CHAPTER V

BLANCHE DE CASTILLE AS REGENT OF FRANCE

IN a preceding chapter we saw how old Queen Eleanor was despatched into

Spain to bring her granddaughter, Blanche de Castille, as a bride for

Louis of France, and how Eleanor fell ill on the way, and handed over

her charge to Elie de Malmort, Archbishop of Bordeaux. The child whom

Eleanor was bringing back as a sacrifice to peace between John and

Philippe Auguste was then but a little over twelve years of age. Blanche

was born in the early part of the year 1188, at Palencia. Her father, a

good man and a brave warrior, was Alphonso VIII., surnamed the Noble,

King of Castille; and her mother was Eleanor of England, daughter of

Henry II. and Eleanor of Guienne. Fortunately, this latter lady seems to

have inherited none of the bad traits of her mother and namesake; at

least contemporary accounts call her "chaste, noble, and of good

counsel." The family of the young Princess Blanche was large and of

illustrious connections. We need not note those of the direct

Plantagenet line, which are sufficiently familiar, but on her father's

side we may mention her eldest sister, Berengere, who, married to her

cousin, the King of Leon, had been forced to separate from him in spite

of their love, in spite of their children, in spite of important reasons

of state. Queen Berengere was of a character, it appears, very much like

that of her sister, and there was much love between the two. Another

sister, but a year older than Blanche, married Alphonso of Portugal,

whose brother was that Count Ferrand de Flandre defeated at Bouvines by

Philippe Auguste and kept in captivity for many years. Of this sister a

curious story is told.

It appears that, in the negotiations between John and Philippe Auguste,

the name of the Princess of Castille who should become the wife of

Prince Louis had not been specified. The King of Castille had two

unmarried daughters, Urraque and Blanche. When the ambassadors of France

came, accompanied by Queen Eleanor, the two princesses were brought

before them. They chose Urraque, as the elder and the more beautiful;

but when they heard her name they protested that would never do, it was

too hard for the people of France to learn to pronounce; and so the

choice fell upon Blanche.

After being conducted to Normandy, where was the court of her uncle,

John, the little princess was married immediately. The treaty for whose

ratification and observance she was a sort of pledge was signed on May

22, 1200. John ceded nearly all that Philippe could ask, and bestowed

twenty thousand marks sterling upon the young husband. The next day the

ceremony was performed at Portmort, on the right bank of the Seine, by

the Archbishop of Bordeaux, in the presence of a great assemblage of

barons and ecclesiastics. The young prince and his bride could not be

married on French soil by reason of the interdict then in force against

his father for repudiating Ingeburge; hence the choice of Norman soil

and of such an out of the way place. The prince, aged only twelve years

and six months, proceeded with Blanche direct to Paris. There is no

record of the usual festivities accompanying a royal marriage, despite

the accounts of some modern historians, who claim that there were grand

tourneys, and that Louis was wounded in one of them.

In one so young as Blanche it is useless to look for the traits of the

grown woman; we might conjecture much, but it would be in the light of

after events. To those about her at this time Blanche seemed a beautiful

girl, deserving of the flattering play upon words which her name

suggested. She was _la princesse candide_ not only in looks but in

conduct, and won the devoted love of her boy husband, who seems to have

been himself of a lovable disposition. It was at his request that Hugh

of Lincoln, at that time in great repute, visited Blanche, whom he found

in tears and managed to console. But the times were troublous, and we

may well suppose that there was little chance for the fostering of quiet

domestic virtues when one had been forced to marry merely for reasons of

state. It is rumored, though not positively confirmed, that the crafty

King of France made use of his young daughter-in-law to solicit from

King John another slice of Normandy, which John dared not refuse.

Whether this be true or not, it is at least certain that neither

immediately nor ultimately did the marriage of Blanche de Castille help

the English Plantagenets. For John quarrelled with Alphonso, Blanche's

father, and the two were at war with intervals of truce, between 1204

and 1208, the subject of dispute being Gascony. Blanche naturally sided

with her father rather than with her uncle, and when she bore heirs who

might inherit the crown of France, made stronger by the accession of the

Norman lands which had been taken from John and given to her husband, it

is easy to see that her sympathies would be with her adopted country.

