doctrine of Protagoras, in the words--Knowledge is sensible
perception. To sift this doctrine is announced as his main
purpose;[85] and we shall see how he performs the task.
_Sokr._--Shall we admit, that when we perceive things by sight or
hearing, we at the same time _know_ them all? When foreigners talk
to us in a strange language, are we to say that we do not hear what
they say, or that we both hear and know it? When unlettered men look
at an inscription, shall we contend that they do not see the writing,
or that they both see and know it? _Theætêt._--We shall say, under
these supposed circumstances, that what we see and hear, we also
know. We hear and we know the pitch and intonation of the
foreigner's voice. The unlettered man sees, and also knows, the
colour, size, forms, of the letters. But that which the
schoolmaster and the interpreter could tell us respecting their
meaning, _that_ we neither see, nor hear, nor know.
_Sokr._--Excellent, Theætêtus. I have nothing to say against your
answer.[86]
[Footnote 85: Plato, Theætêt. p. 163 A. [Greek: ei)s ga\r tou=to/
pou pa=s o( lo/gos ê(mi=n e)/teine, kai\ tou/tou cha/rin ta\
polla\ kai\ a)/topa tau=ta e)kinê/samen.]]
[Footnote 86: Plato, Theætêt. p. 163 C.]
This is an important question and answer, which Plato
unfortunately does not follow up. It brings to view, though
without fully unfolding, the distinction between what is really
perceived by sense, and what is inferred from such perception:
either through resemblance or through conjunctions of past
experience treasured up in memory--or both together. Without
having regard to such distinction, no one can discuss
satisfactorily the question under debate.[87] Plato here abandons,
moreover, the subjective variety of impression which he had before
noticed as the characteristic of sense:--(the wind which blows
cold, and the wine which tastes sweet, to one man, but not to
another). Here it is assumed that all men hear the sounds, and see
the written letters alike: the divergence between one man and
another arises from the different prior condition of percipient
minds, differing from each other in associative and reminiscent
power.
[Footnote 87: I borrow here a striking passage from Dugald
Stewart, which illustrates both the passage in Plato's text, and
the general question as to the relativity of Cognition. Here, the
fact of relative Cognition is brought out most conspicuously on
its intellectual side, not on its perceptive side. The fact of
sense is the same to all, and therefore, though really relative,
has more the look of an absolute; but the mental associations with
that fact are different with different persons, and therefore are
more obviously and palpably relative.--Dugald Stewart, First
Preliminary Dissertation to Encyclopæd. Britannica, pp. 66, 8th
ed.
"To this reference of the sensation of colour to the external
object, I can think of nothing so analogous as the feelings we
experience in surveying a library of books. We speak of the
volumes piled up on its shelves as _treasures_ or _magazines_ of
the knowledge of past ages; and contemplate them with gratitude
and reverence as inexhaustible _sources_ of instruction and
delight to the mind. Even in looking at a page of print or
manuscript, we are apt to say that the ideas we acquire are
received by the sense of sight; and we are scarcely conscious of a
metaphor when we apply this language. On such occasions we seldom
recollect that nothing is perceived by the eye but a multitude of
_black strokes drawn upon white paper_, and that it is our own
acquired habits which communicate to these _strokes_ the whole of
that significancy whereby they are distinguished from the
unmeaning scrawling of an infant. The knowledge which we conceive
to be preserved in books, like the fragrance of a rose, or the
gilding of the clouds, depends, for its existence, on the
_relation_ between the object and the percipient mind: and the
only difference between the two cases is, that, in the one, this
relation is the local and temporary effect of conventional habits:
in the other, it is the universal and the unchangeable work of
nature. . . What has now been remarked with respect to _written
characters_, may be extended very nearly to _oral language_. When
we listen to the discourse of a public speaker, eloquence and
persuasion seem to issue from his lips; and we are little aware
that we ourselves infuse the soul into every word that he utters.
The case is exactly the same when we enjoy the conversation of a
friend. We ascribe the charm entirely to his voice and accents;
but without our co-operation, its potency would vanish. How very
small the comparative proportion is, which in such cases the words
spoken contribute to the intellectual and moral effect, I have
elsewhere endeavoured to show."]
[Side-note: Argument--That sensible Perception does not include
memory--Probability that those who held the doctrine meant to
include memory.]
Sokrates turns to another argument. If knowledge be the same thing
as sensible perception, then it follows, that so soon as a man
ceases to see and hear, he also ceases to know. The memory of what
he has seen or heard, upon that supposition, is not knowledge. But
Theætêtus admits that a man who remembers what he has seen or
heard does know it. Accordingly, the answer that knowledge is
sensible perception, cannot be maintained.[88]
[Footnote 88: Plato, Theætêt. pp. 163, 164.]
Here Sokrates makes out a good case against the answer in its
present wording. But we may fairly doubt whether those who
affirmed the matter of knowledge to consist in the facts of sense,
ever meant to exclude memory. They meant probably the facts of
sense both as perceived and as remembered; though the wording
cited by Plato does not strictly include so much. Besides, we must
recollect, that Plato includes in the meaning of the word
Knowledge or Cognition an idea of perfect infallibility:
distinguishing it generically from the highest form of opinion.
But memory is a fallible process: sometimes quite
trustworthy--under other circumstances, not so. Accordingly, memory,
in a general sense, cannot be put on a level with present perception,
nor said to generate what Plato calls knowledge.
[Side-note: Argument from the analogy of seeing and not seeing at
the same time .]
The next argument of Plato is as follows. You can see, and not
see, the same thing at the same time: for you may close one of
your eyes, and look only with the other. But it is impossible
to know a thing, and not to know it at the same time. Therefore
_to know_ is not the same as _to see_.[89]
[Footnote 89: Plato, Theætêt. p. 165 B.]
This argument is proclaimed by Plato as a terrible puzzle, leaving
no escape.[90] Perhaps he meant to speak ironically. In reality,
this puzzle is nothing but a false inference deduced from a false
premiss. The inference is false, because if we grant the premiss,
that it is possible both to _see_ a thing, and _not to see_ it, at
the same time--there is no reason why it should not also be
possible to _know_ a thing, and _not to know_ it, at the same
time. Moreover, the premiss is also false in the ordinary sense
which the words bear: and not merely false, but logically
impossible, as a sin against the maxim of contradiction. Plato
procures it from a true premiss, by omitting an essential
qualification. I see an object with my open eye: I do not see it
with my closed eye. From this double proposition, alike
intelligible and true, Plato thinks himself authorised to discard
the qualification, and to tell me that I see a thing and do not
see it--passing _à dicto secundum quid ad dictum simpliciter_.
This is the same liberty which he took with the Protagorean
doctrine. Protagoras having said--"Every thing which any man
believes is true _to that man_"--Plato reasons against him as if
he had said--"Every thing which any man believes is _true_".
[Footnote 90: Plato, Theætêt. p. 165 B. [Greek: to\ deino/taton
e)rô/têma--a)phu/ktô| e)rôtê/mati], &c.
Mr. Campbell observes upon this passage:--"Perhaps there is here a
trace of the spirit which was afterwards developed in the sophisms
of Eubulidês". Stallbaum, while acknowledging the many subtleties
of Sokrates in this dialogue, complains that other commentators
make the ridiculous mistake ("errore perquam ridiculo") of
accepting all the reasoning of Sokrates as seriously meant,
whereas much of it (he says) is mere mockery and sarcasm, intended
to retort upon the Sophists their own argumentative tricks and
quibbles.--"Itaquè sæpe per petulantiam quandam argutiis indulget
(Socrates), quibus isti haudquaquam abstinebant: sæpè ex
adversariorum mente disputat, sed ita tamen disputat, ut eos suis
ipsorum capiat laqueis; sæpè denique in disputando iisdem
artificiis utitur, quibus illi uti consueverant, sicuti etiam in
Menone, Cratylo, Euthydemo, fieri meminimus". (Stallbaum, Proleg.
ad Theæt. pp. 12-13, 22-29).
Stallbaum pushes this general principle so far as to contend that
the simile of the waxen tablet (p. 191 C), and that of the
pigeon-house (p. 200 C), are doctrines of opponents, which Sokrates
pretends to adopt with a view to hold them up to ridicule.
I do not concur in this opinion of Stallbaum, which he reproduces
in commenting on many other dialogues, and especially on the
Kratylus, for the purpose of exonerating Plato from the reproach
of bad reasoning and bad etymology, at the cost of opponents
"inauditi et indefensi". I see no ground for believing that Plato
meant to bring forward these arguments as paralogisms obviously
and ridiculously silly. He produced them, in my judgment, as
suitable items in a dialogue of search: plausible to a certain
extent, admitting both of being supported and opposed, and
necessary to be presented to those who wish to know a question in
all its bearings.]
Again, argues Plato,[91] you cannot say--I _know_ sharply, dimly,
near, far, &c.--but you may properly say, I _see_ sharply, dimly,
near, far, &c.: another reason to show that knowledge and sensible
perception are not the same. After a digression of some length
directed against the disciples of Herakleitus--(partly to expose
their fundamental doctrine that every thing was in flux and
movement, partly to satirise their irrational procedure in evading
argumentative debate, and in giving nothing but a tissue of
mystical riddles one after another),[92] Sokrates returns back to
the same debate, and produces more serious arguments, as
follows:--
[Footnote 91: Plato, Theætêt. p. 165 D. The reasonings here given
by Plato from the mouth of Sokrates, are compared by Steinhart to
the Trug-schlüsse, which in the Euthydêmus he ascribes to that
Sophist and Dionysodorus. But Steinhart says that Plato is here
reasoning in the style of Protagoras: an assertion thoroughly
gratuitous, for which there is no evidence at all (Steinhart,
Einleitung zum Theætêt. p. 53).]
[Footnote 92: Plato, Theætêt. pp. 179-183. The description which
we read here (put into the mouth of the geometer Theodôrus) of the
persons in Ephesus and other parts of Ionia, who speculated in the
vein of Herakleitus--is full of vivid fancy and smartness, but is
for that reason the less to be trusted as accurate.
The characteristic features ascribed to these Herakleiteans are
quite unlike to the features of Protagoras, so far as we know
them; though Protagoras, nevertheless, throughout this dialogue,
is spoken of as if he were an Herakleitean. These men are here
depicted as half mad--incapable of continuous attention--hating
all systematic speech and debate--answering, when addressed, only
in brief, symbolical, enigmatic phrases, of which they had a
quiver-full, but which they never condescended to explain ([Greek:
ô(/sper e)k phare/tras r(êmati/skia ai)nigmatô/dê a)naspô=ntes
a)potoxeu/ousin], see Lassalle, vol. i. pp. 32-39--springing up by
spontaneous inspiration, despising instruction, p. 180 A), and
each looking down upon the others as ignorant. If** we compare the
picture thus given by Plato of the Herakleiteans, with the picture
which he gives of Protagoras in the dialogue so called, we shall
see that the two are as unlike as possible.
Lassalle, in his elaborate work on the philosophy of Herakleitus,
attempts to establish the philosophical affinity between
Herakleitus and Protagoras: but in my judgment unsuccessfully.
According to Lassalle's own representation of the doctrine of
Herakleitus, it is altogether opposed to the most eminent
Protagorean doctrine, [Greek: A)/nthrôpos e(autô=| me/tron]--and
equally opposed to that which Plato seems to imply as
Protagorean--[Greek: Ai)/sthêsis = E)pistê/mê]. The elucidation
given by Lassalle of Herakleitus, through the analogy of Hegel, is
certainly curious and instructive. The Absolute Process of
Herakleitus is at variance with Protagoras, not less than the
Absolute Object or Substratum of the Eleates, or the Absolute
Ideas of Plato. Lassalle admits that Herakleitus is the entire
antithesis to Protagoras, yet still contends that he is the prior
stage of transition towards Protagoras (vol. i. p. 64).]
[Side-note: Sokrates maintains that we do not see _with_ our eyes,
but that the mind sees _through_ the eyes: that the mind often
conceives and judges by itself without the aid of any bodily
organ.]
_Sokr._--If you are asked, With what does a man perceive white and
black? you will answer, with his eyes: shrill or grave sounds?
with his ears. Does it not seem to you more correct to say, that
we see _through_ our eyes rather than _with_ our eyes:--that we
hear _through_ our ears, not _with_ our ears. _Theætêt._--I think
it is more correct. _Sokr._--It would be strange if there were in
each man many separate reservoirs, each for a distinct class of
perceptions.[93] All perceptions must surely converge towards one
common form or centre, call it soul or by any other name, which
perceives _through_ them, as organs or instruments, all
perceptible objects.--
[Footnote 93: Plato, Theætêt. p. 184 D. [Greek: deino\n ga/r pou,
ei) pollai/ tines e)n ê(mi=n, ô(/sper e)n dourei/ois i(/ppois,
ai)sthê/sis e)gkathêntai, a)lla\ mê\ ei)s mi/an tina\ i)de/an,
ei)/te psuchê\n ei)/te o(/, ti dei= kalei=n, pa/nta tau=ta
xuntei/nei, ê(=| dia\ tou/tôn oi(=on o)rga/nôn ai)sthano/metha
o(/sa ai)sthêta/.]]
