Account of the Ottawas--Their first Chief-Sachem known to the English,
Pontiac--His interview with Major Rogers--Protects that officer and his
troops--Saves Detroit from an army of Indians--Hostility of the northern
tribes to the English, after the conquest of Canada--Adventures of
Henry--Anecdotes of Minavavana--Supposed feelings of Pontiac towards the
English--His great project of combination.
Having arrived regularly, according to the order observed in this work, at
the commencement of the eighteenth century, we shall now turn our
attention to a section of the continent hitherto mostly unnoticed, but
which at that period began to be the theatre of important events, and to
be illustrated by at least one character comparable to any in the whole
compass of Indian annals. We refer to the vicinity of the Northern Lakes,
to the numerous and powerful tribes resident in that region, and
particularly to Pontiac.
It has been stated by respectable authority, that this celebrated
individual was a member of the tribe of Sacs, or Saukies; but there
appears to us no sufficient reason for disputing the almost universal
opinion which makes him an Ottawa. That tribe, when the commerce of the
early French colonists of Canada first began to extend itself to the Upper
Lakes, was found in their vicinity, in connection with two others, the
Chippewas and the Pottawatamies. All three are supposed to have been
originally a scion of the Algonquin stock,--_that_ being the general name
of the nation, which, in Champlain's time, was settled along the north
banks of the St. Lawrence, between Quebec and Lake St. Peters. According
to their own traditions, preserved to this day, the three tribes (as they
afterwards became,) in their flight or emigration, went together from the
East, as far as Lake Huron. A separation afterwards took place, the result
of which was, that the Ottawas, being most inclined to agriculture,
remained near what has since been Michilimackinac, while their companions
preferred venturing to still more distant regions of the North and West.
Detroit was founded by the French in July, 1701, and from that time the
Ottawas began to give frequent manifestations of a spirit which finally
made them, respectively, an ally or an enemy of the first importance to
the different civilized parties with whom they held intercourse. Only
three years after the French settled in their vicinity, several of their
chiefs were induced to visit the English at Albany. The almost inevitable
consequence of the interview was, that they returned home with a firm
persuasion that the French intended to subdue them. They attempted to fire
the town, therefore, in one instance; and about the same time, a
war-party, on their return from a successful expedition against the
Iroquois,--whom they were bold enough to attack in their own
country,--paraded in front of the Detroit fortress, and offered battle.
After some hard fighting, they were defeated and driven off.
But the French have always effected more among the Indians in peace than
in war, and thus it was with the Ottawas; for, from the date of the
skirmish just mentioned, they were almost uniformly among the best friends
and even protectors of the colony. "When the French arrived at these
falls," said a Chippewa Chief at a Council held but a few years since,
"they came and kissed us. They called us children, and we found them
fathers. We lived like brethren in the same lodge," &c. [FN] Such was the
impression made also upon the Ottawas; and we accordingly find them, in
conjunction with the Chippewas, aiding the French on all occasions, until
the latter surrendered the jurisdiction of the Canadas to the English.
Several hundred of their warriors distinguished themselves at the
disastrous defeat of Braddock.
* * * * *
[FN] See a Discourse delivered before the Michigan Historical Society, in
1830, by Mr. Schoolcraft. We also acknowledge our obligations, in
preparing our notice of Pontiac, to Governor Cass's Discourse of the year
previous, before the same body.
Pontiac was probably at the head of this force. Several years before, he
was known as a warrior of high standing and great success; and as early as
1746, he commanded a powerful body of Indians, mostly Ottawas, who
gallantly defended the people of Detroit against the formidable attack of
a number of combined Northern tribes. But a far more important trial, both
of his principles and his talents, was yet to come, in the transfer of
power from the French to the English, which took place at the termination
of the long war between those nations, ending with the peace of 1761. The
stations upon the Lakes were given up in 1760. The first detachment of
British troops which ever penetrated into that region, was sent, during
this year, for the purpose of taking formal possession. That force was
commanded by Major Rogers, and from the "Concise Account of North
America," written by him, [FN] we obtain our knowledge of the earliest
interview between Pontiac and the English. It is allowed to have the merit
of authenticity; and although not so definite as might be desired, it
furnishes a variety of characteristic and singular facts.