Blanche's first child a daughter, who lived but a short time, and whose

name is not known was born in 1205. On September 9, 1209, she gave birth

to a son, hailed as the heir to the crown, and named Philippe, in honor

of his grandfather. But this child, too, lived only a few years, dying

when between eight and nine. In the interval, on January 26, 1213,

Blanche had borne twins, Alphonse and Jean, who did not live long. Other

domestic joys and sorrows were coming to the young princess. Her father

won a great victory over the Moors, at Las Navas de Tolosa, July 16,

1212, and her sister Berengere wrote her the glad news: "It is my

pleasure to inform you of joyful news; thanks be to God, from whom all

good comes, our king, our lord, our father has vanquished on the field

of battle the Emir Almounmenim, by which, I think, he has won very great

honor; for until this time it has never happened that a king of Morocco

has been defeated in a pitched battle." Within two years after this the

gallant Alphonso was dead, and one month later his wife Eleanor followed

him to the tomb.

Father and mother had thus both been taken from Blanche, while she was

far from them, in a strange land. But her new country was winning a hold

upon her heart; in the war then waging between her Uncle John and her

father-in-law, all her interests and all her affection were on the side

of France. And now another son was born, on Saint Mark's day, April 25,

1215, at the royal residence of Poissy. The child was named Louis, and

his birth seems to have created but little interest, as was natural,

since the older brother, Philippe, was still living. But this child

became the famous Saint Louis, and pious legends must needs gather

around his birth and his infancy: it was at the special intervention of

Saint Dominique, whose prayers Blanche had asked, that this son was

born; then, at the time of his birth, the pious queen learned that, out

of consideration for her, the bells of the church of Poissy had been

silenced, so she had herself removed, though then in childbed. The piety

of Blanche was sincere but never exaggerated; it is easy to see in such

a legend the art of those who thought it fitting that a saint, even

before birth, should allow nothing to interfere with the services of the

church. In like manner Blanche's extreme jealousy in regard to her baby

is a fiction that has been often repeated. Louis was given to a nurse,

Marie la Picarde, and there is no truth in the story which represents

Blanche as snatching him from the breast of one of her ladies and

forcing the infant to disgorge the milk of the stranger.

The little Louis was not two years old when the English barons, in

revolt against John, called his father to their aid and promised him the

throne of England, to which he had no claim except through Blanche.

Louis went to England, in spite of the anathemas of the Pope against all

who dared oppose John. Successful at first against the English king, the

French prince began to suffer serious reverses when the hated John was

succeeded by his son, Henry, against whom the English barons had no just

cause of complaint. Philippe Auguste had been from the beginning too

politic to lend his son open assistance, or even to sanction his

enterprise. The task of collecting and sending him reinforcements

devolved upon Blanche. For the first time the full energy of her

character is displayed. A chronicler, almost contemporary, records an

alleged interview between her and Philippe Auguste, who, deaf to his

son's entreaties for help, had declared that he would do nothing, and

that he did not care to risk excommunication. "When Madame Blanche (it

is by this title that she is referred to even when queen) heard of this

she came to the king and said: 'Would you let my lord, your son, perish

thus in a strange land? Sire, for God's sake, remember that he is to

reign after you; send him what he needs, at least the revenues of his

own patrimony.' 'Certes,' said the king, 'I will do nothing, Blanche.'

'Nothing, sire?' 'No, truly.' 'In God's name, then,' replied Blanche, 'I

know what I will do.' 'And what will you do?' 'By the holy Mother of

God, I have beautiful children by my husband; I will put them in pledge,

and well I know some who will lend me on their security.' Then she

rushed madly from the king's presence; and he, when he saw her go,

believed that she had spoken but the truth. He had her called back, and

said to her: 'Blanche, I will give you of my treasure as much as you

would have; do whatever you wish with it; but rest assured that I myself

will send him nothing.' 'Sire,' said Madame Blanche, 'you say well.' And

then the great treasure was given to her, and she sent it to her lord."