We thus perceive objects of sense, according to Plato's language,
_with_ the central form or soul, and _through_ various organs of
the body. The various Percepta or Percipienda of tact, vision,
hearing--sweet, hot, hard, light--have each its special bodily
organ. But no one of these can be perceived through the organ
affected to any other. Whatever therefore we conceive or judge
respecting any two of them, is not performed through the organ
special to either. If we conceive any thing common both to sound
and colour, we cannot conceive it either through the auditory or
through the visual organ.[94]
[Footnote 94: Plato, Theætêt. p. 184-185.]
Now there are certain judgments (Sokrates argues) which we make
common to both, and not exclusively belonging to either. First, we
judge that they are two: that each is one, different from the
other, and the same with itself: that each _is_ something, or has
existence, and that one _is not_ the other. Here are
predicates--existence, non-existence, likeness, unlikeness, unity,
plurality, sameness, difference, &c., which we affirm, or deny, not
respecting either of these sensations exclusively, but respecting
all of them. Through what bodily organ do we derive these
judgments respecting what is common to all? There is no special
organ: the mind perceives, through itself these common
properties.[95]
[Footnote 95: Plato, Theætêt. p. 185 D. [Greek: dokei= tê\n
a)rchê\n ou)d' ei)=nai toiou=ton ou)de\n tou/tois o)/rganon
i)/dion, ô(/sper e)kei/nois, a)ll' au)tê\ di' au(tê=s ê( psuchê\
ta\ koina/ moi phai/netai peri\ pa/ntôn e)piskopei=n.]]
[Side-note: Indication of several judgments which the mind makes by
itself--It perceives Existence, Difference, &c.]
Some matters therefore there are, which the soul or mind
apprehends through itself--others, which it perceives through the
bodily organs. To the latter class belong the sensible qualities,
hardness, softness, heat, sweetness, &c., which it perceives
through the bodily organs; and which animals, as well as men, are
by nature competent to perceive immediately at birth. To the
former class belong existence (substance, essence), sameness,
difference, likeness, unlikeness, honourable, base, good, evil,
&c., which the mind apprehends through itself alone. But the mind
is not competent to apprehend this latter class, as it perceives
the former, immediately at birth. Nor does such competence belong
to all men and animals; but only to a select fraction of men, who
acquire it with difficulty and after a long time through laborious
education. The mind arrives at these purely mental apprehensions,
only by going over, and comparing with each other, the simple
impressions of sense; by looking at their relations with each
other; and by computing the future from the present and past.[96]
Such comparisons and computations are a difficult and gradual
attainment; accomplished only by a few, and out of the reach of
most men. But without them, no one can apprehend real existence
(essence, or substance), or arrive at truth: and without truth,
there can be no knowledge.
[Footnote 96: Plato, Theætêt. p. 186 B. [Greek: Tê\n de/ ge
ou)si/an kai\ o(/ ti e)/ston kai\ tê\n e)nantio/têta pro\s
a)llê/lô] (of hardness and softness) [Greek: kai\ tê\n ou)si/an
au)= tê=s e)nantio/têtos, au)tê\ ê( psuchê\ _e)paniou=sa kai\
xumba/llousa pro\s a)/llêla kri/nein peira=tai ê(mi=n_ . . .
Ou)kou=n ta\ me\n eu)thu\s genome/nois pa/resti phu/sei
ai)stha/nesthai a)nthrô/pois te kai\ thêri/ois, o(/sa dia\ tou=
sô/matos pathê/mata e)pi\ tê\n psuchê\n tei/nei; _ ta\ de\ peri\
tou/tôn a)nalogi/smata_, pro/s te ou)si/an kai\ ô)phelei/an
_mo/gis_ kai\ e)n pollô=| chro/nô| dia\ pollô=n _pragma/tôn kai\
paidei/as paragi/gnetai, oi(=s a)\n kai\ paragi/gnêtai.]]
[Side-note: Sokrates maintains that knowledge is to be found, not
in the Sensible Perceptions themselves, but in the comparisons add
computations of the mind respecting them.]
The result therefore is (concludes Sokrates), _That knowledge is
not sensible perception_: that it is not to be found in the
perceptions of sense themselves, which do not apprehend real
essence, and therefore not truth--but in the comparisons and
computations respecting them, and in the relations between them,
made and apprehended by the mind itself.[97] Plato declares good
and evil, honourable and base, &c., to be among matters most
especially relative, perceived by the mind computing past and
present in reference to future.[98]
[Footnote 97: Plato, Theætêt. p. 186 D.** [Greek: e)n me\n a)/ra
toi=s pathê/masin ou)k e)/ni e)pistê/mê, _e)n de\ tô=| peri\
e)kei/nôn sullogismô=|_; ou)si/as ga\r kai\ a)lêthei/as e)ntau=tha
me/n, ô(s e)/oike, dunato\n a(/psasthai, e)kei= de\ a)du/naton.]
The term [Greek: sullogismo\s] is here interesting, before it had
received that technical sense which it has borne from Aristotle
downwards. Mr. Campbell explains it properly as "nearly equivalent
to abstraction and generalisation" (Preface to Theætêtus, p.
lxxiv., also note, p. 144).]
[Footnote 98: Plato, Theætêt. p. 186 A. [Greek: kalo\n kai\
ai)schro/n, kai\ a)gatho\n kai\ kako/n. Kai\ tou/tôn moi dokei=
_e)n toi=s ma/lista pro\s a)/llêla skopei=sthai tê\n ou)si/an,
a)nalogizome/nê_ (ê( psuchê\) _e)n e(autê=| ta\ gegono/ta kai\ ta\
paro/nta pro\s ta\ me/llonta_.]
Base and honourable, evil and good, are here pointed out by
Sokrates as most evidently and emphatically _relative_. In the
train of reasoning here terminated, Plato had been combating the
doctrine [Greek: Ai)/sthêsis = E)pistê/mê]. In his sense of the
word [Greek: ai)/sthêsis] he has refuted the doctrine. But what
about the other doctrine, which he declares to be a part of the
same programme--_Homo Mensura_--the Protagorean formula? That
formula, so far from being refuted, is actually sustained and
established by this train of reasoning. Plato has declared [Greek:
ou)si/a, a)lêthei/a, e)nantio/tês, a)gatho/n, kako/n], &c., to be
a distinct class of Objects not perceived by Sense. But he also
tells us that they are apprehended by the Mind through its own
working, and that they are apprehended always in relation to each
other. We thus see that they are just as much relative to the
concipient mind, as the Objects of sense are to the percipient and
sentient mind. The Subject is the correlative limit or measure (to
use Protagorean phrases) of one as well as of the other. This
confirms what I observed above, that the two doctrines, 1. Homo
Mensura, 2. [Greek: Ai)/sthêsis = E)pistê/mê],--are completely
distinct and independent, though Plato has chosen to implicate or
identify them.]
[Side-note: Examination of this view--Distinction from the views of
modern philosophers.]
Such is the doctrine which Plato here lays down, respecting the
difference between sensible perception, and knowledge or
cognition. From his time to the present day, the same topic has
continued to be discussed, with different opinions on the part of
philosophers. Plato's views are interesting, as far as his
language enables us to make them out. He does not agree with those
who treat sensation or sensible perception (in his language, the
two are not distinguished) as a bodily phenomenon, and
intelligence as a mental phenomenon. He regards both as belonging
to the mind or soul. He considers that the mind is sentient as
well as intelligent: and moreover, that the sentient mind is the
essential basis and preliminary--universal among men and animals,
as well as coæval with birth--furnishing all the matter, upon
which the intelligent mind has to work. He says nothing, in this
dialogue, about the three distinct souls or minds (rational,
courageous, and appetitive), in one and the same body, which form
so capital a feature in his Timæus and Republic: nothing about
eternal, self-existent, substantial Ideas, or about the
pre-existence of the soul and its reminiscence as the process of
acquiring knowledge. Nor does he countenance the doctrine of
innate ideas, instinctive beliefs, immediate mental intuitions,
internal senses, &c., which have been recognised by many
philosophers. Plato supposes the intelligent mind to work
altogether upon the facts of sense; to review and compare them
with one another; and to compute facts present or past, with a
view to the future. All this is quite different from the mental
intuitions and instincts, assumed by various modern philosophers
as common to all mankind. The operations, which Plato ascribes to
the intelligent mind, are said to be out of the reach of the
common man, and not to be attainable except by a few, with
difficulty and labour. The distinctive feature of the sentient
mind, according to him, is, that it operates through a special
bodily organ of sense: whereas the intelligent mind has no such
special bodily organ.
[Side-note: Different views given by Plato in other dialogues.]
But this distinction, in the first place, is not consistent with
Timæus--wherein Plato assigns to each of his three human souls a
separate and special region of the bodily organism, as its
physical basis. Nor, in the second place, is it consistent with
that larger range of observed facts which the farther development
of physiology has brought to view. To Plato and Aristotle the
nerves and the nervous system were wholly unknown: but it is now
ascertained that the optic, auditory, and other nerves of sense,
are only branches of a complicated system of sensory and motory
nerves, attached to the brain and spinal cord as a centre: each
nerve of sense having its own special mode of excitability or
manifestation. Now the physical agency whereby sensation is
carried on, is, not the organ of sense alone, but the cerebral
centre acting along with that organ: whereas in the intellectual
and memorial processes, the agency of the cerebral centre and
other internal parts of the nervous system are sufficient, without
any excitement beginning at the peripheral extremity of the
special organ of sense, or even though that organ be disabled. We
know the intelligent mind only in an embodied condition: that is,
as working along with and through its own physical agency. When
Plato, therefore, says that the mind thinks, computes, compares,
&c., by itself--this is true only as signifying that it does so
without the initiatory stimulus of a special organ of sense; not
as signifying that it does so without the central nervous force or
currents--an agency essential alike to thought, to sensation, to
emotion, and to appetite.
[Side-note: Plato's discussion of this question here exhibits a
remarkable advance in analytical psychology. The mind rises from
Sensation, first to Opinion, then to Cognition.]
Putting ourselves back to the Platonic period, we must recognise
that the discussion of the theory [Greek: Ai)/sthêsis =
E)pistê/mê], as it is conducted by Plato, exhibits a remarkable
advance in psychological analysis. In analysing the mental
phenomena, Plato displayed much more subtlety and acuteness than
his predecessors--as far at least as we have the means of
appreciating the latter. It is convenient to distinguish intellect
from sensation (or sensible perception) and emotion, though both
of them are essential and co-ordinate parts of our mental system,
and are so recognised by Plato. It is also true that the
discrimination of our sensations from each other, comparisons of
likeness or unlikeness between them, observation of co-existence
or sequence, and apprehension of other relations between them,
&c., are more properly classified as belonging to intellect than
to sense. But the language of psychology is, and always has been,
so indeterminate, that it is difficult to say how much any writer
means to include under the terms Sense[99]--Sensation--Sensible
Perception--[Greek: Ai)/sthêsis]. The propositions in which our
knowledge is embodied, affirm--not sensations detached and
isolated, but--various relations of antecedence and consequence,
likeness, difference, &c., between two or more sensations or facts
of sense. We rise thus to a state of mind more complicated than
simple sensation: including (along with sensation), association,
memory, discrimination, comparison of sensations, abstraction, and
generalisation. This is what Plato calls opinion[100] or belief; a
mental process, which, though presupposing sensations and based
upon them, he affirms to be carried on by the mind through itself,
not through any special bodily organ. In this respect it agrees
with what he calls knowledge or cognition. Opinion or belief is
the lowest form, possessed in different grades by all men, of this
exclusively mental process: knowledge or cognition is the highest
form of the same, attained only by a select few. Both opinion, and
cognition, consist in comparisons and computations made by the
mind about the facts of sense. But cognition (in Plato's view) has
special marks:--
1. That it is infallible, while opinion is fallible. You have
it[101] or you have it not--but there is no mistake possible.
2. That it apprehends what Plato calls the real essence of things,
and real truth, which, on the contrary, Opinion does not
apprehend.
3. That the person who possesses it can maintain his own
consistency under cross-examination, and can test the consistency
of others by cross-examining them ([Greek: lo/gon dou=nai kai\
de/xasthai]).
[Footnote 99: The discussion in pp. 184-186-186 of the Theætêtus
is interesting as the earliest attempt remaining to classify
psychological phenomena. What Demokritus and others proposed with
the same view--the analogy or discrepancy between [Greek: to\
ai)stha/nesthai] and [Greek: to\ noei=n]--we gather only from the
brief notices of Aristotle and others. Plato considers himself to
have established, that "cognition is not to be sought at all in
sensible perception, but in that function, whatever it be, which
is predicated of the mind when it busies itself _per se_ (_i.e._
not through any special bodily organ) about existences" (p. 187
A). We may here remark, as to the dispute between Plato and
Protagoras, that Plato here does not at all escape from the region
of the Relative, or from the Protagorean formula, _Homo Mensura_.
He passes from Mind Percipient to Mind Cogitant; but these new
Entia cogitationis (as his language implies) are still relative,
though relative to the Cogitant and not to the Percipient. He
reduces Mind Sentient to the narrowest functions, including only
each isolated impression of one or other among the five senses.
