Pontiac's plan of campaign--He commences active preparations--Council of
the Ottawas--Grand Council of the Northern tribes--Dream of the
Delaware--Maxims promulgated by Pontiac--Estimate of the number and
force of his allies--Commencement of the war--Surprisal of nine English
posts--Mode of surprisal--Artifice adopted at Michilimackinac, and
result--Reduction of Detroit undertaken by Pontiac in person--His
interview with the commandant--His plan discovered, and the surprise
prevented--Letter from Detroit.
The plan of operations adopted by Pontiac, for effecting the extinction of
the English power, evinces an extraordinary genius, as well as a courage
and energy of the highest order. This was a sudden and contemporaneous
attack upon all the British posts on the Lakes--at St. Joseph, Ouiatenon,
Green Bay, Michilimackinac, Detroit, the Maumee, and the Sandusky--and
also upon the forts at Niagara, Presque Isle, Le Boeuf, Verango and
Pittsburg. Most of the fortifications at these places were slight, being
rather commercial depots, than military establishments. Still, against the
Indians they were strong-holds; and the positions had been so judiciously
selected by the French, that to this day they command the great avenues of
communication to the world of woods and waters in the remote north and
west. It was manifest to Pontiac, familiar as he was with the geography of
this vast tract of country, and with the practical, if not technical
maxims of war, that the possession or the destruction of these
posts,--saying nothing of their garrisons,--would be emphatically
"shutting up the way." If the surprise could be simultaneous, so that
every English banner which waved upon a line of thousands of miles should
be prostrated at the same moment, the garrisons would be unable to
exchange assistance, while, on the other hand, the failure of one Indian
detachment would have no effect to discourage another. Certainly, some
might succeed. Probably, the war might begin and be terminated with the
same single blow; and then Pontiac would again be the Lord and King of the
broad land of his ancestors.
The measures taken in pursuance of these calculations, were worthy of the
magnificent scheme. The chieftain felt confident that _success_ would
multiply friends and allies to his cause. But he knew equally well, that
friends and allies to his cause were as necessary to obtain success. Some
preliminary principles must be set forth, to show what his cause was; and
however plausible it might appear in theory, exertions must also be made
to give assurance of its feasibility in practice. A belligerent
combination of some kind must be formed in the outset; and the more
extensive, the better.
Pontiac commenced operations with his own tribe; the Ottawas being, for
several reasons, peculiarly under his control, at the same time that their
influence over other tribes was hardly inferior to his own influence over
themselves. Some of these tribes had fought with them against the English,
not many years before; and the connection between them was so apparent in
the time of Major Rogers, that he considered them as "formed into a sort
of empire." He expressly states, also, that the Emperor, as he supposed
Pontiac then to be, was "elected from the eldest tribe--which is the
Ottawawas, some of whom inhabit near our fort at Detroit, but are mostly
further westward, towards the Mississippi." He might well add, that
Pontiac "had the largest empire and greatest authority of any Indian chief
that has appeared on the continent since our acquaintance with it." [FN]
The truth probably was, that the tribes here described as confederates,
were most of them related to each other by descent, more or less remotely.
Some were intimately associated. All would be rather disposed to act
together in any great project, as they already had done, (and as most of
them have since, during the American Revolution, and during the last war
with Great Britain.) Still such was and is the nature of Indian
government, that it was necessary for Pontiac to obtain the separate
concurrence and confidence of each. To gain over the Ottawas first, was
not to strengthen his authority, indeed, but it was adding much to his
influence.
* * * * *
[FN] Roger's Account, p. 240.
The Ottawas, then, were called together, and the plan was disclosed,
explained and enforced, with all the eloquence and cunning which Pontiac
could bring to his task. He appealed to the fears, the hopes, the
ambition, the cupidity of his hearers--their regard for the common
interest of the race, their hatred of the English, and their gratitude and
love for the French. We are told by a modern historian, that some of the
Ottawas had been disgraced by blows. [FN] Such a suggestion, whether well
rounded or not, might probably be made, and would of course have its
effect. So would the display of a _belt,_ which the chieftain exhibited,
and which he professed to have received from the King of France, urging
him to drive the British from the country, and to open the paths for the
return of the French.