The details of this conversation may not be absolutely accurate, but the

facts seem to have been correctly recorded. Blanche went to Calais and

there established headquarters for collecting provisions, munitions, and

a small army for her husband. She despatched an expedition to his aid,

the army being under command of Robert de Courtenay, the fleet under

that of the famous pirate and freebooter Eustache le Moine. But the

fleet was destroyed by the English off Sandwich, August 24, 1217, and

there was no other course open to Louis than to make the best terms he

could with Henry III. and return to France. Blanche had displayed an

energy that elicited the admiration of her contemporaries, but for the

next few years she had no part in the larger events of history.

Domestic duties, domestic sorrows, indeed, must have absorbed a good

deal of the energy of this devoted wife and mother. In September, 1216,

her son Robert had been born. In 1218 she lost Philippe, her oldest son.

Three other children came in rapid succession: John (1219); Alphonse

(1220); Philippe Dagobert (1222). Of these only Alphonse was destined to

live to manhood. The anxious mother, having lost so many of her

children, would make vows for their recovery when any of them fell ill.

Fearing that she might have forgotten to fulfil some of these vows,

often made under stress of anguish, she sought and obtained from the

Pope (1220) permission to perform charities in place of trying to fulfil

her vows in all cases.

In her native land, too, there were events to claim her attention. Her

brother, Henry, having been accidentally killed after a short reign,

Queen Berengere was the next heiress; but she refused the crown for

herself, placing it upon the head of her son, Ferdinand III., whom she

continued to counsel and assist very much as Blanche was later to

counsel her son. It is reported that the discontented subjects of

Ferdinand offered the crown to Blanche. Whether this be true or not, she

would never have taken sides against her sister Berengere.

On July 14, 1223, the great King Philippe Auguste died, and on August

6th Queen Blanche and King Louis VIII. were crowned with solemn

ceremonial. The Abbot of Saint-Remi, escorted by two hundred knights,

brought the sacred ampulla to the cathedral of Rheims, and the

archbishop anointed the royal pair. The king's sword was borne in the

procession by his half-brother, Philippe Hurepel, son of Agnes de

Meranie and Philippe Auguste. There were great festivities, lasting

eight days, and the new king and queen manumitted serfs and showed mercy

upon prisoners and captives. Queen Blanche still remains in the

background during the brief reign of Louis VIII.; but we may note that

she used her influence to secure the liberation of Ferrand de Portugal,

Count of Flanders, who had been in captivity since the battle of

Bouvines. Released from prison in 1227, Ferrand lived to become one of

Blanche's most steadfast and useful allies.

Louis VIII. died in November, 1226, leaving Blanche with eight children

to care for; in addition to those already mentioned there were Isabelle,

Etienne, and Charles, all born since the accession of Louis. The king,

who had forced the submission of Languedoc during the expedition on

which he died, made his barons swear to be true to his son Louis.

Realizing that his devoted wife could not reach him before his death, he

provided as best he could for her. With perfect confidence in her, a

confidence fully justified by the event, he declared that Prince Louis,

his heir, as well as the whole kingdom and all the rest of his children

should be under the tutelage of Queen Blanche until they came of age; to

this important portion of the king's will some of the great barons and

high church dignitaries were witnesses.

Blanche and her husband had loved each other tenderly and faithfully,

and at first the widowed queen was looked upon with compassion. She was

on her way to Louis's bedside, the younger children in a carriage and

Prince Louis riding ahead, when she was met by the news of his death.

Her grief was pitiable; but her sense of duty toward her children and

her realization of the difficulties and dangers of her position gave her

courage. She was not the kind of woman to succumb under grief for the

loss of a well-loved husband or anxiety at finding herself obliged to

govern a kingdom whose king was yet a boy.