When we see a clock on the wall and hear it strike twelve--we have
a visual impression of black from the hands, of white from the
face, and an audible impression from each stroke. But this is all
(according to Plato) which we have from sense, or which addresses
itself to the sentient mind. All beyond this (according to him) is
apprehended by the cogitant mind: all discrimination, comparison,
and relation--such as the succession, or one, two, three, &c., of
the separate impressions, the likeness of one stroke to the
preceding, the contrast or dissimilarity of the black with the
white--even the simplest acts of discrimination or comparison
belong (in Plato's view) to mental powers beyond and apart from
sense; much more, of course, apprehension of the common properties
of all, and of those extreme abstractions to which we apply the
words Ens and Non-Ens ([Greek: to/ t' e)pi\ pa=si koino\n kai\ to\
e)pi\ tou/tois, ô(=| to\ e)/stin e)ponoma/zeis kai\ to\ ou)k
e)/stin], p. 185 C).
When Plato thus narrows the sense of [Greek: ai)/sthêsis], it is
easy to prove that [Greek: e)pistê/mê] is not [Greek:
ai)/sthêsis]; but I doubt whether those who affirmed this
proposition intended what he here refutes. Neither unreflecting
men, nor early theorizers, would distinguish the impressions of
sense from the feeling of such impressions being _successive,
distinct from one another, resembling, &c._ Mr. John Stuart Mill
observes (Logic, Book i. chap. iii. sects. 10-13)--"The simplest
of all relations are those expressed by the words antecedent and
consequent, and by the word simultaneous. If we say dawn preceded
sunrise, the fact in which the two things dawn and sunrise were
jointly concerned, consisted only of the two things themselves. No
third thing entered into the fact or phenomenon at all, unless
indeed we choose to call the succession of the two objects a third
thing; _but their succession is not something added to the things
themselves_, it is something _involved in them_. To have two
feelings at all, implies having them either successively or
simultaneously. The relations of succession and simultaneity, of
likeness and unlikeness, not being grounded on any fact or
phenomenon distinct from the related objects themselves, do not
admit of the same kind of analysis. But these relations, though
not (like other relations) grounded on states of consciousness,
are themselves states of consciousness. Resemblance is nothing but
our feeling of resemblance: succession is nothing but our feeling
of succession."
By all ordinary (non-theorising) persons, these familiar
relations, _involved_ in the facts of sense, are conceived as an
essential part of [Greek: ai)/sthêsis]: and are so conceived by
those modern theorists who trace all our knowledge to sense--as
well as (probably) by those ancient theorists who defined [Greek:
e)pistê/mê] to be [Greek: ai)/sthêsis], and against whom Plato
here reasons. These theorists would have said (as ordinary
language recognises)--"We _see_ the _dissimilarity_ of the black
hands from the white face of the clock; we _hear_ the _likeness_
of one stroke of the clock to another, and the _succession_ of the
strokes one, two, three, one after the other".
The reasoning of Plato against these opponents is thus open to
many of the remarks made by Sir William Hamilton, in the notes to
his edition of Reid's works, upon Reid's objections against Locke
and Berkeley: Reid restricted the word Sensation to a much
narrower meaning than that given to it by Locke and Berkeley.
"Berkeley's _Sensation_" (observes S. W. Hamilton) "was equivalent
to Reid's _Sensation_ plus _Perception_. This is manifest even by
the passages adduced in the text" (note to p. 289). But Reid in
his remarks omits to notice this difference in the meaning of the
same word. The case is similar with Plato when he refutes those
who held the doctrine [Greek: E)pistê/mê = Ai)/sthêsis]. The
last-mentioned word, in his construction, includes only a part of
the meaning which they attributed to it; but he takes no notice of
this verbal difference. Sir William Hamilton remarks, respecting
M. Royer Collard's doctrine, which narrows prodigiously the
province of Sense,--"_Sense_ he so limits that, if rigorously
carried out, no sensible perception, as no consciousness, could be
brought to bear". This is exactly true about Plato's doctrine
narrowing [Greek: ai)/sthêsis]. See Hamilton's edit. of Reid,
Appendix, p. 844.
Aristotle understands [Greek: ai)/sthêsis--ai)sthêtikê\ psuchê\]
or [Greek: zôê/]--as occupying a larger sphere than that which
Plato assigns to them in the Theætêtus. Aristotle recognises the
five separate [Greek: ai)sthê/seis], each correlating with and
perceiving its [Greek: i)/dion ai)sthêto/n]: he also recognises
[Greek: ê( koinê\ ai)/sthêsis]--common sensation or
perception--correlating with (or perceiving) [Greek: ta\ koina\
ai)sthêta/], which are _motion_, _rest_, _magnitude_, _figure_,
_number_. The [Greek: koinê\ ai)/sthêsis] is not a distinct or sixth
sense, apart from the five, but a general power inhering in all of
them. He farther recognises [Greek: ai)/sthêsis] as discriminating,
judging, comparing, knowing: this characteristic, [Greek: to\
kritoko\n] and [Greek: gnôstiko/n], is common to [Greek:
ai)/sthêsis, phantasi/a, no/êsis], and distinguishes them all from
appetite--[Greek: to\ o)rektiko/n, kinêtiko/n], &c. See the first
and second chapters of the third Book of the Treatise De Animâ,
and the Commentary of Simplikius upon that Treatise, especially p.
56, b. Aristotle tells us that all animals [Greek: e)/chei
du/namin su/mphuton kritikê/n, ê(\n kalou=sin ai)/sthêsin.] Anal.
Poster. ii. p. 99, b. 35. And Sir William Hamilton adopts a
similar view, when he remarks, that Judgment is implied in every
act of Consciousness.
Occasionally indeed Aristotle partitions the soul between [Greek:
nou=s] and [Greek: o)/rexis]--Intelligence and
Appetite--recognising Sense as belonging to the head of Intelligence--see
De Motu Animalium, 6, p. 700, b. 20. [Greek: tau=ta de\ pa/nta
a)na/getai ei)s nou=n kai\ o)/rexin; kai\ ga\r ê( phantasi/a kai\
ê( ai)/sthêsis tê\n au)tê\n tô=| nô=| chô/ran e)/chousi; _kritika\
ga\r pa/nta_.] Compare also the Topica, ii. 4, p. 111, a. 18.
It will thus be seen that while Plato severs pointedly [Greek:
ai)/sthêsis] from anything like discrimination, comparison,
judgment, even in the most rudimentary form--Aristotle refuses to
adopt this extreme abstraction as his basis for classifying the
mental phenomena. He recognises a certain measure of
discrimination, comparison, and judgment, as implicated in
sensible perceptions. Moreover, that which he calls [Greek: koinê\
ai)/sthêsis] is unknown to Plato, who isolates each sense, and
indeed each act of each sense, as much as possible. Aristotle is
opposed, as Plato is, to the doctrine [Greek: E)pistê/mê =
Ai)/sthêsis], but he employs a different manner of reasoning
against it. See, _inter alia_, Anal. Poster. i. 31, p. 87, b. 28.
He confines [Greek: e)pistê/mê] to one branch of the [Greek:
noêtikê/].
The Peripatetic Straton, the disciple of Theophrastus, denied that
there was any distinct line of demarcation between [Greek: to\
ai)stha/nesthai] and [Greek: to\ noei=n]: maintaining that the
former was impossible without a certain measure of the latter. His
observation is very worthy of note. Plutarch, De Solertiâ
Animalium, iii. 6, p. 961 A. [Greek: Kai/toi Stra/tôno/s ge tou=
phusikou= lo/gos e)sti/n, a)podeiknu/ôn ô(s ou)d' ai)stha/nesthai
topara/pan a)/neu tou= noei=n u(pa/rchei; kai\ ga\r gra/mmata
polla/kis e)piporeuo/mena tê=| o)/psei, kai\ lo/goi prospi/ptontes
tê=| a)koiê=| _dialantha/nousin ê(ma=s_ kai\ _diapheu/gousi pro\s
e(te/rois to\n nou=n e)/chontas_; ei)=t' _au)=this e)panê=lthe_
kai\ _metathei= kai\ metadiô/kei tô=n proïeme/nôn e(/kaston
a)nalego/menos_; ê(=| kai\ le/lektai. _Nou=s o(rê=|, kai\ nou=s
a)kou/ei, ta\ de\ a)/lla kôpha\ kai\ tuphla/_;** ô(s tou= peri\ ta\
o)/mmata kai\ ô)=ta pa/thous, a)\n mê\ parê=| to\ phronou=n,
ai)/sthêsin ou) poiou=ntos.]
Straton here notices that remarkable fact (unnoticed by Plato and
even by Aristotle, so far as I know) in the process of
association, that impressions of sense are sometimes unheeded when
they occur, but force themselves upon the attention afterwards,
and are recalled by the mind in the order in which they occurred
at first.]
[Footnote 100: Plato, Theæt. p. 187 A. _Sokr._ [Greek: o(/môs de\
tosou=to/n ge probebê/kamen, ô(/ste mê\ zêtei=n au)tê\n
(e)pistê/mên) e)n ai)sthê/sei topara/pan, a)ll' e)n e)kei/nô| tô=|
o)no/mati, o(/, ti pot' e)/chei ê( psuchê/, o(/tan au)tê\ kath'
au(tê\n pragmateu/êtai peri\ ta\ o)/nta.] _Theæt._ [Greek: A)lla\
mê\n tou=to/ ge kalei=tai, ô(s e)gô)=|mai, _doxa/zein_.] _Sokr._
[Greek: O)rthô=s ga\r oi)/ei.]
Plato is quite right in distinguishing between [Greek:
ai)/sthêsis] and [Greek: do/xa], looking at the point as a
question of psychological classification. It appears to me,
however, most probable that those who maintained the theory
[Greek: E)pistê/mê = Ai)/sthêsis], made no such distinction, but
included that which he calls [Greek: do/xa] in [Greek:
ai)/sthêsis]. Unfortunately we do not possess their own
exposition; but it cannot have included much of psychological
analysis.]
[Footnote 101: Schleiermacher represents Plato as discriminating
Knowledge (the region of infallibility, you either possess it or
not) from Opinion (the region of fallibility, true or false, as
the case may be) by a broad and impassable line--
"Auch hieraus erwächst eine sehr entscheidende, nur ebenfalls
nicht ausdrücklich gezogene, Folgerung, dass die reine Erkenntniss
gar nicht auf demselben Gebiet liegen könne mit dem Irrthum--und
es in Beziehung auf sie kein Wahr und Falsch gebe, sondern nur ein
Haben oder Nicht Haben." (Schleiermacher, Einleit. zum Theæt. p.
176.)
Steinhart (in his Einleit. zum Theæt. p. 94) contests this opinion
of Schleiermacher (though he seems to give the same opinion
himself, p. 92). He thinks that Plato does not recognise so very
marked a separation between Knowledge and Opinion: that he
considers Knowledge as the last term of a series of mental
processes, developed gradually according to constant laws, and
ascending from Sensible Perception through Opinion to Knowledge:
that the purpose of the Theætêtus is to illustrate this theory.
Ueberweg, on the contrary, defends the opinion of Schleiermacher
and maintains that Steinhart is mistaken (Aechtheit und Zeit.
Platon. Schriften, p. 279).
Passages may be produced from Plato's writings to support both
these views: that of Schleiermacher, as well as that of Steinhart.
In Timæus, p. 51 E, the like infallibility is postulated for
[Greek: Nou=s] (which there represents [Greek: E)pistê/mê]) as
contrasted with [Greek: do/xa]. But I think that Steinhart
ascribes to the Theætêtus more than can fairly be discovered in
it. That dialogue is purely negative. It declares that [Greek:
e)pistê/mê] is _not_ [Greek: ai)/sthêsis]. It then attempts to go
a step farther towards the affirmative, by declaring also that
[Greek: e)pistê/mê] is a mental process of computation, respecting
the impressions of [Greek: ai)/sthêsis]--that it is [Greek: to\
sullogi/zesthai], which is equivalent to [Greek: to\ doxa/zein]:
compare Phædrus, 249 B. But this affirmative attempt breaks down:
for Sokrates cannot explain what [Greek: to\ doxa/zein] is, nor
how [Greek: to\ doxa/zein pseudê=] is possible; in fact he says
(p. 200 B) that this cannot be explained until we know what
[Greek: e)pistê/mê] is. The entire result of the dialogue is
negative, as the closing words proclaim emphatically. On this
point many of the commentators agree--Ast, Socher, Stallbaum,
Ueberweg, Zeller, &c.
Whether it be true, as Schleiermacher, with several others, thinks
(Einl. pp. 184-185), that Plato intends to attack Aristippus in
the first part of the dialogue, and Antisthenes in the latter
part, we have no means of determining.]
This at least is the meaning which Plato assigns to the two words
corresponding to Cognition and to Opinion, in the present
dialogue, and often elsewhere. But he also frequently employs the
word Cognition in a lower and more general signification, not
restricted, as it is here, to the highest philosophical reach,
with infallibility--but comprehending much of what is here treated
only as _opinion_. Thus, for example, he often alludes to the
various professional men as possessing _Cognition_, each in his
respective department: the general, the physician, the gymnast,
the steersman, the husbandman, &c.[102] But he certainly does not
mean, that each of them has attained what he calls real essence
and philosophical truths--or that any of them are infallible.
[Footnote 102: Compare Plato, Sophistes, pp. 232 E, 233 A.]
[Side-note: Plato did not recognise Verification from experience,
or from facts of sense, as either necessary or possible.]
