his fall he had not been conscious in the least of any

pull downward on his body. In mathematical language, with reference to

axes moving with the man the force of gravity had disappeared. This is

a case where by the transfer of the axes from the earth itself to the

man, the force of the gravitational field is annulled. The converse

change of axes from the falling man to a point on the earth could be

considered as introducing the force of gravity into the equations of

motion. Another illustration of the introduction into our equations of

a force by a means of a change of axes is furnished by the ordinary

treatment of a body in uniform rotation about an axis. For instance,

in the case of a so-called conical pendulum, that is, the motion of a

bob suspended from a fixed point by string, which is so set in motion

that the bob describes a horizontal circle and the string therefore

describes a circular cone, if we transfer our axes from the earth and

have them rotate around the vertical line through the fixed point with

the same angular velocity as the bob, it is necessary to introduce into

our equations of motion a fictitious "force" called the centrifugal

force. No one ever thinks of this force other than as a mathematical

quantity introduced into the equations for the sake of simplicity of

treatment; no physical meaning is attached to it. Why should there

be to any other so-called "force," which like centrifugal force,

is independent of the nature of the matter? Again, here on the earth

our sensation of weight is interpreted mathematically by combining

expressions for centrifugal force and gravity; we have no distinct

sensation for either separately. Why then is there any difference in

the essence of the two? Why not consider them both as brought into

our equations by the agency of mathematical transformations? This is

Einstein's point of view.

Granting, then, the principle of equivalence, we can so choose axes at

any point at any instant that the gravitational field will disappear;

these axes are therefore of what Eddington calls the "Galilean"

type, the simplest possible. Consider, that is, an observer in a

box, or compartment, which is falling with the acceleration of the

gravitational field at that point. He would not be conscious of the

field. If there were a projectile fired off in this compartment,

the observer would describe its path as being straight. In this space

the infinitesimal interval between two space-time points would then

be given by the formula

$$ds^2 = dx^2_1 + dx2_2 + dx^2_3 + dx2_4,$$

where ds is the interval and $x_1, x_2, x_3, x_4$ are coordinates. If

we make a mathematical transformation, i.e., use another set of axes,

this interval would obviously take the form

$$ds^2 = g_{11}dx^2_{33} + g_{22}dx^2_2 + g_{33}dx^2_3 +

g_{44}dx2_4 + 2g_{12}dx_1dx_2 + \rm{etc.},$$

where $x_1, x_2, x_3$ and $x_4$ are now coordinates referring to the

new axes. This relation involves ten coefficients, the coefficients

defining the transformation.

But of course a certain dynamical value is also attached to the

g's, because by the transfer of our axes from the Galilean type

we have made a change which is equivalent to the introduction of

a gravitational field; and the g's must specify the field. That

is, these g's are the expressions of our experiences, and hence

their values can not depend upon the use of any special axes; the

values must be the same for all selections. In other words, whatever

function of the coordinates any one g is for one set of axes, if other

axes are chosen, this g must still be the same function of the new

coordinates. There are ten g's defined by differential equations;

so we have ten covariant equations. Einstein showed how these g's

could be regarded as generalized potentials of the field. Our own

experiments and observations upon gravitation have given us a certain

knowledge concerning its potential; that is, we know a value for it

which must be so near the truth that we can properly call it at least

a first approximation. Or, stated differently, if Einstein succeeds in

deducing the rigid value for the gravitational potential in any field,

it must degenerate to the Newtonian value for the great majority of

cases with which we have actual experience. Einstein's method, then,

was to investigate the functions (or equations) which would satisfy

the mathematical conditions just described. A transformation from

the axes used by the observer in the following box may be made so as

to introduce into the equations the gravitational field recognized

by an observer on the earth near the box; but this, obviously, would

not be the general gravitational field, because the field changes as

one moves over the surface of the earth. A solution found, therefore,

as just indicated, would not be the one sought for the general field;

and another must be found which is less stringent than the former

but reduces to it as a special case. He found himself at liberty to

make a selection from among several possibilities, and for several

reasons chose the simplest solution. He then tested this decision

by seeing if his formulæ would degenerate to Newton's law for the

limiting case of velocities small when compared with that of light,

because this condition is satisfied in those cases to which Newton's

law applies. His formulæ satisfied this test, and he therefore was

able to announce a "law of gravitation," of which Newton's was a

special form for a simple case.