* * * * *
[FN] Published in London: 1765. We have a "Journal" of the same
expedition, from the same pen.
Major Rogers says, that "on the way,"--meaning generally the route from
Montreal to Detroit,--he was met by an embassy from Pontiac, consisting of
some of his own warriors, together with several chiefs belonging to
subordinate tribes. The object was, to inform him that Pontiac, in person,
proposed to visit him; that he was then not far distant, coming peaceably;
and that he desired the Major to halt his detachment, "till such time as
he could see him with his own eyes." The Deputies were also directed to
represent their master as the King and Lord of the country which the
English had now entered.
The Major drew up his troops as requested, and before long the Ottawa
Chieftain made his appearance. He wore, we are told, an air of majesty and
princely grandeur. After the first salutation, he sternly demanded of the
Englishman his business in _his_ territory, and how he had dared to
venture upon it without his permission. Rogers was too prudent and too
intelligent to take offence at this style of reception. Nor did he
undertake to argue any question of actual or abstract right. He said that
he had no design _against_ the Indians, but, on the contrary, wished to
remove from their country a nation who had been an obstacle to mutual
friendship and commerce between them and the English. He also made known
his commission to this effect, and concluded with a present of several
belts of wampum. Pontiac received them with the single observation,--"I
shall stand in the path you are walking till morning,"--and gave, at the
same time, a small string of wampum. This, writes the Major, was as much
as to say, "I must not march farther without his leave."
Such, undoubtedly, was the safest construction; and the sequel shows that
Pontiac considered it the most civil. On departing for the night, he asked
Rogers whether he wanted any thing which his country afforded; if so, his
warriors should bring it for him. The reply was discreet as the offer was
generous,--that whatever provisions might be brought in, should be well
paid for. Probably they were; but the English were at all events supplied,
the next morning, with several bags of parched corn and other necessaries.
Pontiac himself, at the second meeting, offered the pipe of peace, and he
and the English officer smoked it by turns. He declared that he thereby
made peace with the Englishman and his troops; and that they should pass
through his dominions, not only unmolested by his subjects, but protected
by them from all other parties who might incline to be hostile.
These were no idle promises. Pontiac remained in company with his new
friend constantly after the first interview, until he arrived at Detroit.
He employed one hundred of his warriors to protect and assist a corps of
soldiers, in driving a large number of fat cattle which had been sent on
for the use of the troops, from Pittsburgh, by the way of Presque Isle. He
also despatched messengers to the several Indian towns on the south side
and west end of Lake Erie, to inform them that Rogers had his consent to
march through the country. Under such auspices, the Major might reasonably
have felt himself safe, after reaching his destination. But the chieftain
understood his situation better than himself. He kept near him so long as
he remained at Detroit; and Rogers acknowledges that he was once at least
"the means of preserving the detachment" from the fury of a body of
Indians, who had assembled with sinister purposes at the mouth of the
Strait.
This incident leads us to remark, that almost all the tribes on the
Northern waters who had associated and traded with the French during the
term of their jurisdiction,--and but few of them there were who had
not,--sincerely lamented the change which had occurred in public affairs.
They were very generally prejudiced against the new comers, as they were
attached to the old residents. Perhaps the latter, individually, if not
otherwise, fomented the spirit of discontent. But, however this might be,
there were reasons enough in the ancient relations maintained between the
French and the Indians, independently of argument or comment, why such a
spirit should manifest itself under the circumstances we have mentioned.
The fact itself is indisputable. It is proved by facts, subsequent and
consequent. It is also proved by many, respectable authorities, only one
of which will be here referred to, for the sake of illustration.