One farther remark must be made on Plato's doctrine. His
remark--That Cognition consists not in the affections of sense, but
in computation or reasoning respecting those affections, (_i. e._
abstraction, generalisation, &c.)--is both true and important. But
he has not added, nor would he have admitted, that if we are to
decide whether our computation is true and right, or false and
erroneous--our surest way is to recur to the simple facts of
sense. Theory must be verified by observation; wherever that
cannot be done, the best guarantee is wanting. The facts
themselves are not cognition: yet they are the test by which all
computations, pretending to be cognitions, must be tried.[103]
[Footnote 103: See the remarks on the necessity of Verification,
as a guarantee for the Deductive Process, in Mr. John Stuart
Mill's System of Logic, Book iii. ch. xi. s. 8. Newton puts aside
his own computation or theory respecting gravity as the force
which kept the moon in its orbit, because the facts reported by
observers respecting the lunar motions were for some time not in
harmony with it. Plato certainly would not have surrendered any
[Greek: sullogismo\s] under the same respect to observed facts.
Aristotle might probably have done so; but this is uncertain.]
[Side-note: Second definition given by Theætêtus--That Cognition
consists in right or true opinion.]
We have thus, in enquiring--What is Knowledge or Cognition?
advanced so far as to discover--That it does not consist in
sensible perception, but in some variety of that purely mental
process which is called opining, believing, judging, conceiving,
&c. And here Theætêtus, being called upon for a second definition,
answers--_That Knowledge consists in right or true opinion_. All
opinion is not knowledge, because opinion is often false.[104]
[Footnote 104: Plato, Theæt. p. 187 B. It is scarcely possible to
translate [Greek: doxa/zein] always by the same English word.]
[Side-note: Objection by Sokrates--This definition assumes that
there are false opinions. But how can false opinions be possible?
How can we conceive Non-Ens: or confound together two distinct
realities?.]
_Sokr._--But you are here assuming that there _are_ false
opinions? How is this possible? How can any man judge or opine
falsely? What mental condition is it which bears that name? I
confess that I cannot tell: though I have often thought of the
matter myself, and debated it with others.[105] Every thing comes
under the head either of what a man knows, or of what he does not
know. If he conceives, it must be either the known, or the
unknown. He cannot mistake either one known thing for another
known thing: or a known thing for an unknown: or an unknown for a
known: or one unknown for another unknown. But to form a false
opinion, he must err in one or other of these four ways. It is
therefore impossible that he can form a false opinion.[106]
[Footnote 105: Plato, Theæt. p. 187 C.]
[Footnote 106: Plato, Theæt. p. 188.]
If indeed a man ascribed to any subject a predicate which was
non-existent, this would be evidently a false opinion. But how
can any one conceive the non-existent? He who conceives must conceive
_something_: just as he who sees or touches, must see or touch
_something_. He cannot see or touch the non-existent: for that
would be to see or touch nothing: in other words, not to see or
touch at all. In the same manner, to conceive the non-existent, or
_nothing_, is impossible.[107] _Theæt._--Perhaps he conceives two
realities, but confounds them together, mistaking the one for the
other. _Sokr._--Impossible. If he conceives two distinct
realities, he cannot suppose the one to be the other. Suppose him
to conceive, just and unjust, a horse and an ox--he can never
believe just to be unjust, or the ox to be the horse.[108] If,
again, he conceives one of the two alone and singly, neither could
he on that hypothesis suppose it to be the other: for that would
imply that he conceived the other also.
[Footnote 107: Plato, Theæt. p. 188-189.]
[Footnote 108: Plato, Theæt. p. 190.]
[Side-note: Waxen memorial tablet in the mind, on which past
impressions are engraved. False opinion consists in wrongly
identifying present sensations with past impressions.]
Let us look again in another direction (continues Sokrates). We
have been hasty in our concessions. Is it really impossible for a
man to conceive, that a thing, which he knows, is another thing
which he does not know? Let us see. Grant me the hypothesis (for
the sake of illustration), that each man has in his mind a waxen
tablet--the wax of one tablet being larger, firmer, cleaner, and
better in every way, than that of another: the gift of Mnemosynê,
for inscribing and registering our sensible perceptions and
thoughts. Every man remembers and knows these, so long as the
impressions of them remain upon his tablet: as soon as they are
blotted out, he has forgotten them and no longer knows them.[109]
Now false opinion may occur thus. A man having inscribed on his
memorial tablet the impressions of two objects A and B, which he
has seen before, may come to see one of these objects again; but
he may by mistake identify the present sensation with the wrong
past impression, or with that past impression to which it does not
belong. Thus on seeing A, he may erroneously identify it with the
past impression B, instead of A: or _vice versâ_.[110] False
opinion will thus lie, not in the conjunction or identification of
sensations with sensations--nor of thoughts (or past impressions)
with thoughts--but in that of present sensations with past
impressions or thoughts.[111]
[Footnote 109: Plato, Theæt. p. 191 C. [Greek: kê/rinon
e)kmogei=on].]
[Footnote 110: Plato, Theæt. p. 193-194.]
[Footnote 111: Plato, Theæt. p. 195 D.]
[Side-note: Sokrates refutes this assumption. Dilemma. Either false
opinion is impossible, or else a man may know what he does not
know.]
Having laid this down, however, Sokrates immediately proceeds to
refute it. In point of fact, false conceptions are found to
prevail, not only in the wrong identification of present
sensations with past impressions or thoughts, but also in the
wrong identification of one past impression or thought with
another. Thus a man, who has clearly engraved on his memorial
tablet the conceptions of five, seven, eleven, twelve,--may
nevertheless, when asked what is the sum of seven and five, commit
error and answer eleven: thus mistaking eleven for twelve.
We are thus placed in this dilemma--Either false opinion is an
impossibility:--Or else, it is possible that what a man knows, he
may not know. Which of the two do you choose?[112]
[Footnote 112: Plato, Theæt. p. 196 C. [Greek: nu=n de\ ê)/toi
ou)k e)/sti pseudê\s do/xa, ê)\ a(/ tis oi)=den, oi(=o/n te mê\
ei)de/nai; kai\ tou/tôn po/tera ai(rei=?]]
[Side-note: He draws distinction between possessing knowledge, and
having it actually in hand. Simile of the pigeon-cage with caught
pigeons turned into it and flying about.]
To this question no answer is given. But Sokrates,--after
remarking on the confused and unphilosophical manner in which the
debate has been conducted, both he and Theætêtus having
perpetually employed the words _know_, _knowledge_, and their
equivalents, as if the meaning of the words were ascertained,
whereas the very problem debated is, to ascertain their
meaning[113]--takes up another path of enquiry. He distinguishes
between possessing knowledge,--and having it actually in hand or
on his person: which distinction he illustrates by comparing the
mind to a pigeon-cage. A man hunts and catches pigeons, then turns
them into the cage, within the limits of which they fly about:
when he wants to catch any one of them for use, he has to go
through a second hunt, sometimes very troublesome: in which he may
perhaps either fail altogether, or catch the wrong one instead of
the right. The first hunt Sokrates compares to the acquisition of
knowledge: the second, to the getting it into his hand for
use.[114] A man may _know_, in the first sense, and _not know_, in
the second: he may have to hunt about for the cognition which (in
the first sense) he actually possesses. In trying to catch one
cognition, he may confound it with another: and this constitutes
false opinion--the confusion of two _cognita_ one with
another.[115]
[Footnote 113: Plato, Theæt. p. 196 D.]
[Footnote 114: Plato, Theæt. p. 197-198.]
[Footnote 115: Plato, Theæt. p. 199 C. [Greek: ê( tô=n e)pistêmô=n
metallagê/].]
[Side-note: Sokrates refutes this. Suggestion of Theætêtus--That
there may be non-cognitions in the mind as well as cognitions, and
that false opinion may consist in confounding one with the other.
Sokrates rejects this.]
Yet how can such a confusion be possible? (Sokrates here again
replies to himself.) How can knowledge betray a man into such
error? If he knows A, and knows B--how can he mistake A for B?
Upon this supposition, knowledge produces the effect of ignorance:
and we might just as reasonably imagine ignorance to produce the
effects of knowledge.[116]--Perhaps (suggests Theætêtus), he may
have _non-cognitions_ in his mind, mingled with the cognitions:
and in hunting for a cognition, he may catch a non-cognition.
Herein may lie false opinion.--That can hardly be (replies
Sokrates). If the man catches what is really a non-cognition, he
will not suppose it to be such, but to be a cognition. He will
believe himself fully to _know_, that in which he is mistaken. But
how is it possible that he should confound a non-cognition with a
cognition, or _vice versâ_? Does not he know the one from the
other? We must then require him to have a separate cognition of
his own cognitions or non-cognitions--and so on _ad
infinitum_.[117] The hypothesis cannot be admitted.
[Footnote 116: Plato, Theæt. p. 199 E.]
[Footnote 117: Plato, Theæt. p. 200 B.]
We cannot find out (continues Sokrates) what false opinion is: and
we have plainly done wrong to search for it, until we have first
ascertained what knowledge is.[118]
[Footnote 118: Plato, Theæt. p. 200 C.]
[Side-note: He brings another argument to prove that Cognition is
not the same as true opinion. Rhetors persuade or communicate true
opinion; but they do not teach or communicate knowledge.]
Moreover, as to the question, Whether knowledge is identical with
true opinion, Sokrates produces another argument to prove that it
is not so: and that the two are widely different. You can
communicate true opinion without communicating knowledge: and the
powerful class of rhetors and litigants make it their special
business to do so. They persuade, without teaching, a numerous
audience.[119] During the hour allotted to them for discourse,
they create, in the minds of the assembled dikasts, true opinions
respecting complicated incidents of robbery or other unlawfulness,
at which none of the dikasts have been personally present. Upon
this opinion the dikasts decide, and decide rightly. But they
cannot possibly _know_ the facts without having been personally
present and looking on. That is essential to knowledge or
cognition.[120] Accordingly, they have acquired true and right
opinions; yet without acquiring knowledge. Therefore the two are
not the same.[121]
[Footnote 119: Plato, Theæt. p. 201 A. [Greek: ou(=toi ga/r pou
tê=| e(autô=n te/chnê| pei/thousin, ou) dida/skontes, a)lla\
doxa/zein poiou=ntes a(\ a)\n bou/lôntai.]]
[Footnote 120: Plato, Theæt. p. 201 B-C. [Greek: Ou)kou=n o(/tan
dikai/ôs peisthô=si dikastai\ peri\ _ô(=n i)do/nti mo/non e)/stin
ei)de/nai, a)/llôs de\ mê/_, tau=ta to/te _e)x a)koê=s
kri/nontes_, a)lêthê= do/xan labo/ntes, a)/neu e)pistê/mês
e)/krinan, o)rtha\ peisthe/ntes, ei)/per eu)= e)di/kasan?]]
[Footnote 121: The distinction between persuading and
teaching--between creating opinion and imparting knowledge--has been
brought to view in the Gorgias, and is noted also in the Timæus. As
it stands here, it deserves notice, because Plato not only professes
to affirm what _knowledge_ is, but also identifies it with
sensible perception. The Dikasts (according to Sokrates) would
have _known_ the case, had they been present when it occurred, so
as to see and hear it: there is no other way of acquiring
knowledge.
Hearing the case only by the narration of speakers, they can
acquire nothing more than a _true opinion_. Hence we learn wherein
consists the difference between the two. That which I see, hear,
or apprehend by any sensible perception, I _know_: compare a
passage in Sophistes, p. 267 A-B, where [Greek: to\ gignô/skein]
is explained in the same way. But that which I learn from the
testimony of others amounts to nothing more than opinion; and at
best to a true opinion.
Plato's reasoning here involves an admission of the very doctrine
which he had before taken so much pains to confute--the doctrine
that Cognition is Sensible Perception. Yet he takes no notice of
the inconsistency. An occasion for sneering at the Rhetors and
Dikasts is always tempting to him.
So, in the Menon (p. 97 B), the man who has been at Larissa is
said to _know_ the road to Larissa; as distinguished from another
man who, never having been there, opines correctly which the road
is. And in the Sophistes (p. 263) when Plato is illustrating the
doctrine that false propositions, as well as true propositions,
are possible, and really occur, he selects as his cases, [Greek:
Theai/têtos ka/thêtai, Theai/têtos pe/tetai]. That one of these
propositions is false and the other true, can be known only by
[Greek: ai)/sthêsis]--in the sense of that word commonly
understood.]
[Side-note: New answer of Theætêtus--Cognition is true opinion,
coupled with rational explanation.]
Theætêtus now recollects another definition of knowledge, learnt
from some one whose name he forgets. Knowledge is (he says) true
opinion, coupled with rational explanation. True opinion without
such rational explanation, is not knowledge. Those things which do
not admit of rational explanation, are not knowable.[122]
[Footnote 122: Plato, Theætêt. p. 201 D. [Greek: tê\n me\n meta\
lo/gou a)lêthê= do/xan e)pistê/mên ei)=nai; tê\n de\ a)/logon,
e)kto\s e)pistê/mês; kai\ ô(=n me\n mê/ e)sti lo/gos, ou)k
e)pistêta\ ei)=nai, _ou(tôsi\ kai\ o)noma/zôn_, a)\ d' e)/chei,
e)pistêta/.]