* * * * *
[FN] Discourse of Governor Cass.
These topics having been skilfully managed, and the Ottawas warmly engaged
in the cause, a grand council of the neighbouring tribes was convened at
the river Aux Ecorces. Here Pontiac again exerted his talents with
distinguished effect. With a profound knowledge of the Indian character,
and especially aware of the great power of superstition upon their minds,
he related, among other things, a dream, in which the Great Spirit, (the
orator said,) had secretly disclosed to a Delaware Indian the conduct he
expected his red children to pursue. Minute instructions had been
graciously given, suitable to the existing crisis in their fortunes, and
remarkably coincident, it will be observed, with the principles and
projects of the chieftain himself. They were to abstain from the use of
ardent spirits. They were also to abandon the use of all English
manufactures, and to resume their bows and arrows, and the skins of the
animals for clothing. It is needless to eulogize the sagacity which
dictated both these proposals: "and why," the orator concluded, "why, said
the Great Spirit indignantly to the Delaware,--do you suffer these dogs in
red clothing to enter your country, and take the land I have given you?
Drive them from it!--Drive them!--When you are in distress I will help
you!" [FN]
* * * * *
[FN] Discourse of Governor Cass.
It is not difficult to imagine the effect which this artful appeal to
prejudice and passion might have on the inflammable temperaments of a
multitude of credulous and excited savages. The name of Pontiac alone was
a host; but the Great Spirit was for them,--it was impossible to fail. A
plan of campaign was conceited on the spot, and belts and speeches were
sent to secure the co-operation of the Indians along the whole line of the
frontier.
Neither the precise number nor power of those who actually joined the
combination can now be determined. The Ottawas, the Chippewas, and the
Pottawatamies were among the most active. The two former of these had sent
six hundred warriors in one body to the defence of Fort Du Quesne. The
Ottawas of L'Arbre Croche, alone, mustered two hundred and fifty fighting
men. The Miamies were engaged. [FN] So were the Sacs, the Ottagamies (or
Foxes,) the Menominies, the Wyandots, the Mississagas, the Shawanees; and,
what was still more to the purpose, a large number of the Pennsylvania and
Ohio Delawares, and of the Six Nations of New York. The alliance of the
two last-named parties,--in itself the result of a master-piece of policy,
was necessary to complete that vast system of attack which comprehended
all the British positions from Niagara to Green Bay and the Potomac.
* * * * *
[FN] Ibid.
The plan was at length thoroughly matured. The work of extirpation
commenced on or about the same day, from north to south, and from east to
west. Nine of the British forts were captured. Some of the garrisons were
completely surprised, and massacred on the spot; a few individuals, in
other cases, escaped. The officer who commanded at Presque Isle, defended
himself two days, during which time, the savages are said to have fired
his block-house about fifty times, but the soldiers extinguished the
flames as often. It was then undermined, and a train was laid for an
explosion, when a capitulation was proposed and agreed upon, under which a
part of the garrison was carried captive to the north-west. The officer
was afterwards given up at Detroit.
A great number of English traders were taken, on their way, from all
quarters of the country, to the different forts; and their goods, as well
those of the residents at such places, and the stores at the depots
themselves, of course became prize to the conquerors. Pittsburgh, with the
smaller forts, Ligonier, Bedford, and others in that neighbourhood, were
closely beset, but successfully defended, until the arrival of large
reinforcements. The savages made amends for these failures by a series of
the most horrible devastations in detail, particularly in New York,
Pennsylvania, and even in Northern Virginia, which have ever been
committed upon the continent.