Mr. Henry, the well known author of "Travels and Adventures in Canada and
the Indian Territories, between the years 1760 and 1766," speaks of an
affair in point, which happened at the little island of La Cloche, [FN]
in Lake Huron, on his voyage, in the spring of 1761, from Montreal to
Michilimackinac. He found a large village of Indians at this place, who
treated him in the kindest manner, until "_discovering that he was an
Englishman,_" they told his men that the Michilimackinac Indians would
certainly kill him, and that _they_ might therefore as well anticipate
their own share of the pillage. On this principle they demanded a part of
his stores, and he deemed it prudent to make no resistance. He observes,
afterwards, that his mind was "oppressed" with the repeated warnings he
received of sure destruction where he was going. Again,--"the hostility of
the Indians was exclusively against the English;" and this circumstance
suggested to Henry a prospect of security in assuming a Canadian disguise,
which fortunately enabled him to complete his expedition.
* * * * *
[FN] So named by the French, from a rock on the island which, being
struck, rings like a bell.
But the difficulty did not cease here. He was now in the neighborhood of
Pontiac, and among the tribes subject to his influence. What manner of men
they were, and how for the master-spirit may be supposed to, have filled
them with the fire of his own soul, will appear from a speech of one of
the Chippewa Chiefs, Minavavana, who, with a band of his own tribe,
visited the newly arrived trader at his house in Michilimackinac. The
courage and the eloquence of this man, blended as they are with the
highest degree of savage chivalry, almost make us suspect his identity
with the Ottawa Chieftain himself. The name is by no means conclusive
against such a conjecture, for it would be an extraordinary fact in Indian
History, if so distinguished a man as Pontiac were known only by one
appellation, and especially when he associated with a large number of
tribes, speaking as many different languages.
Henry describes his hero as a person of remarkable appearance, of
commanding stature, and with a singularly fine countenance. He entered the
room where the traveler was anxiously awaiting the result of his visit,
followed by sixty warriors, dressed and decorated in the most formal and
imposing fashion of war. Not a word was spoken as they came in, one by
one, seated themselves on the floor at a signal from the Chief, and began
composedly smoking their pipes. Minavavana, meanwhile, looking steadfastly
at Henry, made various enquiries of his head-boatman, a Canadian. He then
coolly observed, that "the English were brave men, and not afraid of
death, since they dared to come thus fearlessly among their enemies. A
solemn pause now ensued for some time, until the Indians having finished
their pipes, the Chieftain took a few wampum-strings in his hand, and
commenced the following harangue:
"Englishman!--It is to you that I speak, and I demand your attention!
"Englishman!--You know that the French King is our father. He promised to
be such; and we, in return, promised to be his children. This promise we
have kept.
"Englishman!--It is you that have made war with this our father. You are
his enemy; and how then could you have the boldness to venture among us,
his children? You know that his enemies are ours.
"Englishman!--We are informed that our father, the king of France, is old
and infirm; and that being fatigued with making war upon your nation, he
is fallen asleep. During his sleep, you have taken advantage of him, and
possessed yourselves of Canada. But his nap is almost at an end. I think I
hear him already stirring, and inquiring for his children the
Indians;--and, when he does awake, what must become of you? He will
destroy you utterly!
"Englishman!--Although you have conquered the French, you have not yet
conquered us! We are not your slaves. These lakes, these woods and
mountains, were left to us by our ancestors. They are our inheritance, and
we will part with them to none. Your nation supposes that we, like the
white people, cannot live without bread, and pork, and beef! But, you
ought to know, that He,--the Great Spirit and Master of Life,--has
provided food for us, in these broad lakes, and upon these mountains.