To the ordinary scholar the difficulties surmounted by Einstein in

his investigations appear stupendous. It is not improbable that the

statement which he is alleged to have made to his editor, that only

ten men in the world could understand his treatment of the subject,

is true. I am fully prepared to believe it, and wish to add that I

certainly am not one of the ten. But I can also say that, after a

careful and serious study of his papers, I feel confident that there

is nothing in them which I can not understand, given the time to become

familiar with the special mathematical processes used. The more I work

over Einstein's papers, the more impressed I am, not simply by his

genius in viewing the problem, but also by his great technical skill.

Following the path outlined, Einstein, as just said, arrived at certain

mathematical laws for a gravitational field, laws which reduced

to Newton's form in most cases where observations are possible,

but which led to different conclusions in a few cases, knowledge

concerning which we might obtain by careful observations. I shall

mention a few deductions from Einstein's formulæ.

1. If a heavy particle is put at the center of a circle, and, if

the length of the circumference and the length of the diameter

are measured, it will be found that their ratio is not [pi]

(3.14159). In other words the geometrical properties of space in such

a gravitational field are not those discussed by Euclid; the space is,

then, non-Euclidean. There is no way by which this deduction can be

verified, the difference between the predicted ratio and [pi] is

too minute for us to hope to make our measurements with sufficient

exactness to determine the difference.

2. All the lines in the solar spectrum should with reference to lines

obtained by terrestrial sources be displaced slightly towards longer

wave-lengths. The amount of displacement predicted for lines in the

blue end of the spectrum is about one-hundredth of an Angstrom unit,

a quantity well within experimental limits. Unfortunately, as far

as the testing of this prediction is concerned, there are several

physical causes which are also operating to cause displacement of the

spectrum-lines; and so at present a decision can not be rendered as

to the verification. St. John and other workers at the Mount Wilson

Observatory have the question under investigation.

3. According to Newton's law an isolated planet in its motion around a

central sun would describe, period after period, the same elliptical

orbit; whereas Einstein's laws lead to the prediction that the

successive orbits traversed would not be identically the same. Each

revolution would start the planet off on an orbit very approximately

elliptical, but with the major axis of the ellipse rotated slightly in

the plane of the orbit. When calculations were made for the various

planets in our solar system, it was found that the only one which

was of interest from the standpoint of verification of Einstein's

formulæ was Mercury. It has been known for a long time that there

was actually such a change as just described in the orbit of Mercury,

amounting to 574'' of arc per century; and it has been shown that of

this a rotation of 532'' was due to the direct action of other planets,

thus leaving an unexplained rotation of 42'' per century. Einstein's

formulæ predicted a rotation of 43'', a striking agreement.

4. In accordance with Einstein's formulæ a ray of light passing close

to a heavy piece of matter, the sun, for instance, should experience

a sensible deflection in towards the sun. This might be expected from

"general" consideration of energy in motion; energy and mass are

generally considered to be identical in the sense that an amount

of energy E has the mass $E1c^2$ where c is the velocity of light;

and consequently a ray of light might fall within the province of

gravitation and the amount of deflection to be expected could be

calculated by the ordinary formula for gravitation. Another point

of view is to consider again the observer inside the compartment

falling with the acceleration of the gravitational field. To him the

path of a projectile and a ray of light would both appear straight;

so that, if the projectile had a velocity equal to that of light, it

and the light wave would travel side by side. To an observer outside

the compartment, e.g., to one on the earth, both would then appear

to have the same deflection owing to the sun. But how much would

the path of the projectile be bent? What would be the shape of its

parabola? One might apply Newton's law; but, according to Einstein's

formulæ, Newton's law should be used only for small velocities. In the

case of a ray passing close to the sun it was decided that according

to Einstein's formula there should be a deflection of 1''.75 whereas

Newton's law of gravitation predicted half this amount. Careful

plans were made by various astronomers, to investigate this question

at the solar eclipse last May, and the result announced by Dyson,

Eddington and Crommelin, the leaders of astronomy in England, was

that there was a deflection of 1''.9. Of course the detection of such

a minute deflection was an extraordinarily difficult matter, so many

corrections had to be applied to the original observations; but the

names of the men who record the conclusions are such as to inspire

confidence. Certainly any effect of refraction seems to be excluded.