In case of most, if not all of the nine surprisals first mentioned, quite
as much was effected by stratagem as by force, and that apparently by a
preconcerted system which indicates the far-seeing superintendence of
Pontiac himself. Generally, the commanders were secured in the first
instance, by parties admitted within the forts under the pretence of
business or friendship. At Maumee, or the Miamies, (as the station among
that tribe was commonly designated,) the officer was betrayed by a squaw,
who by piteous entreaties persuaded him to go out with her some two
hundred yards, to the succor, as she said, of a wounded man who was dying;
the Indians waylaid and shot him.
A more subtle policy was adopted at Michilimackinac, and surer means were
taken to effect it. That fort, standing on the south side of the strait,
between Lakes Huron and Michigan, was one of the most important positions
on the frontier. It was the place of deposit, and the point of departure,
between the upper and lower countries; the traders always assembling
there, on their voyages to and from Montreal. Connected with it, was an
area of two acres, enclosed with cedar-wood pickets, and extending on one
side so near to the water's edge, that a western wind always drove the
waves against the foot of the stockade. There were about thirty houses
within the limits, inhabited by about the same number of families. The
only ordnance on the bastions were two small brass pieces. The garrison
numbered between ninety and one hundred.
The capture of this indispensable station was entrusted to the Chippewas,
assisted by the Sacs, and those two tribes in concert adopted the
following plan. The _King's birth-day_ having arrived, a game of
_baggatiway_ was proposed by the Indians. This is played with a bat and
ball; the former being about four feet long, curved, and terminating in a
sort of racket. Two posts are placed in the ground, at the distance of
half a mile or a mile from each other. Each party has its post, and the
game consists in throwing up to the adversary's post the ball which at the
beginning is placed in the middle of the course.
The policy of this expedient for surprising the garrison will clearly
appear, when it is understood, that the game is necessarily attended with
much violence and noise; that, in the ardor of contest the ball, if it
cannot be thrown to the goal desired, is struck in any direction by which
it can be diverted from that desired by the adversary; that, at such a
moment, nothing could be less likely to excite premature alarm among the
spectators of the amusement, than that the ball should be tossed over the
pickets of the fort; or that having fallen there, it should be instantly
followed by all engaged in the game,--struggling and shouting, in the
unrestrained pursuit of a rude athletic exercise.
Such was precisely the artifice employed; and to be still more sure of
success, the Indians had persuaded as many as they could of the garrison
and settlers, to come voluntarily without the pickets, for the purpose of
witnessing the game, which was said to be played for a high wager. Not
fewer than four hundred were engaged on both sides, and consequently,
possession of the fort being once gained, the situation of the English
must be desperate indeed. The particulars of the sequel of this horrid
transaction, furnished by Henry, are too interesting to be wholly omitted.
The match commenced with great animation, without the fort, Henry,
however, did not go to witness it, being engaged in writing letters to his
Montreal friends, by a canoe which was just upon the eve of departure. He
had been thus occupied something like half an hour, when he suddenly heard
a loud Indian war-cry, and a noise of general confusion. Going instantly
to his window, he saw a crowd of Indians within the fort, furiously
cutting down and scalping every Englishman they found; and he could
plainly witness the last struggles of some of his particular
acquaintances.
He had, in the room where he was, a fowling-piece loaded with swan-shot.
This he immediately seized, and held it for a few minutes, expecting to
hear the fort-drum beat to arms. In this dreadful interval, he saw several
of his countrymen fall; and more than one struggling between the knees of
the savages, who, holding them in this manner, scalped them while yet
alive. At length, disappointed in the hope of seeing any resistance made
on the part of the garrison, and sensible, of course, that no effort of
his single arm could avail against four hundred Indians, he turned his
attention to his own safety. Seeing several of the Canadian villagers
looking out composedly upon the scene of blood--neither opposing the
Indians nor molested by them--he conceived a hope of finding security in
one of their houses.