At first the old retainers of Louis were around her and faithful to her.

She was politic enough to win the support of the only prince of the

blood, Philippe, surnamed Hurepel, on account of the great mat of shaggy

hair he had inherited from his father, Philippe Auguste. Ferrand, Count

of Flanders, was her friend, and she could rely upon the support of most

of the clergy, and especially upon that of the papal legate, Romain

Frangipani, Cardinal of Saint Angelo. Her surest allies, however, were

the immediate servants of the crown: the chancellor, Guerin, who was

unfortunately not to live long; Archambaud de Bourbon, Count Amaury de

Montfort, the chamberlain, Barthelemy de Roye, and the noble constable,

Mathieu de Montmorency. With the aid of such friends, Blanche began her

duties as regent.

How long this regency was to last, how long it really did last, are

matters not altogether easy to determine. In the first place, there were

precedents, in the royal line as well as in feudal annals, for

considering the age of majority as fourteen years; but there seems to

have been authority equally as good for holding to the age of

twenty-one. Louis was in his twelfth year when his father died. Blanche

continued to act as regent for about ten years, and there was no protest

based on the pretext that the young king should have been considered a

major at fourteen years.

As soon as possible, Blanche had Louis crowned, a ceremony which did not

imply that he was to be considered out of her tutelage, but which did

give him a certain amount of prestige and consequent protection. The

coronation, which took place on November 29, 1226, at Rheims, was but

poorly attended by the nobles. Already there was discontent, and the

great house of Dreux, led by the crafty and unscrupulous Pierre

Mauclerc, Count of Brittany, was at the head of the disaffected. Count

Thibaud de Champagne, son of Blanche's first cousin, would have come to

the coronation, but Blanche ordered the gates of Rheims closed against

him; for it was currently rumored, though the rumor was entirely without

justification, that Louis VIII. had died very suddenly because of poison

administered by Thibaud. But, with or without the presence of the great

barons, Louis IX. was crowned, and Blanche made for herself and her son

such friends as she could.

In England Henry III., always restive under the thought of the losses

sustained by his father in France, was continually scheming to regain

the lost territories. He formed alliances with some of the chief lords

of Poitou, entered into negotiations for the hand of Yolande, daughter

of Pierre Mauclerc, and made abortive, but nevertheless startling,

preparations for a descent upon the coast of France. His allies among

the discontented French nobility took up arms, inspired in part by the

jealous Isabelle d'Angouleme, who had been the queen of John Lackland

and was now Countess of Marche. Blanche promptly summoned the ban royal

to assemble at Tours, whither she went with Louis in February, 1227.

Count Thibaud de Champagne had been in treaty with the rebels and was

marching with his forces as if to join them in Poitou. Tradition says

that he was diverted by a secret message from Blanche; at any rate, he

suddenly turned in his march and came to Tours, did homage to the boy

king, and was graciously received by the queen regent. The defection of

Thibaud upset the plans of the rebels, who quarrelled among themselves.

Many of them came, one by one, to submit to Louis IX., and hostilities

were suspended between the French and Richard of Cornwall, brother and

representative of Henry III.

During the truce which followed, Blanche was enabled to prosecute the

unfinished war in Languedoc against Raymond VII. of Toulouse and the

Albigensian heretics. One is surprised to find that certain churches in

France refused at first to grant the king subsidies to conduct this

crusade, and that it was only by the vigorous measures of Cardinal

Remain that they were at length compelled to yield.

The turbulent barons could not endure being governed by a woman. If

Blanche had been a weak ruler the indignity of bearing her rule would

have been atoned for by the laxity of that rule; but she was strong, and

could control the barons, who accordingly hated her. Pierre Mauclerc and

his party declared that France was not meant to be ruled by a foreign

woman; they called her "Dame Hersent," like the she-wolf in the _Roman

du Renart_; they circulated odious calumnies against her. The most

noteworthy of these calumnies is that which connected her name with that

of Thibaud de Champagne as an adulteress. They said that Blanche had

been his paramour even during the life of her husband; nay, that she had

connived at the murder of her husband, poisoned by Thibaud. They alleged

that she was, moreover, secretly sending the royal treasure into Spain;

that she was so vile that one lover did not suffice; that she had

illicit relations with Cardinal Remain. It is needless to say that there

is no foundation for these tales; they are the tax that a good woman

paid for being at the same time great.