The words [Greek: ou(tôsi\ kai\ o)noma/zôn] are intended,
according to Heindorf and Schleiermacher, to justify the use of
the word [Greek: e)pistêta/], which was then a neologism. Both
this definition, and the elucidation of it which Sokrates proceeds
to furnish, are announced as borrowed from other persons not
named.]
[Side-note: Criticism on the answer by Sokrates. Analogy of letters
and words, primordial elements and compounds. Elements cannot be
explained: compounds alone can be explained.]
Taking up this definition, and elucidating it farther, Sokrates
refers to the analogy of words and letters. Letters answer to the
primordial elements of things; which are not matters either of
knowledge, or of true opinion, or of rational explanation--but
simply of sensible perception. A letter, or a primordial element,
can only be perceived and called by its name. You cannot affirm of
it any predicate or any epithet: you cannot call it _existing_, or
_this_, or _that_, or _each_, or _single_, or by any other name
than its own:[123] for if you do, you attach to it something
extraneous to itself, and then it ceases to be an element. But
syllables, words, propositions--_i. e._, the compounds made up by
putting together various letters or elements--admit of being
known, explained, and described, by enumerating the component
elements. You may indeed conceive them correctly, without being
able to explain them or to enumerate their component elements: but
then you do not know them. You can only be said to know them, when
besides conceiving them correctly, you can also specify their
component elements[124]--or give explanation.
[Footnote 123: Plato, Theæt. pp. 201 E--202 A. [Greek: au)to\ ga\r
kath' au(to\ e(/kaston o)noma/sai mo/non ei)/ê, proseipei=n de\
ou)de\n a)/llo dunato/n, ou)/th' ô(s e)/stin, ou)/th' ô(s ou)k
e)/stin' ê)/dê ga\r a)\n ou)si/an ê)\ mê\ ou)si/an au)tô=|
prosti/thesthai, dei=n de\ ou)de\n prosphe/rein, ei)/per au)to\
e)kei=no mo/non tis e)rei=; e)pei\ ou)de\ to\ _au)to/_, ou)de/ to\
_e)kei=no_, ou)de\ to _e(/kaston_, ou)de\ to _mo/non_, ou)de\ to\
_tou=to_, prosoiste/on, ou)d' a)/lla polla\ toiau=ta; tau=ta me\n
ga\r peritre/chonta pa=si prosphe/resthai, e(/tera o)/nta
e(kei/nôn oi(=s prosti/thetai.] Also p. 205 C.]
[Footnote 124: Plato, Theæt. p. 202.]
[Side-note: Sokrates refutes this criticism. If the elements are
unknowable, the compound must be unknowable also.]
Having enunciated this definition, as one learnt from another
person not named, Sokrates proceeds to examine and confute it. It
rests on the assumption (he says), that the primordial elements
are themselves unknowable; and that it is only the aggregates
compounded of them which are knowable. Such an assumption cannot
be granted. The result is either a real sum total, including both
the two component elements: or it is a new form, indivisible and
uncompounded, generated by the two elements, but not identical
with them nor including them in itself. If the former, it is not
knowable, because if neither of the elements are knowable, both
together are not knowable: when you know neither A nor B you
cannot know either the sum or the product of A and B. If the
latter, then the result, being indivisible and uncompounded, is
unknowable for the same reason as the elements are so: it can only
be named by its own substantive name, but nothing can be
predicated respecting it.[125]
[Footnote 125: Plato, Theæt. pp. 203-206.]
Nor can it indeed be admitted as true--That the elements are
unknowable, and the compound alone knowable. On the contrary, the
elements are more knowable than the compound.[126]
[Footnote 126: Plato, Theæt. p. 206.]
[Side-note: Rational explanation may have one of three different
meanings. 1. Description in appropriate language. 2. Enumeration
of all the component elements in the compound. In neither of these
meanings will the definition of Cognition hold.]
When you say (continues Sokrates) that knowledge is true opinion
coupled with rational explanation, you may mean by _rational
explanation_ one of three things. 1. The power of enunciating the
opinion in clear and appropriate words. This every one learns to
do, who is not dumb or an idiot: so that in this sense true
opinion will always carry with it rational explanation.--2. The
power of describing the thing in question by its component
elements. Thus Hesiod says that there are a hundred distinct
wooden pieces in a waggon: you and I do not know nor can we
describe them all: we can distinguish only the more obvious
fractions--the wheels, the axle, the body, the yoke, &c.
Accordingly, we cannot be said to know a waggon: we have only a
true opinion about it. Such is the second sense of [Greek: lo/gos]
or rational explanation. But neither in this sense will the
proposition hold--That knowledge is right opinion coupled with
rational explanation. For suppose that a man can enumerate, spell,
and write correctly, all the syllables of the name
_Theætêtus_--which would fulfil the conditions of this definition:
yet, if he mistakes and spells wrongly in any other name, such as
_Theodôrus_, you will not give him credit for knowledge. You will
say that he writes _Theætêtus_ correctly, by virtue of right
opinion simply. It is therefore possible to have right opinion
coupled with rational explanation, in this second sense also,--yet
without possessing knowledge.[127]
[Footnote 127: Plato, Theæt. p. 207-208 B. [Greek: e)/stin a)/ra
meta\ lo/gou o)rthê\ do/xa, ê(\n ou)/pô dei= _e)pistê/mên_
kalei=n.]]
[Side-note: Third meaning. To assign some mark, whereby the thing
to be explained differs from everything else. The definition will
not hold. For rational explanation, in this sense, is already
included in true opinion.]
3. A third meaning of this same word [Greek: lo/gos] or rational
explanation, is, that in which it is most commonly understood-To
be able to assign some mark whereby the thing to be explained
differs from every thing else--to differentiate the thing.[128]
Persons, who understand the word in this way, affirm, that so long
as you only seize what the thing has in common with other things,
you have only a _true opinion_ concerning it: but when you seize
what it has peculiar and characteristic, you then possess
_knowledge_ of it. Such is their view: but though it seems
plausible at first sight (says Sokrates), it will not bear close
scrutiny. For in order to have a true opinion about any thing, I
must have in my mind not only what it possesses in common with
other things, but what it possesses peculiar to itself also. Thus
if I have a true opinion about Theætêtus, I must have in my mind
not only the attributes which belong to him in common with other
men, but also those which belong to him specially and exclusively.
Rational explanation ([Greek: lo/gos]) in this sense is already
comprehended in true opinion, and is an essential ingredient in
it--not any new element superadded. It will not serve therefore as
a distinction between true opinion and knowledge.[129]
[Footnote 128: Plato, Theætêt. p. 208 C. [Greek: O(/per a)\n oi(
polloi\ ei)/poien, to\ e)/chein ti sêmei=on ei)pei=n ô(=| tô=n
a(pa/ntôn diaphe/rei to\ e)rôtêthe/n.]]
[Footnote 129: Plato, Theætêt. p. 209.]
[Side-note: Conclusion of the dialogue--Summing up by
Sokrates--Value of the result, although purely negative.]
Such is the result (continues Sokrates) of our researches
concerning knowledge. We have found that it is neither sensible
perception--nor true opinion--nor true opinion along with rational
explanation. But what it is, we have not found. Are we still
pregnant with any other answer, Theætêtus, or have we brought
forth all that is to come?--_I_ have brought forth (replies
Theætêtus) more than I had within me, through your furtherance.
Well (rejoins Sokrates)--and my obstetric science has pronounced
all your offspring to be mere wind, unworthy of being
preserved![130] If hereafter you should again become pregnant,
your offspring will be all the better for our recent
investigation. If on the other hand you should always remain
barren, you will be more amiable and less vexatious to your
companions--by having a just estimate of yourself and by not
believing yourself to know what you really do not know.[131]
[Footnote 130: Plato, Theætêt. p. 210 B. [Greek: ou)kou=n tau=ta
me\n a(/panta ê( maieutikê\ ê(mi=n te/chnê a)nemiai=a/ phêsi
gegenê=sthai kai\ ou)k a)/xia trophê=s?]]
[Footnote 131: Plato, Theæt. p. 210 C. [Greek: e)a/n te gi/gnê|
(e)gku/môn), beltio/nôn e)/sei plê/rês dia\ tê\n nu=n e)xe/tasin;
e)a/n te keno\s ê)=s, ê(=tton e)/sei baru\s toi=s sunou=si kai\
ê(merô/teros, sôphro/nôs ou)k oi)o/menos ei)de/nai a(\ mê\
oi)=stha.]
Compare also an earlier passage in the dialogue, p. 187 B.]
* * * * *
[Side-note: Remarks on the dialogue. View of Plato. False
persuasion of knowledge removed. Importance of such removal.]
The concluding observations of this elaborate dialogue deserve
particular attention as illustrating Plato's point of view, at the
time when he composed the Theætêtus. After a long debate, set
forth with all the charm of Plato's style, no result is attained.
Three different explanations of knowledge have been rejected as
untenable.[132] No other can be found; nor is any suggestion
offered, showing in what quarter we are to look for the true one.
What then is the purpose or value of the dialogue? Many persons
would pronounce it to be a mere piece of useless ingenuity and
elegance: but such is not the opinion of Plato himself. Sufficient
gain (in his view) will have been ensured, if Theætêtus has
acquired a greater power of testing any fresh explanation which he
may attempt of this difficult subject: or even if he should
attempt none such, by his being disabused, at all events, of the
false persuasion of knowing where he is really ignorant. Such
false persuasion of knowledge (Plato here intimates) renders a man
vexatious to associates; while a right estimate of his own
knowledge and ignorance fosters gentleness and moderation of
character. In this view, false persuasion of knowledge is an
ethical defect, productive of positive mischief in a man's
intercourse with others: the removal of it improves his character,
even though no ulterior step towards real and positive knowledge
be made. The important thing is, that he should acquire the power
of testing and verifying all opinions, old as well as new. This,
which is the only guarantee against the delusive self-satisfaction
of sham knowledge, must be firmly established in the mind before
it is possible to aspire effectively to positive and assured
knowledge. The negative arm of philosophy is in its application
prior to the positive, and indispensable, as the single protection
against error and false persuasion of knowledge. Sokrates is here
depicted as one in whom the negative vein is spontaneous and
abundant, even to a pitch of discomfort--as one complaining
bitterly, that objections thrust themselves upon him, unsought and
unwelcome, against conclusions which he had himself just
previously taken pains to prove at length.[133]
[Footnote 132: I have already observed, however, that in one
passage of the interrogation carried on by Sokrates (p. 201 A-B,
where he is distinguishing between persuasion and teaching) he
unconsciously admits the identity between knowledge and sensible
perception.]
[Footnote 133: See the emphatic passage, p. 195 B-C.]
[Side-note: Formation of the testing or verifying power in men's
minds, value of the Theætêtus, as it exhibits Sokrates demolishing
his own suggestions.]
To form in men's minds this testing or verifying power, is one
main purpose in Plato's dialogues of Search--and in some of them
the predominant purpose; as he himself announces it to be in the
Theætêtus. I have already made the same remark before, and I
repeat it here; since it is absolutely necessary for appreciating
these dialogues of Search in their true bearing and value. To one
who does not take account of the negative arm of philosophy, as an
auxiliary without which the positive arm will strike at
random--half of the Platonic dialogues will teach nothing, and will
even appear as enigmas--the Theætêtus among the foremost. Plato excites
and strengthens the interior mental wakefulness of the hearer, to
judge respecting all affirmative theories, whether coming from
himself or from others. This purpose is well served by the manner
in which Sokrates more than once in this dialogue first announces,
proves, and builds up a theory--then unexpectedly changes his
front, disproves, and demolishes it. We are taught that it is not
difficult to find a certain stock of affirmative argument which
makes the theory look well from a distance: we must inspect
closely, and make sure that there are no counter-arguments in the
background.[134] The way in which Sokrates pulls to pieces his own
theories, is farther instructive, as it illustrates the
exhortation previously addressed by him to Theætêtus--not to take
offence when his answers were canvassed and shown to be
inadmissible.[135]
[Footnote 134: Plato, Theætêt. p. 208 E.]
[Footnote 135: Plato, Theætêt. p. 151 C.]
[Side-note: Comparison of the Philosopher with the Rhetor. The
Rhetor is enslaved to the opinions of auditors.]
A portion of the dialogue to which I have not yet adverted,
illustrates this anxiety for the preliminary training of the
ratiocinative power, as an indispensable qualification for any
special research. "We have plenty of leisure for
investigation[136] (says Sokrates). We are not tied to time, nor
compelled to march briefly and directly towards some positive
result. Engaged as we are in investigating philosophical truth, we
stand in pointed contrast with politicians and rhetors in the
public assembly or dikastery. We are like freemen; they, like
slaves. They have before them the Dikasts, as their masters, to
whose temper and approbation they are constrained to adapt
themselves. They are also in presence of antagonists, ready to
entrap and confute them. The personal interests, sometimes even
the life, of an individual are at stake; so that every thing must
be sacrificed to the purpose of obtaining a verdict. Men brought
up in these habits become sharp in observation and emphatic in
expression; but merely with a view to win the assent and
approbation of the master before them, as to the case in hand. No
free aspirations or spontaneous enlargement can have place in
their minds. They become careless of true and sound
reasoning--slaves to the sentiment of those whom they address--and
adepts in crooked artifice which they take for wisdom.[137]
[Footnote 136: Plato, Theæt. p. 155. [Greek: ô(s pa/nu pollê\n
scholê\n a)/gontes, pa/lin e)panaskepso/metha], &c.; also p. 172.]