"Englishman!---Our father, the king of France, employed our young men to
make war upon your nation. In this warfare, many of them have been killed;
and it is our custom to retaliate, until such time as the spirits of the
slain are satisfied. Now the spirits of the slain are to be satisfied in
either of two ways. The first is by the spilling of the blood of the
nation by which they fell; the other, by _covering the bodies of the
dead,_ and thus allaying the resentment of their relations. This is done
by making presents.
"Englishman!--Your king has never sent us any presents, nor entered into
any treaty with us. Wherefore he and we are still at war; and, until he
does these things, we must consider that we have no other father, nor
friend, among the white men, than the king of France. But, for you, we
have taken into consideration, that you have ventured your life among us,
in the expectation that we should not molest you. You do not come armed,
with an intention to make war. You come in peace, to trade with us, and
supply us with necessaries, of which we are much in want. We shall regard
you, therefore, as a brother; and you may sleep tranquilly, without fear
of the Chippewas. As a token of our friendship, we present you with this
pipe, to smoke."
The interview terminated in a manner which reminds us of Pontiac's meeting
with Rogers. Minavavana gave the Englishman his hand--his companions
followed his example--the pipe went round in due order--and, after being
politely entertained, all quietly departed. If this was not the Ottawa
himself; he was certainly a kindred spirit; and if the former exercised
authority over many such characters,--as he probably did,--it is not
difficult to account far the confidence which dictated the design, or for
the measure of success which attended the prosecution of one of the
mightiest projects ever conceived in the brain of an American savage.
This project was a combination of all the tribes on and about the Northern
waters, perhaps partially with an ultimate view to the restoration of the
French Government, but directly and distinctly to the complete extirpation
of the English.
It has been observed by a writer who has done signal justice to the genius
of Pontiac, "that we are nowhere told the causes of disaffection which
_separated him from the British interest._" [FN-1] There is an allusion
here to the information furnished by Rogers, who indeed states that
Pontiac "often intimated to him that he should be content to reign in his
country, in subordination to the king of Great Britain, and was willing
_to pay him such annual acknowledgment as he was able, in furs, and to
call him his Uncle._" [FN-2] But, without in the least disparaging the
honesty of Rogers, we are inclined to dispute the propriety of what we
suppose to have been rather his own inference than the Chieftain's
declaration. A disregard to niceties of expression, on the part of both
speaker and hearer, was no uncommon thing at interviews of this kind,--one
party being always eager, and both frequently ignorant enough, had they
even tolerable means of communicating together in language at all.
* * * * *
[FN-1] Discourse of Governor Cass.
[FN-2] Rogers' Accounts, 242; London Edition.
The context confirms this opinion. It appears singular, at first glance,
that Pontiac should propose calling the British king his _Uncle._ An
appellation, indeed,--as the Iroquois orators told the English at
Albany,--"signified nothing," in itself; and yet, as referring to the term
_Father,_ applied by Minavavana and the Northern Indians generally, to his
Christian Majesty, it did signify, at least, that Pontiac meant to pay a
slighter deference to the British king than to the French. No _allegiance_
was acknowledged to either. As Minavavana said, "the Indians had no
_Father_ among the white men"--passing that courtesy for what is was
worth--"but the king of France." That, however, did not prevent them from
owning and claiming their own woods and mountains. It did not entitle the
French king to command the services, instead of "employing" the assistance
of their young men. It did not blind them to the fact, that although the
English had conquered the French, they had not conquered _them._ [FN-1] It
makes the matter still more dear, in regard to what was the understanding
of Pontiac, and what ought to have been that of Rogers, that, according to
his own statement, the Chieftain "assured him [on the same occasion when
the language last referred to is said to have been uttered.] that _he was
inclined to live peaceably with the English, while they used him as he
deserved, and to encourage their settling in his country, but intimated
that if they treated him with neglect, he should shut up the way, and
exclude them from it._" In short, concludes the same writer, "his whole
conversation sufficiently indicated that he was far from considering
himself a conquered Prince, and that he expected to be treated with the
respect and honor due to a King or Emperor, by all who came into his
country or treated with him." [FN-2]
* * * * *
[FN-1] Speech of of Minavavana.