The malcontents plotted to separate the king from his mother, and

determined to carry him off by force. Blanche and Louis were near

Orleans when warned of the danger. Hastening toward Paris, they were

forced to take refuge in the strong castle of Montlhery, for the rebels

were assembled in force at Corbeil, between them and Paris. Blanche

appealed to the citizens of Paris to safeguard the king's approach.

There could not have been a better testimonial to the popularity of the

royal family and, incidentally, to the good government enjoyed under

Blanche than the response made by these _bourgeois_. The militia of the

surrounding country having been gathered in Paris, the combined forces

of the city and country marched to Montlhery, deploying along the route.

Long after this Saint Louis used to tell Joinville of his triumphal

entry: "He told me," says this chronicler, "that from Montlhery, the

road was filled with men with arms and men without arms, up to the gates

of Paris, and that all shouted and called upon the Lord to grant him

long and happy life, and to guard and protect him against his enemies."

The nobles were balked, and retired from Corbeil.

The barons, though temporarily disheartened, were by no means reduced to

peaceful submission. England was still in a threatening attitude; while

the long and relentless war against the Albigenses was dragging on, with

success now on this side, now on that. Blanche had need to fortify

herself as wisely as she could. She sought the support of the bourgeois.

The citizens of Limoges and of Saint-Junien in the Limousin, in charters

granted in 1228, swore fealty to the queen as well as to the king.

Cardinal Remain, at Blanche's instance, came back to France as legate;

she found his advice, and the prestige of the papal authority, of

material assistance. After some negotiation, the truce with England was

renewed for a year, from July, 1228, to July, 1229.

Philippe Hurepel, who had been faithful for a time to the interests of

his sister-in-law and her son, displayed discontent, and now went over

to the side of the rebels. It is said that he even had an eye on the

throne, and that the barons had some notion of trying to set up

Enguerrand de Coucy as king that Coucy who was the head of the house

with the famous motto:

"Je ne suis roi, ne due, ne prince, ne comte aussi:

Je suis le sire de Coucy."

Before actual hostilities began, Blanche had required and received new

oaths of fealty from the communes of the royal domain north of the

Seine, as far as Flanders. Magistrates of Amiens, Compiegne, Laon,

Peronne, and a host of other places, swore to defend the king, Queen

Blanche, and her children. The barons had arranged that Pierre Mauclerc

should begin hostilities, and that when Blanche summoned the feudal army

to march against him each should come, but come with only two knights,

which would make a force so small that Mauclerc would have nothing to

fear. Once more Thibaud de Champagne came to the rescue. He gathered all

the troops he could, and came with over three hundred knights, these

being, when joined to the contingents from the loyal communes of the

royal domain, enough to save Blanche. In January, 1229, Blanche marched

into the domains of the refractory Mauclerc--who had refused to appear

when summoned to the court--and laid siege to the strong castle of

Belleme. In a few days, though the stronghold was considered

impregnable, the garrison was forced to surrender. The actual military

operations of this successful siege were conducted, of course, by

Blanche's general, Jean Clement, the marshal of France; but she herself

looked after the comfort of her army. It was intensely cold; she ordered

the soldiers to build great bonfires in the camp, promising pay to those

who would fetch fuel from the forests; by this means, men and horses

were kept warm.

After the capitulation of the garrison of Belleme, Mauclerc's power was

temporarily broken, and Blanche marched back to Paris with Louis, who

had accompanied her. The barons had not received the support on which

they had counted from Henry III., whose weakness and vacillation kept

him from taking advantage of what would have been a splendid opportunity

to weaken the power of France.