[Footnote 137: Plato, Theætêt. p. 172-173.
I give only an abstract of this eloquent passage, not an exact
translation. Steinhart (Einleitung zum Theætêt. p. 37) calls it "a
sublime Hymn" (einen erhabenen Hymnus). It is a fine piece of
poetry or rhetoric, and shows that Plato was by nature quite as
rhetorical as the rhetors whom he depreciates--though he had also,
besides, other lofty intellectual peculiarities of his own, beyond
these rivals.]
[Side-note: The Philosopher is master of his own debates.]
Of all this (continues Sokrates) the genuine philosopher is the
reverse. He neither possesses, nor cares to possess, the
accomplishments of the lawyer and politician. He takes no interest
in the current talk of the city; nor in the scandals afloat
against individual persons. He does not share in the common ardour
for acquiring power or money; nor does he account potentates
either happier or more estimable for possessing them. Being
ignorant and incompetent in the affairs of citizenship as well as
of common life, he has no taste for club-meetings or joviality.
His mind, despising the particular and the practical, is absorbed
in constant theoretical research respecting universals. He spares
no labour in investigating--What is man in general? and what are
the attributes, active and passive, which distinguish man from
other things? He will be overthrown and humiliated before the
Dikastery by a clever rhetor. But if this opponent chooses to
ascend out of the region of speciality, and the particular ground
of injustice alleged by A against B--into the general question,
What is justice or injustice? Wherein do they differ from each
other or from other things? What constitutes happiness and misery?
How is the one to be attained and the other avoided?--If the
rhetor will meet the philosopher on this elevated ground, then he
will find himself put to shame and proved to be incompetent, in
spite of all the acute stratagems of his petty mind.[138] He will
look like a child and become ashamed of himself:[139] but the
philosopher is noway ashamed of his incompetence for slavish
pursuits, while he is passing a life of freedom and leisure among
his own dialectics.[140]
[Footnote 138: Plato, Theæt. pp. 175-176.]
[Footnote 139: Plato, Theæt. p. 177 B.]
[Footnote 140: Plato, Theæt. p. 175 E.]
[Side-note: Purpose of dialogue to qualify for a life of
philosophical Search.]
In these words of Sokrates we read a contrast between practice and
theory--one of the most eloquent passages in the
dialogues--wherein Plato throws overboard the ordinary concerns and
purposes both of public and private life, admitting that true philosophers
are unfit for them. The passage, while it teaches us caution in
receiving his criticisms on the defects of actual statesmen and
men of action, informs us at the same time that he regarded
philosophy as the only true business of life--the single pursuit
worthy to occupy a freeman.[141] This throws light on the purpose
of many of his dialogues. He intends to qualify the mind for a
life of philosophical research, and with this view to bestow
preliminary systematic training on the ratiocinative power. To
announce at once his own positive conclusions with their reasons,
(as I remarked before) is not his main purpose. A pupil who,
having got all these by heart, supposed himself to have completed
his course of philosophy, so that nothing farther remained to be
done, would fall very short of the Platonic exigency. The life of
the philosopher--as Plato here conceives it--is a perpetual search
after truth, by dialectic debate and mutual cross-examination
between two minds, aiding each other to disembroil that confusion
and inconsistency which grows up naturally in the ordinary mind.
For such a life a man becomes rather disqualified than prepared,
by swallowing an early dose of authoritative dogmas and proofs
dictated by his teacher. The two essential requisites for it are,
that he should acquire a self-acting ratiocinative power, and an
earnest, untiring, interest in the dialectic process. Both these
aids Plato's negative dialogues are well calculated to afford: and
when we thus look at his purpose, we shall see clearly that it did
not require the presentation of any positive result.
[Footnote 141: Plato, Sophistês, p. 253 C: [Greek: ê( tô=n
e)leuthe/rôn e)pistê/mê].]
[Side-note: Difficulties of the Theætêtus are not solved in any
other Dialogue.]
The course of this dialogue--the Theætêtus--has been already
described as an assemblage of successive perplexities without any
solution. But what deserves farther notice is--That the
perplexities, as they are not solved in this dialogue, so they are
not solved in any other dialogue. The view taken by Schleiermacher
and other critics--that Plato lays out the difficulties in one
anterior dialogue, in order to furnish the solution in another
posterior--is not borne out by the facts. In the Theætêtus, many
objections are propounded against the doctrine, That Opinion is
sometimes true, sometimes false. Sokrates shows that false opinion
is an impossibility: either therefore all opinions are true, or no
opinion is either true or false. If we turn to the Sophistês, we
shall find this same question discussed by the Eleatic Stranger
who conducts the debate. He there treats the doctrine--That false
opinion is an impossibility and that no opinion could be false--as
one which had long embarrassed himself, and which formed the
favourite subterfuge of the impostors whom he calls Sophists. He
then states that this doctrine of the Sophists was founded on the
Parmenidean dictum--That Non-Ens was an impossible supposition.
Refuting the dictum of Parmenides (by a course of reasoning which
I shall examine elsewhere), he arrives at the conclusion--That
Non-Ens exists in a certain fashion, as well as Ens: That false
opinions are possible: That there may be false opinions as well as
true. But what deserves most notice here, in illustration of
Plato's manner, is--that though the Sophistês[142] is announced as
a continuation of the Theætêtus (carried on by the same speakers,
with the addition of the Eleate), yet the objections taken by
Sokrates in the Theætêtus against the possibility of false
opinion, are not even noticed in the Sophistês--much less removed.
Other objections to it are propounded and dealt with: but not
those objections which had arrested the march of Sokrates in the
Theætêtus.[143] Sokrates and Theætêtus hear the Eleatic Stranger
discussing this same matter in the Sophistês, yet neither of them
allude to those objections against his conclusion which had
appeared to both of them irresistible in the preceding dialogue
known as Theætêtus. Nor are the objections refuted in any other of
the Platonic dialogues.
[Footnote 142: See the end of the Theætêtus and the opening of the
Sophistês. Note, moreover, that the Politikus makes reference not
only to the Sophistês, but also to the Theætêtus (pp. 258 A, 266
D, 284 B, 286 B).]
[Footnote 143: In the Sophistês, the Eleate establishes (to his
own satisfaction) that [Greek: to\ mê\ o)\n] is not [Greek:
e)nanti/on tou= o)/ntos], but [Greek: e(/teron tou= o)/ntos] (p.
257 B), that it is one [Greek: ge/nos] among the various [Greek:
ge/nê] (p. 260 B), and that it ([Greek: to\ mê\ o)\n koinônei=])
enters into communion or combination with [Greek: do/xa, lo/gos,
phantasi/a], &c. It is therefore possible that there may be
[Greek: pseudê\s do/xa] or [Greek: pseudê\s lo/gos], when you
affirm, respecting any given subject, [Greek: e(/tera tô=n
o)/ntôn] or [Greek: ta\ mê\ o)/nta ô(s o)/nta] (p. 263 B-C). Plato
considers that the case is thus made out against the Sophist, as
the impostor and dealer in falsehoods; false opinion being proved
to be possible and explicable.
But if we turn to the Theætêtus (p. 189 seq.), we shall see that
this very explication of [Greek: pseudê\s do/xa] is there
enunciated and impugned by Sokrates in a long argument. He calls
it there [Greek: a)llodoxi/a, e(terodoxi/a, to\ e(terodoxei=n]
(pp. 189 A, 190 E, 193 D). No man (he says) can mistake one thing
for another; if this were so, he must be supposed both to know and
not to know the same thing, which is impossible (pp. 196 A, 200
A). Therefore [Greek: pseudê\s do/xa] is impossible.
Of these objections, urged by Sokrates in the Theætêtus, against
the possibility of [Greek: a)llodoxi/a], no notice is taken in the
Sophistês either by Sokrates, or by Theætêtus, or by the Eleate in
the Sophistês. Indeed the Eleate congratulates himself upon the
explanation as more satisfactory than he had expected to find (p.
264 B): and speaks with displeasure of the troublesome persons who
stir up doubts and contradictions (p. 259 C): very different from
the tone of Sokrates in the Theætêtus (p. 195, B-C).
I may farther remark that Plato, in the Republic, reasons about
[Greek: to\ mê\ o)\n] in the Parmenidean sense, and not in the
sense which he ascribed to it in the Sophistês, and which he
recognises in the Politikus, p. 284 B. (Republic, v. pp. 477 A,
478 C.)
Socher (Ueber Platon's Schriften, pp. 260-270) points out the
discrepancy between the doctrines of the Eleate in the Sophistês,
and those maintained by Sokrates in other Platonic dialogues;
inferring from thence that the Sophistês and Politikus are not
compositions of Plato. As between the Theætêtus and the Sophistês,
I think a stronger case of discrepancy might be set forth than he
has stated; though the end of the former is tied to the beginning
of the latter plainly, directly, and intentionally. But I do not
agree in his inference. He concludes that the Sophistês is not
Plato's composition: I conclude, that the scope for dissident
views and doctrine, within the long philosophical career and
numerous dialogues of Plato, is larger than his commentators
admit.]
[Side-note: Plato considered that the search for Truth was the
noblest occupation of life.]
Such a string of objections never answered, and of difficulties
without solution, may appear to many persons nugatory as well as
tiresome. To Plato they did not appear so. At the time when
most of his dialogues were composed, he considered that the Search
after truth was at once the noblest occupation, and the highest
pleasure, of life. Whoever has no sympathy with such a
pursuit--whoever cares only for results, and finds the chase in
itself fatiguing rather than attractive--is likely to take little
interest in the Platonic dialogues. To repeat what I said in
Chapter VIII.**--Those who expect from Plato a coherent system in
which affirmative dogmas are first to be laid down, with the
evidence in their favour--next, the difficulties and objections
against them enumerated--lastly, these difficulties solved--will
be disappointed. Plato is, occasionally, abundant in his
affirmations: he has also great negative fertility in starting
objections: but the affirmative current does not come into
conflict with the negative. His belief is enforced by rhetorical
fervour, poetical illustration, and a vivid emotional fancy. These
elements stand to him in the place of positive proof; and when his
mind is full of them, the unsolved objections, which he himself
had stated elsewhere, vanish out of sight. Towards the close of
his life (as we shall see in the Treatise De Legibus), the love of
dialectic, and the taste for enunciating difficulties even when he
could not clear them up, died out within him. He becomes
ultra-dogmatical, losing even the poetical richness and fervour which
had once marked his affirmations, and substituting in their place
a strict and compulsory orthodoxy.
[Side-note: Contrast between the philosopher and the practical
statesman--between Knowledge and Opinion.]
The contrast between the philosopher and the man engaged in active
life--which is so emphatically set forth in the Theætêtus[144]--falls
in with the distinction between Knowledge and Opinion--The
Infallible and the Fallible. It helps the purpose of the dialogue,
to show what knowledge is _not_: and it presents the distinction
between the two on the ethical and emotional side, upon which
Plato laid great stress. The philosopher (or man of Knowledge,
_i.e._ Knowledge viewed on its subjective side) stands opposed to
the men of sensible perception and opinion, not merely in regard
to intellect, but in regard to disposition, feeling, character,
and appreciation of objects. He neither knows nor cares about
particular things or particular persons: all his intellectual
force, and all his emotional interests, are engaged in the
contemplation of Universals or Real Entia, and of the great
pervading cosmical forces. He despises the occupations of those
around him, and the actualities of life, like the Platonic
Sokrates in the Gorgias:[145] assimilating himself as much as
possible to the Gods; who have no other occupation (according to
the Aristotelian[146] Ethics), except that of contemplating and
theorising. He pursues these objects not with a view to any
ulterior result, but because the pursuit is in itself a life both
of virtue and happiness; neither of which are to be found in the
region of opinion. Intense interest in speculation is his
prominent characteristic. To dwell amidst these contemplations is
a self-sufficing life; even without any of the aptitudes or
accomplishments admired by the practical men. If the philosopher
meddles with their pursuits, he is not merely found incompetent,
but also incurs general derision; because his incompetence becomes
manifest even to the common-place citizens. But if _they_ meddle
with his speculations, they fail not less disgracefully; though
their failure is not appreciated by the unphilosophical spectator.
[Footnote 144: Plato, Theætêt. pp. 173-176. Compare Republic, v.
pp. 476-477, vii. p. 517.]
[Footnote 145: See above, chap. xxiv. p. 355.]
[Footnote 146: Ethic. Nikomach. x. 8, p. 1178, b. 9-25.]
The professors of Knowledge are thus divided by the strongest
lines from the professors of Opinion. And opinion itself--The
Fallible--is, in this dialogue, presented as an inexplicable
puzzle. You talk about true and false opinions: but how can false
opinions be possible? and if they are not possible, what is the
meaning of _true_, as applied to opinions? Not only, therefore,
opinion can never be screwed up to the dignity of knowledge--but
the world of opinion itself defies philosophical scrutiny. It is a
chaos in which there is neither true nor false; in perpetual
oscillation (to use the phrase of the Republic) between Ens and
Non-Ens.[147]
[Footnote 147: Plato, Republic, v. pp. 478-479.