He immediately climbed over a low fence, which was the only separation
between the yard-door of his house, and that of his next neighbour,
Monsieur Langlade. He entered the house of the latter precipitately, and
found the whole family gazing at the horrible spectacle before them. He
addressed himself to M. Langlade, and begged that he would put him in some
place of safety, until the heat of the affair should be over--an act of
charity which might preserve him from the general massacre. Langlade
looked for a moment at him while he spoke, and then turned again to the
window, shrugging his shoulders, and intimating that he could do nothing
for him--"_Que voudriez-vous que J'en ferais?_"
Henry was now ready to despair; but at this moment, a Pani woman, [FN] a
slave of M. Langlade, beckoned to him to follow her. She guided him to a
door, which she opened, desiring him to enter, and telling him that it led
to the garret, where he must go and conceal himself. He joyfully obeyed
her directions; and she, having followed him up to the garret-door, locked
it after him, and with great presence of mind took away the key. Scarcely
yet lodged in this shelter, such as it was, Henry felt an eager anxiety to
know what was passing without. His desire was more than satisfied by his
finding an aperture in the loose board wails of the house, which afforded
him a full view of the area of the fort. Here he beheld with horror, in
shapes the foulest and most terrible, the ferocious triumphs of the
savages. The dead were scalped and mangled; the dying were writhing and
shrieking under the unsatiated knife and the reeking tomahawk; and from
the bodies of some, ripped open, their butchers were drinking the blood
scooped up in the hollow of joined hands, and quaffed amid shouts of rage
and victory. In a few minutes, which to Henry seemed scarcely one, every
victim who could be found being destroyed, there was a general cry of,
"all is finished"--and at this moment Henry heard some of the savages
enter Langlade's house. He trembled and grew faint with fear.
* * * * *
[FN] Said to belong to an Indian nation of the South--no doubt the same
now generally called Pawnees.
As the flooring of his room and the ceiling of the room beneath consisted
only of a layer of boards, he noticed every thing that passed; and he
heard the Indians inquire, at their entrance, whether there was any
Englishman about M. Langlade replied, that "He could not say---he did not
know of any"--as in fact he did not--"they could search for themselves (he
added) and would soon be satisfied." The state of Henry's mind may be
imagined, when, immediately upon this reply, the Indians were brought to
the garret door. Luckily some delay was occasioned--through the management
of the Pani woman--perhaps by the absence of the key. Henry had sufficient
presence of mind to improve these few moments in looking for a hiding
place. This he found in the corner of the garret, among a heap of such
birch bark vessels as are used in making maple-sugar; and he had not
completely concealed himself when the door opened, and four Indians
entered, all armed with tomahawks, and all besmeared with blood from head
to foot.
The die appeared to be cast. Henry could scarcely breathe, and he thought
that the throbbing of his heart occasioned a noise loud enough to betray
him. The Indians walked about the garret in every direction; and one of
them approached him so closely that, at a particular moment, had he put
forth his hand, he must have touched him. Favored, however, by the dark
colour of his clothes, and the want of light in a room which had no
window, he still remained unseen. The Indians took several turns about the
room--entertaining M. Langlade all the while with a minute account of the
proceedings of the day---and at last returned down stairs.
Such is the traveler's account of the fall of Michilimackinac. The fate of
Detroit remains to be told, a more important position than even
Michilimackinac. An immense quantity of valuable goods,--one account says,
to the amount of five hundred thousand pounds,--was known to be there
stored. What was of more moment, its capture would release the French
inhabitants of the Strait from their temporary allegiance to the English,
and would consequently unite the hitherto separate lines of operation
pursued by the Indian tribes above and below. Under these circumstances,
its reduction was in person undertaken by Pontiac.