In her precarious situation Blanche needed the support of all classes;

it was now her misfortune to incur, for a time, the ill will of the

students of the University of Paris. These students had, from long

custom and by royal favor, been allowed all sorts of privileges and

immunities, since the University added no little to the prestige of

Paris. They were a turbulent set, frequently engaged in brawls with the

citizens. On Shrove Monday, 1229, some students went to an inn at

Saint-Marcel, outside Paris, where they ate and drank, and then engaged

in a violent quarrel with the innkeeper when the bill was presented. The

quarrel at first seemed rather comic; after a wordy battle they came to

blows and pulling of hair, till the students were driven ignominiously

from the field. But next day, February 27th, they returned in force,

armed with sticks and stones, and even swords. In a spirit of

undiscriminating revenge, they wrecked the first inn they came across

and beat the people in the streets, women as well as men. Word was sent

at once to the authorities of the University, who appealed to Queen

Blanche through Cardinal Romain. The prefect of Paris, with his

soldiers, was ordered to proceed to the scene of the rioting and restore

order, which he did with rather too good a will, for in the process

there was bloodshed; several students were killed, and the complaint was

made that those whom the prefect and his men attacked were not the

guilty ones. The authorities of the University were up in arms against

the queen. As she declined to make the reparation they demanded--which

would have left the students more lawless than ever for the

future--teachers and students scattered, to Rheims, to Angers, to

Orleans, and many returned to their native land. The concessions which

Blanche then made could not bring back all who had gone away. Though her

policy may have been mistakenly severe one can but grant that she had

cause for being severe. All our sympathies are with the woman whom the

students did not hesitate to vilify, reviving the calumny about the

relations of Blanche and Cardinal Romain, who had given her able support

in this affair. Such currency did this vile story gain that one

chronicler tells us that the queen submitted to an examination to

disprove it.

The first real victory for France in the long war of the Albigenses came

with the treaty of Paris, sometimes called the treaty of Meaux, April

12, 1229. It is, perhaps, fortunate for the reader's good opinion of

Blanche that we omit to chronicle the horrors of this war, though most

of those horrors were committed before she became ruler of France.

Raymond VII., Count of Toulouse, the head and front of the resistance in

Provence, was Blanche's cousin, and she had always shown herself mindful

of family ties, so that we may charitably suppose that she did the best

she could for the ruined Raymond. We do not know that she assisted at

his humiliation,--barefooted, and in his shirt, he was led to the door

of Notre Dame and made to swear absolute submission to the Church--but

we cannot go wrong in assuming that some of the wise provisions of the

treaty of Paris were of her suggesting. The provisions were very wise

indeed, securing to the French crown almost everything that could be

hoped; in our wildest moments of enthusiasm, however, we could not

accuse Blanche of having tempered policy with mercy. As a summary of the

situation, we may state that Raymond contracted to' surrender to Louis

Beaucaire, Nimes, Carcassonne, and Beziers, with other territories on

the Mediterranean to the west of the Rhone; that Toulouse and its

territory must revert to his daughter Jeanne, who was to be espoused by

one of the brothers of Louis IX.; that the dominions remaining to him

should also revert to Jeanne, in failure of other heirs of his body.

Failing heirs of Jeanne, the domains acquired as her dower were to

revert to the crown of France. More complete ruin for Raymond could

hardly have been compassed. It was the end of Provence both as a

political and an artistic entity.

We have alluded several times to the famous Thibaud IV., called _Le

Chansonnier_, Count of Champagne. His relations with Blanche of Castille

are matter both of history and of legend; it behooves us to try to sift

the one from the other and to present some account of the loves of

Blanche and Thibaud.