The Theætêtus is more in harmony (in reference to [Greek: do/xa]
and [Greek: e)pistê/mê]) with the Republic, than with the
Sophistês and Politikus. In the Politikus (p. 309 C) [Greek:
a)lêthê\s do/xa meta\ bebaiô/seôs] is placed very nearly on a par
with knowledge: in the Menon also, the difference between the two,
though clearly declared, is softened in degree, pp. 97-98.
The Alexandrine physician Herophilus attempted to draw, between
[Greek: pro/r)r(êsis] and [Greek: pro/gnôsis], the same
distinction as that which Plato draws between [Greek: do/xa] and
[Greek: e)pistê/mê]--The Fallible as contrasted with the
Infallible. Galen shows that the distinction is untenable (Prim.
Commentat. in Hippokratis Prorrhetica, Tom. xvi. p. 487. ed.
Kühn).
Bonitz, in his Platonische Studien (pp. 41-78), has given an
instructive analysis and discussion of the Theætêtus. I find more
to concur with in his views, than in those of Schleiermacher or
Steinhart. He disputes altogether the assumption of other Platonic
critics, that a purely negative result is unworthy of Plato; and
that the negative apparatus is an artifice to recommend, and a
veil to conceal, some great affirmative truth, which acute
expositors can detect and enunciate plainly (Schleiermacher,
Einleit. zum Theætêt. p. 124 seq.) Bonitz recognises the result of
the Theætêtus as purely negative, and vindicates the worth of it
as such. Moreover, instead of denouncing the opinions which Plato
combats, as if they were perverse heresies of dishonest
pretenders, he adverts to the great difficulty of those problems
which both Plato and Plato's opponents undertook to elucidate: and
he remarks that, in those early days, the first attempts to
explain psychological phenomena were even more liable to error
than the first attempts to explain physical phenomena (pp. 75-77).
Such recognition, of the real difficulty of a problem, is rare
among the Platonic critics.]
CHAPTER XXIX.
SOPHISTES--POLITIKUS.
[Side-note: Persons and circumstances of the two dialogues.]
These two dialogues are both of them announced by Plato as forming
sequel to the Theætêtus. The beginning of the Sophistês fits on to
the end of the Theætêtus: and the Politikus is even presented as a
second part or continuation of the Sophistês.[1] In all the three,
the same interlocutors are partially maintained. Thus Sokrates,
Theodôrus, and Theætêtus are present in all three: and Theætêtus
makes the responses, not only in the dialogue which bears his
name, but also in the Sophistês. Both in the Sophistês and
Politikus, however, Sokrates himself descends from the part of
principal speaker to that of listener: it is he, indeed, who by
his question elicits the exposition, but he makes no comment
either during the progress of it or at the close. In both the
dialogues, the leading and expository function is confided to a
new personage introduced by Theodôrus:--a stranger not named, but
announced as coming from Elea--the friend and companion of
Parmenides and Zeno. Perhaps (remarks Sokrates) your friend may,
without your knowledge, be a God under human shape; as Homer tells
us that the Gods often go about, in the company of virtuous men,
to inspect the good and bad behaviour of mankind. Perhaps your
friend may be a sort of cross-examining God, coming to test and
expose our feebleness in argument. No (replies Theodôrus) that is
not his character. He is less given to dispute than his
companions. He is far from being a God, but he is a divine man:
for I call all true philosophers divine.[2]
[Footnote 1: At the beginning of the Politikus, Plato makes
Sokrates refer both to the Theætêtus and to the Sophistês (p. 258
A). In more than one passage of the Politikus (pp. 266 D, 284 B,
286 B), he even refers to the Sophistês directly and by name,
noticing certain points touched in it--a thing very unusual with
him. In the Sophistês also (p. 233 B), express reference is made
to a passage in the Theætêtus.
See also the allusion in Sophistês (to the appearance of the
younger Sokrates as respondent), p. 218 B.
Socher (in his work, Ueber Platon's Schriften, pp. 258-294)
maintains that neither the Sophistês, nor the Politikus, nor the
Parmenidês, are genuine works of Plato. He conceives the two
dialogues to be contemporary with the Theætêtus (which he holds to
have been written by Plato), but to have been composed by some
acute philosopher of the Megaric school, conversant with the
teachings of Sokrates and with the views of Plato, after the visit
of the latter to Megara in the period succeeding the death of
Sokrates (p. 268).
Even if we grant the exclusion of Plato's authorship, the
hypothesis of an author belonging to the Megaric school is highly
improbable: the rather, since many critics suppose (I think
erroneously) that the Megarici are among those attacked in the
dialogue. The suspicion that Plato is not the author of Sophistês
and Politikus has undoubtedly more appearance of reason than the
same suspicion as applied to other dialogues--though I think the
reasons altogether insufficient. Socher observes, justly: 1. That
the two dialogues are peculiar, distinguished from other Platonic
dialogues by the profusion of logical classification, in practice
as well as in theory. 2. That both, and especially the Sophistês,
advance propositions and conclusions discrepant from what we read
in other Platonic dialogues.--But these two reasons are not
sufficient to make me disallow them. I do not agree with those who
require so much uniformity, either of matter or of manner, in the
numerous distinct dialogues of Plato. I recognise a much wider
area of admissible divergence.
The plain announcement contained in the Theætêtus, Sophistês, and
Politikus themselves, that the two last are intended as sequel to
the first, is in my mind a proof of sameness of authorship, not
counterbalanced by Socher's objections. Why should a Megaric
author embody in his two dialogues a false pretence and assurance,
that they are sequel of the Platonic Theætêtus? Why should so
acute a writer (as Socher admits him to be) go out of his way to
suppress his own personality, and merge his fame in that of Plato?
I make the same remark on the views of Suckow (Form der
Platonischen Schriften, p. 87, seq., Breslau, 1855), who admits
the Sophistes to be a genuine work of Plato, but declares the
Politikus to be spurious; composed by some fraudulent author, who
wished to give to his dialogue the false appearance of being a
continuation of the Sophistes: he admits (p. 93) that it must be a
deliberate deceit, if the Politikus be really the work of a
different author from the Sophistês; for identity of authorship is
distinctly affirmed in it.
Suckow gives two reasons for believing that the Politikus is not
by Plato:--1. That the doctrines respecting government are
different from those of the Republic, and the cosmology of the
long mythe which it includes different from the cosmology of the
Timæus. These are reasons similar to those advanced by Socher, and
(in my judgment) insufficient reasons. 2. That Aristotle, in a
passage of the Politica (iv. 2, p. 1289, b. 5), alludes to an
opinion, which is found in the Politikus in the following terms:
[Greek: ê)/dê me\n ou)=n tis a)pephê/nato kai\ tô=n pro/teron
ou(/tôs], &c. Suckow maintains that Aristotle could never have
alluded to Plato in these terms, and that he must have believed
the Politikus to be composed by some one else. But I think this
inference is not justified by the premisses. It is noway
impossible that Aristotle might allude to Plato sometimes in this
vague and general way: and I think that he has done so in other
passages of the same treatise (vii. 2, 1324, a. 29--vii. 7, p.
1327, b. 37).
Ueberweg (Aechtheit der Platon. Schrift. p. 162, seq.) combats
with much force the views of Suckow. It would be rash to build so
much negative inference upon a loose phrase of Aristotle. That he
should have spoken of Plato in this vague manner is much more
probable, or much less improbable, than the counter-supposition,
that the author of a striking and comprehensive dialogue, such as
the Politikus, should have committed a fraud for the purpose of
fastening his composition on Plato, and thus abnegating all fame
for himself.
The explicit affirmation of the Politikus itself ought to be
believed, in my judgment, unless it can be refuted by greater
negative probabilities than any which Socher and Suckow produce. I
do not here repeat, what I have endeavoured to justify in an
earlier chapter of this work, the confidence which I feel in the
canon of Thrasyllus; a confidence which it requires stronger
arguments than those of these two critics to overthrow.]
[Footnote 2: Plato, Sophist. p. 216 B-C.]
This Eleate performs the whole task of exposition, by putting
questions to Theætêtus, in the Sophistês--to the younger Sokrates
in the Politikus. Since the true Sokrates is merely listener in
both dialogues, Plato provides for him an additional thread of
connection with both; by remarking that the youthful Sokrates is
his namesake, and that Theætêtus resembles him in flat nose and
physiognomy.[3]
[Footnote 3: Plato, Politik. p. 257 E.]
[Side-note: Relation of the two dialogues to the Theætêtus.]
Though Plato himself plainly designates the Sophistês as an
intended sequel to the Theætêtus, yet the method of the two is
altogether different, and in a certain sense even opposite. In the
Theætêtus, Sokrates extracts answers from the full and pregnant
mind of that youthful respondent: he himself professes to teach
nothing, but only to canvass every successive hypothesis elicited
from his companion. But the Eleate is presented to us in the most
imposing terms, as a thoroughly accomplished philosopher: coming
with doctrines established in his mind,[4] and already practised
in the task of exposition which Sokrates entreats him to
undertake. He is, from beginning to end, affirmative and
dogmatical: and if he declines to proceed by continuous lecture,
this is only because he is somewhat ashamed to appropriate all the
talk to himself.[5] He therefore prefers to accept Theætêtus as
respondent. But Theætêtus is no longer pregnant, as in the
preceding dialogue. He can do no more than give answers signifying
assent and dissent, which merely serve to break and diversify the
exposition. In fact, the dialogue in the Sophistês and Politikus
is assimilated by Plato himself,[6] not to that in the Theætêtus,
but to that in the last half of the Parmenides; wherein
Aristotelês the respondent answers little more than Ay or No, to
leading questions from the interrogator.
[Footnote 4: Plato, Sophist. p. 217 B. [Greek: e)pei\ diakêkoe/nai
ge/ phêsin i(kanô=s kai\ ou)k a)mnêmonei=n.]]
[Footnote 5: Plato, Sophist. pp. 216-217.]
[Footnote 6: Plato, Sophist. p. 217 C. The words of Sokrates show
that he alludes to the last half of the Parmenidês, in which he is
only present as a listener--not to the first half, in which he
takes an active part. Compare the Parmenidês, p. 137 C. In this
last-mentioned dialogue, Sokrates (then a youth) and Aristotelês
are the parallel of Theætêtus and the younger Sokrates in the
Sophistês and Politikus. (See p. 135 D.)]
[Side-note: Plato declares that his first purpose is to administer
a lesson in logical method: the special question chosen, being
subordinate to that purpose.]
In noticing the circumlocutory character, and multiplied negative
criticism, of the Theætêtus, without any ultimate profit realised
in the form of positive result--I remarked, that Plato appreciated
dialogues, not merely as the road to a conclusion, but for the
mental discipline and suggestive influence of the tentative and
verifying process. It was his purpose to create in his hearers a
disposition to prosecute philosophical research of their own, and
at the same time to strengthen their ability of doing so with
effect. This remark is confirmed by the two dialogues now before
us, wherein Plato defends himself against reproaches seemingly
made to him at the time.[7] "To what does all this tend? Why do
you stray so widely from your professed topic? Could you not have
reached this point by a shorter road?" He replies by distinctly
proclaiming--That the process, with its improving influence on the
mind, stands first in his thoughts--the direct conclusion of the
enquiry, only second: That the special topic which he discusses,
though in itself important, is nevertheless chosen principally
with a view to its effect in communicating general method and
dialectic aptitude: just as a schoolmaster, when he gives out to
his pupils a word to be spelt, looks mainly, not to their
exactness in spelling that particular word, but to their command
of good spelling generally.[8] To form inquisitive, testing minds,
fond of philosophical debate as a pursuit, and looking at opinions
on the negative as well as on the positive side, is the first
object in most of Plato's dialogues: to teach positive truth, is
only a secondary object.
[Footnote 7: Plato, Politikus, pp. 283 B, 286-287.]
[Footnote 8: Plato, Politikus, p. 285 D.
[Greek: _Xen_.--Ti/ d' au)=? nu=n ê(mi=n ê( peri\ tou= politikou=
zê/têsis e(/neka au)tou= tou/tou probe/blêtai ma=llon ê)\ tou=
peri\ pa/nta dialektikôte/rois gi/gnesthai?
_Ne/os Sôkr_.--Kai\ tou=to dê=lon o(/ti tou= peri\ pa/nta.]
Again, p. 288 D. [Greek: to/ te au)= pro\s tê\n tou=
problêthe/ntos zê/têsin, ô(s a)\n r(a=|sta kai\ ta/chista
eu)/roimen, deu/teron a)ll' ou) prô=ton o( lo/gos a)gapa=|n
paragge/lei, polu\ de\ ma/lista kai\ prô=ton tê\n me/thodon
au)tê\n tima=|n, tou= kat' ei)/dê dunato\n ei)=nai diairei=n],
&c.]
[Side-note: Method of logical Definition and Division.]
Both the Sophistes and the Politikus are lessons and specimens of
that process which the logical manuals recognise under the
names--Definition and Division. What is a Sophist? What is a politician
or statesman? What is a philosopher? In the first place--Are the
three really distinct characters? for this may seem doubtful:
since the true philosopher, in his visits of inspection from city
to city, is constantly misconceived by an ignorant public, and
confounded with the other two.[9] The Eleate replies that the
three are distinct. Then what is the characteristic function of
each? How is he distinguished from other persons or other things?