The town is supposed at this period to have been enclosed by a single row
of pickets, forming nearly four sides of a square; there being
block-houses at the corners and over the gates. An open space intervened
between the houses and the pickets, which formed a place of arms and
encircled the village. The fortifications did not extend to the river, but
a gate opened in the direction of the stream, and not far from it, where,
at the date in question, two armed vessels, fortunately for the
inhabitants, happened to lie at anchor. The ordnance of the fort consisted
of two six-pounders, one three-pounder, and three mortars; all of an
indifferent quality. The garrison numbered one hundred and thirty,
including officers, besides whom there were in the village something like
forty individuals who were habitually engaged in the fur-trade. The
inadequate proportion of this force, even to the size of the place, may be
inferred from the fact, that the stockade which formed its periphery was
more than one thousand feet long.
Such was the situation of Detroit, when the Ottawa chieftain, having
completed his arrangements, on the 8th of May presented himself at the
gates of the town, with a force of about three hundred Indians, chiefly
Ottawas and Chippewas, and requested a council with Major Gladwyn, the
Commandant. He expected, under this pretext, to gain admission for himself
and a considerable number of attendants, who accordingly were provided
with rifles, sawed off so short as to be concealed under their blankets.
At a given signal,--which was to be the presentation of a wampum-belt in a
particular manner by Pontiac to the Commandant, during the
conference,---the armed Indians were to massacre all the officers; and
then, opening the gates, to admit a much larger body of warriors, who
should be waiting without, for the completion of the slaughter and the
destruction of the fort.
Fortunately, Major Gladwyn obtained a knowledge of the scheme, before an
opportunity occurred for its execution. One of the French residents in the
vicinity, returning home on the morning of the day last mentioned, is said
to have met Pontiac and his party upon Bloody Bridge. This place, which
still retains its name, is between one and two miles from the village. The
last warrior in the file, being a particular friend of the white man,
threw aside his blanket, and significantly exhibited the shortened rifle
beneath. Whether his disclosure was communicated to Major Gladwyn, cannot
be determined.
Carver states,--and his account is substantially confirmed by tradition,
as well as by other authorities,--that an Indian woman betrayed the
secret. She had been employed by the Commandant to make him a pair of
moccasins out of elk-skin; and having completed them, she brought them
into the fort, on the evening of the day when Pontiac made his appearance,
and his application for a council. The Major was pleased with them,
directed her to convert the residue of the skin into articles of the same
description, and having made a generous payment, dismissed her. She went
to the outer door, but there stopped, and for some time loitered about as
if her errand was still unperformed. A servant asked her what she wanted,
but she made no answer.--The Major himself observed her, and ordered her
to be called in, when, after some hesitation, she replied to his
enquiries, that as he had always treated her kindly, she did not like to
take away the elk-skin, which he valued so highly;--she could _never bring
it back._ The Commandants curiosity was of course excited, and he pressed
the examination, until the woman at length disclosed every thing which had
come to her knowledge.
Her information was not received with implicit credulity, but the Major
thought it prudent to employ the night in taking active measures for
defence. His arms and ammunition were examined and arranged; and the
traders and their dependents, as well as the garrison, were directed to be
ready for instant service. A guard kept watch on the ramparts during the
night, it being apprehended that the Indians might anticipate the
preparations now known to have been made for the next day. Nothing,
however, was heard after dark, except the sound of singing and dancing,
in the Indian camp, which they always indulge in upon the eve of any great
enterprise. The particulars of the council of the next day, we shall
furnish on the authority of a writer already cited.
In the morning, Pontiac and his warriors sang their war-song, danced their
war-dance, and repaired to the fort. They were admitted without
hesitation, and were conducted to the council house, where Major Gladwyn
and his officers were prepared to receive them. They perceived at the
gate, and as they passed through the streets, an unusual activity and
movement among the troops. The garrison was under arms, the guards were
doubled, and the officers were armed with swords and pistols. Pontiac
enquired of the British commander, what was the cause of this unusual
appearance. He was answered, that it was proper to keep the young men to
their duty, lest they should become idle and ignorant. The business of the
council then commenced, and Pontiac proceeded to address Major Gladwyn.