[FN-2] Rogers' Account, p. 242.
On the whole, we have seen no evidence, and we know of no reason for
presuming, that he was ever any farther attached to "the British
interest," or rather any otherwise affected towards the idea of becoming
attached, than is indicated by the very independent declaration made as
above stated. In regard to the question why he never did become attached
to the British interest,--taking that for the correct representation of
the fact,--history is silent, as unfortunately it is in regard to most of
the remarkable occurrences on the frontiers which accompanied and followed
his enterprise. The conjectures of any one man, who has intelligently
investigated and reflected upon such history as there is, may be worth as
much as those of any other. It seems to be probable, however, that
although hostilities might have been prevented by a system of good
management on the part of the English, (in which their predecessors could
have given them a lesson,) they did not arise from any particular acts of
aggression.
Pontiac _reasoned_ as well as felt. He reasoned as Philip had done before
him, and as Tecumseh will be found to have done since. He had begun to
apprehend danger from this new government and people; danger to his own
dominion and to the Indian interest at large; danger from their
superiority in arms, their ambition, their eagerness in possessing
themselves of every military position on the Northern waters;--and we may
add also, their want of that ostensible cordiality towards the Indians,
personally, to which the latter had been so much accustomed and attached
in the golden days of the French, and which they were apt to regard as a
necessary indication of good faith as of good will. In the language of the
Chippewa orator, the French had lived in the same lodge with them. They
had sent them missionaries; and invited them to councils, and made them
presents, and talked and traded with them, and manifested an interest in
their affairs, [FN] always suspected by the Indians less, and yet always
effecting their own purposes better and farther, than any other people.
* * * * *
[FN] Discourse of Schoolcraft.
The English, on the other hand, if they committed no aggressions,--(the
expedition of Rogers was perhaps considered one; but _that_ Pontiac
forgave,)--yet manifested but a slight disposition for national courtesy,
or for individual intercourse, or for a beneficial commerce of any
description. In other words, they "neglected"--to use Pontiac's
phrase,--all those circumstances which made the neighborhood of the French
agreeable, and which might have made their own at least tolerable. The
conduct of the latter never gave rise to suspicion. _Theirs_ never gave
rest to it.
Thus, we suppose, the case might present itself to the mind of the Ottawa
Chieftain. And while such was the apparent disposition, or indifference to
any disposition in particular, of the English towards the Indians,--and
such the consequent liability, if not the reasonable prospect on the part
of the latter, if the former should occupy Canada,--Pontiac was not likely
to forget that they had conquered the French. He saw too that they were
rapidly and firmly establishing their new dominion, by movements which, at
all events, did not purport to promote the interest of the Indians. And he
knew, no doubt,---certainly he soon ascertained,--that whereas the French
of Canada and the Colonies of New-England had hitherto, by their action
upon each other, left the third party in a good measure disengaged,--the
new comers were themselves from Old England, if not New;--speaking the
same language (and that a strange one to the natives;) subject to the same
government; and ready at all times to be very conveniently supplied and
supported, to an indefinite extent, by those powerful Southern Colonies
which had long before destroyed or driven off the Indians from their own
borders.
So Pontiac reasoned; and he looked into futurity far enough to foresee
that ultimate fatal result to his race, which now was the only time, if
indeed there was yet time, to prevent. Immediate occasions of hostility
there might be besides; but these must be the subject of mere speculation.
Affections which do him honor, predisposed him to believe that the English
had done injustice to his old friends the French; and the French might
further endeavor to persuade him that they had also done injustice to
himself. But, it was certain, "they bad treated him with neglect." And
_therefore,_ following his own principle, as well as the impulse of
pride, he resolved to "shut up the way." How far he succeeded, and by what
means, will be our next subjects of consideration.