It is thus seen that the formulæ deduced by Einstein have been

confirmed in a variety of ways and in a most brilliant manner. In

connection with these formulæ one question must arise in the minds of

everyone; by what process, where in the course of the mathematical

development, does the idea of mass reveal itself? It was not in

the equations at the beginning and yet here it is at the end. How

does it appear? As a matter of fact it is first seen as a constant

of integration in the discussion of the problem of the gravitational

field due to a single particle; and the identity of this constant with

mass is proved when one compares Einstein's formulæ with Newton's

law which is simply its degenerated form. This mass, though, is the

mass of which we become aware through our experiences with weight;

and Einstein proceeded to prove that this quantity which entered as

a constant of integration in his ideally simple problem also obeyed

the laws of conservation of mass and conservation of momentum when

he investigated the problems of two and more particles. Therefore

Einstein deduced from his study of gravitational fields the well-known

properties of matter which form the basis of theoretical mechanics. A

further logical consequence of Einstein's development is to show that

energy has mass, a concept with which every one nowadays is familiar.

The description of Einstein's method which I have given so far is

simply the story of one success after another; and it is certainly

fair to ask if we have at last reached finality in our investigation

of nature, if we have attained to truth. Are there no outstanding

difficulties? Is there no possibility of error? Certainly, not

until all the predictions made from Einstein's formulæ have been

investigated can much be said; and further, it must be seen whether

any other lines of argument will lead to the same conclusions. But

without waiting for all this there is at least one difficulty which

is apparent at this time. We have discussed the laws of nature as

independent in their form of reference axes, a concept which appeals

strongly to our philosophy; yet it is not at all clear, at first sight,

that we can be justified in our belief. We can not imagine any way

by which we can become conscious of the translation of the earth in

space; but by means of gyroscopes we can learn a great deal about its

rotation on its axis. We could locate the positions of its two poles,

and by watching a Foucault pendulum or a gyroscope we can obtain a

number which we interpret as the angular velocity of rotation of axes

fixed in the earth; angular velocity with reference to what? Where

is the fundamental set of axes? This is a real difficulty. It can be

surmounted in several ways. Einstein himself has outlined a method

which in the end amounts to assuming the existence on the confines

of space of vast quantities of matter, a proposition which is not

attractive. deSitter has suggested a peculiar quality of the space

to which we refer our space-time coordinates. The consequences of

this are most interesting, but no decision can as yet be made as to

the justification of the hypothesis. In any case we can say that

the difficulty raised is not one that destroys the real value of

Einstein's work.

In conclusion I wish to emphasize the fact, which should be obvious,

that Einstein has not attempted any explanation of gravitation;

he has been occupied with the deduction of its laws. These laws,

together with those of electromagnetic phenomena, comprise our store

of knowledge. There is not the slightest indication of a mechanism,

meaning by that a picture in terms of our senses. In fact what we have

learned has been to realize that our desire to use such mechanisms

is futile.

THE DEFLECTION OF LIGHT BY GRAVITATION AND THE EINSTEIN THEORY OF

RELATIVITY. [16]

Sir Frank Dyson

the Astronomer Royal

The purpose of the expedition was to determine whether any displacement

is caused to a ray of light by the gravitational field of the sun,

and if so, the amount of the displacement. Einstein's theory predicted

a displacement varying inversely as the distance of the ray from

the sun's center, amounting to 1''.75 for a star seen just grazing

the sun....

A study of the conditions of the 1919 eclipse showed that the sun

would be very favorably placed among a group of bright stars--in fact,

it would be in the most favorable possible position. A study of the

conditions at various points on the path of the eclipse, in which

Mr. Hinks helped us, pointed to Sobral, in Brazil, and Principe, an

island off the west coast of Africa, as the most favorable stations....

The Greenwich party, Dr. Crommelin and Mr. Davidson, reached Brazil

in ample time to prepare for the eclipse, and the usual preliminary

focusing by photographing stellar fields was carried out. The day of

the eclipse opened cloudy, but cleared later, and the observations

were carried out with almost complete success. With the astrographic

telescope Mr. Davidson secured 15 out of 18 photographs showing the

required stellar images. Totality lasted 6 minutes, and the average

exposure of the plates was 5 to 6 seconds. Dr. Crommelin with the

other lens had 7 successful plates out of 8. The unsuccessful plates

were spoiled for this purpose by the clouds, but show the remarkable

prominence very well.

When the plates were developed the astrographic images were found to

be out of focus. This is attributed to the effect of the sun's heat

on the coelostat mirror. The images were fuzzy and quite different

from those on the check-plates secured at night before and after the

eclipse. Fortunately the mirror which fed the 4-inch lens was not

affected, and the star images secured with this lens were good and

similar to those got by the night-plates. The observers stayed on in

Brazil until July to secure the field in the night sky at the altitude

of the eclipse epoch and under identical instrumental conditions.