His speech was bold and menacing, and his manner and gesticulations
vehement, and they became still more so, as he approached the critical
moment. When he was upon the point of presenting the belt to Major
Gladwyn, and all was breathless expectation, the drums at the door of the
council house, suddenly rolled the charge, the guards leveled their
pieces, and the British officers drew their swords from their scabbards.
Pontiac was a brave man, constitutionally and habitually. He had fought in
many a battle, and often led his warriors to victory. But this unexpected
and decisive proof, that his treachery was discovered and prevented,
entirely disconcerted him. Tradition says he trembled. At all events, he
delivered his belt in the usual manner, and thus failed to give his party
the concerted signal of attack. Major Gladwyn immediately approached the
chief, and drawing aside his blanket, discovered the shortened rifle, and
then, after stating his knowledge of the plan, and reproaching him for his
treachery, ordered him from the fort. The Indians immediately retired, and
as soon as they had passed the gate, they gave the yell, and fired upon
the garrison. They then proceeded to the commons, where was lying an aged
English woman with her two sons. These they murdered, and afterwards
repaired to Hog Island, where a discharged Serjeant resided with his
family, who were all but one immediately massacred. Thus was the war
commenced. [FN]
* * * * *
[FN] Discourse of Gov. Cass.
As to leading facts, this account is without doubt correct. Perhaps it is
in all the minutiae. We have however seen a somewhat different version,
which, as the affair is one of great interest, we shall here annex without
comment. It was originally furnished in a letter from a gentleman residing
in Detroit at the time of the attack, addressed to a friend in New-York,
and dated July 9, 1763. It may be seen in the most respectable papers of
that period, and is believed to be unquestionably authentic. As to many
circumstances the writer's statement agrees with that just given, although
the conference (perhaps another one) is said to nave taken place on the
7th of the month. The sequel is thus:
At the close of the interview, the Indians returned disconcerted, and
encamped on the farther side of the river. Pontiac was reproached by some
of the young warriors for not having given the signal (the appearance of
the garrison having surprised him.) He told them, that he did not suppose
they were willing to lose any of their men, as they must have done in that
case; if they were, he would still give them an opportunity, whether the
garrison should be under arms or not. All were satisfied with this
proposition--"in consequence of which,"--proceeds our
informant,--"Pondiac, with some others of the chiefs, came the next day,
being Sunday, to smoak the Pipe of Peace with the Major, who despised them
so much in consequence of their treachery, that he would not go nigh them,
but told Captain Campbell [FN] if _he_ had a mind he might speak with
them. The Captain went, and smoaked with them, when Pondiac told him he
would come the next day and hold a conference with the Major, and _to wipe
away all cause of suspicion he would bring ail his old and young men,_ to
take him by the hand in a friendly manner."
* * * * *
[FN] The immediate predecessor of Gladwyn in the command of the post.
This certainly looks much like a genuine Indian artifice. The writer then
says, that "after repeating several pieces of such stuff, he withdrew with
his gang to his camp." The next morning, (Monday, the 9th,) as many as
sixty-four canoes were discovered, all or them full of Indians, crossing
the river above the fort. A few of them came to the gates and demanded
permission for the whole company to be admitted "for a council." The
Commandant refused this request, but expressed his willingness that some
forty or fifty should come in, that being quite as many as was usual in
such cases. The messengers returned to their comrades, who were lying and
standing all around the fort, at the distance of two hundred yards. A
consultation now took place, and then, we are told, "they all got up and
fled off yelping like so many Devils.--They instantly fell upon Mrs.
Turnbell, (an English woman to whom Major Gladwyn had given a small
Plantation, about a Mile from the Fort,) and murdered and scalped her and
her two sons; from thence they went to Hogs Island, about a league up the
River from the Fort, and there murdered James Fisher and his wife, also
four Soldiers who were with them, and carried off his Children and Servant
Maid prisoners; the same evening, being the 9th, had an account, by a
Frenchman, of the defeat of Sir Robert Davers and, Capt. Robertson." The
sequel of the war, and of the history of Pontiac, will form the subject of
our next chapter.