Thibaud's mother, Blanche de Navarre, Countess of Champagne, had to play

a role not unlike that of her cousin Blanche de Castille; she acted as

regent in the name of her son, and it was due to her good management

that he was allowed to inherit his patrimony. This was surely an age of

woman, with Berengere ruling in Castille, Queen Blanche in France, and

another Blanche, of the same family, in Champagne. Thibaud was of a

gallant temperament, priding himself upon his knightly accomplishments,

but not less upon his talent as a poet; for he was one of those

imitators of the troubadours whom we might almost class with the

troubadours themselves. Of his gifts as a poet we shall not speak here;

in the histories of French literature will be found the record of many

of his chansons. As a man, it is altogether probable that Thibaud did

not suffer from an over-scrupulous conscience; we have knowledge of his

acting in very bad faith on several occasions. But these manifestations

of bad faith were almost always to the advantage of Blanche de Castille.

The rebel barons would enter into league with Thibaud, and he would

agree to betray his queen, and would even consider seriously the

question of marrying the daughter and heiress of Pierre Mauclerc. At the

critical moment comes a missive, nominally from the boy king: "Sir

Thibaud de Champagne, I have heard that you have promised to take to

wife the daughter of the Count Pierre de Bretagne; I bid you, by all

that you hold most dear in this kingdom, that you do not so. The reason,

you know full well;... for never have I had one who wished me more ill

than this same count." The impulsive Thibaud reads the note, and he and

his knights turn aside to support the fair lady who was the real author

of the missive. It was this sort of thing which made the barons hate and

distrust Thibaud and which gave some color to the reports they

industriously circulated, alleging that Blanche was the mistress of

Thibaud. The latter had already been accused of poisoning Louis VIII.;

it was now added that this crime had been connived at by his paramour,

Blanche.

That Thibaud really loved Blanche, there can be no reasonable doubt. His

amorous songs were probably inspired in part by this devotion to one

whom he might well admire and love, the fair, and good, and great Queen

Blanche, whom he could proudly claim as a cousin. In one of his songs he

alludes to her, it seems to us, very distinctly:

"Trop est ce trouble, et s'aveis si cler nom."

(Troubled was your life, and yet your name so clear.) The chronicles of

the time abound in allusions to Thibaud's passion. It is said that, on

one occasion, after a momentary revolt, he came to make his submission,

and was severely reproached by the queen for his ingratitude. "Then the

Count looked upon the Queen, who was so good and so beautiful, till her

great beauty overcame him, and he stood all abashed. Then he answered

her: 'By my faith, Madame, my heart and my body and all my lands are

yours; there is naught that could please you that I would not do

willingly; and never again, please God, will I go against you or yours.'

And he departed all pensive, and often into his thoughts would come the

memory of the sweet look, of the lovely countenance, of the queen. Then

his heart was filled with sweet and loving thought. But when he

remembered that she was so great a lady, and so good and pure that he

could never win her love, his sweet thought of love turned into great

sadness. And seeing that deep thought engenders melancholy, he was

counselled by some wise men to take lessons in _biaus sons de viele et

en douz chanz delitables_ (in sweet violin music and in soft and

pleasing songs). And so he and Gace Brusle made between them the most

beautiful, the most delightful, the most melodious songs ever heard,

either in songs or in violin music. And he had them put in writing in

the hall of his chateau at Provins and in that of Troyes; and they are

called the songs of the King of Navarre."

The chronicler who tells us this assigns the incident to the year 1236,

when Blanche would have been forty-eight years of age. The date is

obviously wrong, or rather the story of many years has been crowded into

one. Thibaud's love for Blanche must have begun when she was young and

really beautiful; one can hardly imagine a burning passion conceived for

a lady of middle age, the mother of twelve children. His devotion, then,

dates from an earlier period; indeed, we find definite record of it in

the calumnies circulated by the barons before 1230; and one chronicler

tells us that, during the war of that year, when the barons were

ravaging Champagne, Count Thibaud, dressed as a common stroller and

accompanied by one companion as miserably attired as himself, went

through the country to find out what his people were saying about him.