To what class or classes does each belong: and what is the
specific character belonging to the class, so as to mark its place
in the scheme descending by successive logical subdivision from
the highest genus down to particulars? What other professions or
occupations are there analogous to those of Sophist and Statesman,
so as to afford an illustrative comparison? What is there in like
manner capable of serving as illustrative contrast?
[Footnote 9: Plato, Sophist. p. 216 E.]
[Side-note: Sokrates tries the application of this method, first,
upon a vulgar subject. To find the logical place and deduction of
the Angler. Superior classes above him. Bisecting division.]
Such are the problems which it is the direct purpose of the two
dialogues before us to solve. But a large proportion of both is
occupied by matters bearing only indirectly upon the solution. The
process of logical subdivision, or the formation of classes in
subordination to each other, can be exhibited just as plainly in
application to an ordinary craft or profession, as to one of grave
importance. The Eleate Stranger even affirms that the former case
will be simpler, and will serve as explanatory introduction to the
latter.[10] He therefore selects the craft of an angler, for which
to find a place in logical classification. Does not an angler
belong to the general class--men of art or craft? He is not a mere
artless, non-professional, private man. This being so, we must
distribute the class Arts--Artists, into two subordinate classes:
Artists who construct or put together some new substance or
compound--Artists who construct nothing new, but are employed in
getting, or keeping, or employing, substances already made. Thus
the class Artists is bisected into Constructive--Acquisitive. The
angler constructs nothing: he belongs to the acquisitive branch.
We now bisect this latter branch. Acquirers either obtain by
consent, or appropriate without consent. Now the angler is one of
the last-mentioned class: which is again bisected into two
sub-classes, according as the appropriation is by force or
stratagem--Fighters and Hunters. The angler is a hunter: but many
other persons are hunters also, from whom he must be distinguished.
Hunters are therefore divided into, Those who hunt inanimate
things (such as divers for sponges, &c.), and Those who hunt
living things or animals, including of course the angler among
them. The hunters of animals are distinguished into hunters of
walking animals, and hunters of swimming animals. Of the swimming
animals some are in air, others in water:[11] hence we get two
classes, Bird-Hunters and Fish-Hunters; to the last of whom the
angler belongs. The fish-hunters (or fishermen) again are bisected
into two classes, according as they employ nets, or striking
instruments of one kind or another, such as tridents, &c. Of the
striking fishermen there are two sorts: those who do their work at
night by torch-light, and those who work by day. All these
day-fishermen, including among them the angler, use instruments with
hooks at the end. But we must still make one bisection more. Some
of them employ tridents, with which they strike from above
downwards at the fishes, upon any part of the body which may
present itself: others use hooks, rods, and lines, which they
contrive to attach to the jaws of the fish, and thereby draw him
from below upward.[12] This is the special characteristic of the
angler. We have now a class comprehending the anglers alone, so
that no farther sub-division is required. We have obtained not
merely the name of the angler, but also the rational explanation
of the function to which the name is attached.[13]
[Footnote 10: Plato, Sophist. p. 218 E.]
[Footnote 11: Plato, Sophist. p. 220 B. [Greek: Neustikou= mê\n
to\ me\n ptêno\n phu=lon o(rô=men, to\ de\ e)/nudron.]
It deserves notice that Plato here considers the air as a fluid in
which birds swim.]
[Footnote 12: Plato, Sophist. pp. 219-221.]
[Footnote 13: Plato, Sophist. p. 221 A-B. [Greek: Nu=n a)/ra tê=s
a)spalieutikê=s--ou) mo/non tou)/noma, a)lla\ kai\ to\n lo/gon
peri\ au)to\ tou)/rgon, ei)lê/phamen i(kanô=s.]]
[Side-note: Such a lesson in logical classification was at that
time both novel and instructive. No logical manuals then existed.]
This is the first specimen which Plato gives of a systematic
classification descending, by successive steps of bifurcation,
through many subordinations of genera and species, each founded on
a real and proclaimed distinction--and ending at last in an
_infima species_. He repeats the like process in regard to the
Sophist, the Statesman, and other professions to which he compares
the one or the other: but it will suffice to have given one
specimen of his method. If we transport ourselves back to his
time, I think that such a view of the principles of classification
implies a new and valuable turn of thought. There existed then no
treatises on logic; no idea of logic as a scheme of mental
procedure; no sciences out of which it was possible to abstract
the conception of a regular method more or less diversified. On no
subject was there any mass of facts or details collected, large
enough to demand some regular system for the purpose of arranging
and rendering them intelligible. Classification to a certain
extent is of necessity involved, consciously or unconsciously, in
the use of general terms. But the process itself had never been
made a subject of distinct consciousness or reflection to any one
(as far as our knowledge reaches), in the time of Plato. No one
had yet looked at it as a process natural indeed to the human
intellect, up to a certain point and in a loose manner,--but
capable both of great extension and great improvement, and
requiring especial study, with an end deliberately set before the
mind, in order that it might be employed with advantage to
regularise and render intelligible even common and well-known
facts. To determine a series of descending classes, with
class-names, each connoting some assignable characteristic--to
distribute the whole of each class between two correlative
sub-classes, to compare the different ways in which this could be
done, and to select such _membra condividentia_ as were most
suitable for the purpose--this was in the time of Plato an
important novelty. We know from Xenophon[14] that Sokrates
considered Dialectic to be founded, both etymologically and
really, upon the distribution of particular things into genera or
classes. But we find little or no intentional illustration of this
process in any of the conversations of the Xenophontic Sokrates:
and we are farther struck by the fact that Plato, in the two
dialogues which we are here considering, assigns all the remarks
on the process of classification, not to Sokrates himself, but to
the nameless Eleatic Stranger.
[Footnote 14: Xenoph. Memor. iv. 5, 12.]
[Side-note: Plato describes the Sophist as analogous to an angler.
He traces the Sophist by descending subdivision from the
acquisitive genus of art.]
After giving the generic deduction of the angler from the
comprehensive idea of Art, distributed into two sections,
constructive and acquisitive, Plato proceeds to notice the analogy
between the Sophist and an angler: after which he deduces the
Sophist also from the acquisitive section of Art. The Sophist is
an angler for rich young men.[15] To find his place in the
preceding descending series, we must take our departure from the
bisection--hunters of walking animals, hunters of swimming
animals. The Sophist is a hunter of walking animals: which may be
divided into two classes, wild and tame. The Sophist hunts a
species of tame animals--men. Hunters of tame animals are bisected
into such as hunt by violent means (robbers, enslavers, despots,
&c.),[16] and such as hunt by persuasive means. Of the hunters by
means of persuasion there are two kinds: those who hunt the
public, and those who hunt individuals. The latter again may be
divided into two classes: those who hunt to their own loss, by
means of presents, such as lovers, &c., and those who hunt with a
view to their own profit. To this latter class belongs the
Sophist: pretending to associate with others for the sake of
virtue, but really looking to his own profit.[17]
[Footnote 15: Plato, Sophist. p. 222 A.]
[Footnote 16: Plato, Sophist. p. 222 C.
It illustrates the sentiment of Plato's age respecting
classification, when we see the great diversity of particulars
which he himself, here as well as elsewhere, ranks under the
general name [Greek: thê/ra], _hunting_--[Greek: thê/ra ga\r
pampolu/ ti pra=gma/ e)sti, perieilêmme/non o)no/mati nu=n
schedo\n e(ni/] (Plato, Legg. viii. 822-823-824, and Euthyd. p.
290 B). He includes both [Greek: stratêgikê\] and [Greek:
phtheiristikê\] as varieties of [Greek: thêreutikê/], Sophist. p.
227 B.
Compare also the interesting conversation about [Greek: thê/ra
a)nthrô/pôn] between Sokrates and Theodotê, Xenophon, Memorab.
iii. 11, 7; and between Sokrates and Kritobulus, ii. 6, 29.]
[Footnote 17: Plato, Sophist. p. 223 A.]
[Side-note: The Sophist traced down from the same, by a second and
different descending subdivision.]
Again, we may find the Sophist by descending through a different
string of subordinate classes from the genus--_Acquisitive Art_.
The professors of this latter may be bisected into two
sorts--hunters and exchangers. Exchangers are of two sorts--givers
and sellers. Sellers again sell either their own productions, or the
productions of others. Those who sell the productions of others
are either fixed residents in one city, or hawkers travelling
about from city to city. Hawkers again carry about for sale either
merchandise for the body, or merchandise for the mind, such as
music, poetry, painting, exhibitions of jugglery, learning, and
intellectual accomplishments, and so forth. These latter (hawkers
for the mind) may be divided into two sorts: those who go about
teaching; for money, arts and literary accomplishments--and those
who go about teaching virtue for money. They who go about teaching
virtue for money are the Sophists.[18] Or indeed if they sell
virtue and knowledge for money, they are not the less
Sophists--whether they buy what they sell from others, or prepare it
for themselves--whether they remain in one city or become itinerant.
[Footnote 18: Plato, Sophist. p. 224 B.]
[Side-note: Also, by a third.]
A third series of subordinate classes will also bring us down from
the genus--_Acquisitive Art_--down to the _infima
species_--_Sophist_. In determining the class-place of the angler,
we recognised a bisection of acquisitive art into acquirers by
exchange, or mutual consent--and acquirers by appropriation, or
without consent.[19] These latter we divided according as they
employed either force or stratagem: contenders and hunters. We
then proceeded to bisect the class hunters, leaving the contenders
without farther notice. Now let us take up the class contenders.
It may be divided into two: competitors for a set prize (pecuniary
or honorary), and fighters. The fighters go to work either body
against body, violently--or tongue against tongue, as arguers.
These arguers again fall into two classes: the pleaders, who make
long speeches, about just or unjust, before the public assembly
and dikastery: and the dialogists, who meet each other in short
question and answer. The dialogists again are divided into two:
the private, untrained antagonists, quarrelling with each other
about the particular affairs of life (who form a species by
themselves, since characteristic attributes may be assigned to
them; though these attributes are too petty and too indefinite to
have ever received a name in common language, or to deserve a name
from us[20])--and the trained practitioners or wranglers, who
dispute not about particular incidents, but about just and unjust
in general, and other general matters.[21] Of wranglers again
there are two sorts: the prosers, who follow the pursuit from
spontaneous taste and attachment, not only without hope of gain,
but to the detriment of their private affairs, incurring loss
themselves, and wearying or bothering their hearers: and those who
make money by such private dialogues. This last sort of wrangler
is the Sophist.[22]
[Footnote 19: Plato, Sophist. p. 219 E.]
[Footnote 20: Plato, Sophist. p. 225 C.
[Greek: _Xe/nos_.--Tou= de\ a)ntilogikou=, to\ me\n o(/son peri\
ta\ xumbolai=a a)mphisbêtei=tai me/n, ei)kê= de\ kai\ a)technô=s
peri\ au)to\ pra/ttetai, tau=ta _thete/on me\n ei)=dos_, e)pei/per
au)to\ die/gnôken ô(s e(/teron o)\n o( lo/gos; a)ta\r e)pônumi/as
ou)/th' u(po\ tô=n e)/mprosthen e)/tuchen, ou)/te nu=n u(ph'
ê(mô=n tuchei=n a)/xion.
_Theaitêt_.--A)lêthê=; kata\ _smikra\_ ga\r li/an kai\
_pantodapa\_ diê/|rêtai.]
These words illustrate Plato's view of an [Greek: ei)=dos] or
species. Any distinguishable attributes, however petty, and
however multifarious, might be taken to form a species upon; but
if they were petty and multifarious, there was no advantage in
bestowing a specific name.]
[Footnote 21: Plato, Sophist. p. 225 C. [Greek: to\ de/ ge
e)/ntechnon, kai\ peri\ _dikai/ôn au)tô=n_ kai\ a)di/kôn kai\
peri\ tô=n _a)/llôn o(/lôs_ a)mphisbêtou=n, a)=r' ou)k e)ristiko\n
au)= le/gein ei)thi/smetha?]]
[Footnote 22: Plato, Sophist. p. 225 E.]
[Side-note: The Sophist is traced down, from the genus of
separating or discriminating art.]
There is yet another road of class-distribution which will bring
us down to the Sophist. A great number of common arts (carding
wool, straining through a sieve, &c.) have, in common, the general
attribute of separating matters confounded in a heap. Of
separation there are two sorts: you may separate like from like
(this has no established name)--or better from worse, which is
called _purification_. Purification is of two sorts: either of
body or of mind. In regard to body, the purifying agents are very
multifarious, comprising not only men and animals, but also
inanimate things: and thus including many varieties which in
common estimation are mean, trivial, repulsive, or ludicrous. But
all these various sentiments (observes Plato) we must disregard.
We must follow out a real analogy wherever it leads us, and
recognise a logical affinity wherever we find one; whether the
circumstances brought together be vile or venerable, or some of
them vile and some venerable, in the eyes of mankind. Our sole
purpose is to improve our intelligence. With that view, all
particulars are of equal value in our eyes, provided only they
exhibit that real likeness which legitimates them as members of
the same class--purifiers of body: the correlate of that other
class which we now proceed to study--purifiers of mind.[23]