The plates were measured at Greenwich immediately after the observers'

return. Each plate was measured twice over by Messrs. Davidson and

Furner, and I am satisfied that such faults as lie in the results

are in the plates themselves and not in the measures. The figures

obtained may be briefly summarized as follows: The astrographic plates

gave 0''.97 for the displacement at the limb when the scale-value was

determined from the plates themselves, and 1''.40 when the scale-value

was assumed from the check plates. But the much better plates gave

for the displacement at the limb 1''.98, Einstein's predicted value

being 1''.75. Further, for these plates the agreement was all that

could be expected....

After a careful study of the plates I am prepared to say that there

can be no doubt that they confirm Einstein's prediction. A very

definite result has been obtained that light is deflected according

to Einstein's law of gravitation.

Professor A. S. Eddington

Royal Observatory

Mr. Cottingham and I left the other observers at Madeira and arrived

at Principe on April 23.... We soon realized that the prospect of

a clear sky at the end of May was not very good. Not even a heavy

thunderstorm on the morning of the eclipse, three weeks after the end

of the wet season, saved the situation. The sky was completely cloudy

at first contact, but about half an hour before totality we began to

see glimpses of the sun's crescent through the clouds. We carried

out our program exactly as arranged, and the sky must have been

clearer towards the end of totality. Of the 16 plates taken during

the five minutes of totality the first ten showed no stars at all;

of the later plates two showed five stars each, from which a result

could be obtained. Comparing them with the check-plates secured at

Oxford before we went out, we obtained as the final result from the

two plates for the value of the displacement of the limb 1''.6 ±

0.3.... This result supports the figures obtained at Sobral....

I will pass now to a few words on the meaning of the result. It points

to the larger of the two possible values of the deflection. The

simplest interpretation of the bending of the ray is to consider

it as an effect of the weight of light. We know that momentum is

carried along on the path of a beam of light. Gravity in acting

creates momentum in a direction different from that of the path of

the ray and so causes it to bend. For the half-effect we have to

assume that gravity obeys Newton's law; for the full effect which has

been obtained we must assume that gravity obeys the new law proposed

by Einstein. This is one of the most crucial tests between Newton's

law and the proposed new law. Einstein's law had already indicated a

perturbation, causing the orbit of Mercury to revolve. That confirms

it for relatively small velocities. Going to the limit, where the

speed is that of light, the perturbation is increased in such a way

as to double the curvature of the path, and this is now confirmed.

This effect may be taken as proving Einstein's law rather than his

theory. It is not affected by the failure to detect the displacement

of Fraunhofer lines on the sun. If this latter failure is confirmed

it will not affect Einstein's law of gravitation, but it will affect

the views on which the law was arrived at. The law is right, though

the fundamental ideas underlying it may yet be questioned....

One further point must be touched upon. Are we to attribute the

displacement to the gravitational field and not to the refracting

matter around the sun? The refractive index required to produce the

result at a distance of 15' from the sun would be that given by gases

at a pressure of 1/60 to 1/200 of an atmosphere. This is of too great

a density considering the depth through which the light would have

to pass.

Sir J. J. Thomson

President of the Royal Society

... If the results obtained had been only that light was affected by

gravitation, it would have been of the greatest importance. Newton,

did, in fact, suggest this very point in his "Optics," and his

suggestion would presumably have led to the half-value. But this result

is not an isolated one; it is part of a whole continent of scientific

ideas affecting the most fundamental concepts of physics.... This is

the most important result obtained in connection with the theory of

gravitation since Newton's day, and it is fitting that it should be

announced at a meeting of the society so closely connected with him.

The difference between the laws of gravitation of Einstein and Newton

come only in special cases. The real interest of Einstein's theory

lies not so much in his results as in the method by which he gets

them. If his theory is right, it makes us take an entirely new view

of gravitation. If it is sustained that Einstein's reasoning holds

good--and it has survived two very severe tests in connection with the

perihelion of mercury and the present eclipse--then it is the result

of one of the highest achievements of human thought. The weak point

in the theory is the great difficulty in expressing it. It would

seem that no one can understand the new law of gravitation without

a thorough knowledge of the theory of invariants and of the calculus

of variations.

One other point of physical interest arises from the discussion. Light

is deflected in passing near huge bodies of matter. This involves

alterations in the electric and magnetic field. This, again, implies

the existence of electric and magnetic forces outside matter--forces

at present unknown, though some idea of their nature may be got from

the results of this expedition.

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