Everywhere he heard but ill of himself. "Then said the Count to his

_ribaud_ (vagabond companion), 'Friend, I see full well that a penn'orth

of bread would feed all my friends. I have none, indeed, I verily

believe, not a one whom I can trust, save the Queen of France.' She was

indeed his loyal friend, and well did she show that she did not hate

him. By her the war was brought to an end, and all the land (Champagne)

reconquered. Many tales do they tell of them, as of Iseut and Tristan."

The love of Thibaud was not to be doubted, but it is a delicate matter

to determine how far his sentiments were reciprocated by Blanche. On the

one hand, the party of the barons openly and violently accused her of

adultery; on the other hand, we know that no evil woman could have

reared Saint Louis and have been beloved and revered by him. If Blanche

was a good and pure woman, as we firmly believe, we shall again have to

disappoint the lovers of romance, for there must be some explanation

other than the purely erotic for her conduct toward Thibaud de

Champagne. Alas for the romance! the common-sense explanation is not far

to seek, and not difficult of acceptance when we remember the whole

career of this remarkable woman. Blanche de Castille was an astute

politician; otherwise she would never have been able to maintain her

position, with everything against her: the fact that she was a woman,

the fact that she was a foreigner, alone comprise many difficulties. We

do not know of a single instance in which she allowed her

feelings--love, hate, family affection, mere feminine weakness--to sway

her or interfere with the settled policy which she had determined upon

for the good of her kingdom and of her children. Indeed, as we shall see

later, one serious defect in her character was her inflexibility of

purpose, her resolute suppression of the tenderer feelings. That she

liked and perhaps admired the brilliant poet-knight who proclaimed his

devotion to her in "songs the sweetest ever heard," we need not doubt;

but she never responded to his ardent passion. Surrounded by enemies

domestic and enemies foreign, she took advantage of the romantic

devotion of a poet to win the very effective support of one of the most

powerful barons of France. Flattering Thibaud's vanity now and then,--it

was no small thing to be reputed the lover of a queen,--she adroitly

kept him in leash. As a sovereign, too, she was careful to retain his

good will by services of the utmost value, nay, of imperative necessity.

The truce with England was to expire on July 22, 1229. Just at this

time, when it might be supposed that the queen's energies would be

required in defending or at least in watching the western frontier,

threatened by Pierre Mauclerc and his English allies, the Duke of

Burgundy and the Count of Nevers prepared to invade Thibaud's country.

Marching into Champagne, they devastated the country and reduced Thibaud

to a very precarious condition. The pretext of this war was, first, that

Thibaud was a traitor and the assassin of Louis VIII.; secondly, that he

was a bastard, and that the real ruler of Champagne was Alix, Queen of

Cyprus, granddaughter of Thibaud's uncle, Henry II. of Champagne. The

claims were both, of course, preposterous, merely trumped up to hide the

real motive of the attack, which was aimed at Blanche de Castille and

through her at the power of the crown. Alix de Champagne, as the barons

called her, was herself of illegitimate descent, a fact recognized by

the Church itself.

Like a faithful sovereign, Blanche hastened to the defence of her

vassal. Ordering Ferrand de Flandre to create a diversion by an attack

upon the county of Boulogne, she summoned her vassals and commanded them

to desist from their attack upon Thibaud. They refused to obey; she

forthwith put herself at the head of her army and marched to Troyes. The

barons were compelled to accede to a truce.

During this truce Thibaud managed to secure several allies, and the

civil war broke out again, even before the nominal expiration of the

truce. Villages and towns were burned by the partisans on both sides;

Philippe Hurepel, it is said, besought Blanche to be allowed to fight a

duel with Thibaud to avenge the alleged murder of Louis VIII.--a sort

of appeal to the judgment of God. Wider and wider spread the flames of

civil war, till Blanche was almost at the end of her resources, and in

real peril. At this juncture a danger from without caused a temporary

cessation of hostilities against Thibaud de Champagne.

Pierre Mauclerc, now insolently styling himself Duke--not Count--of

Brittany, and adding an English title, Count of Richmond, had written to

Louis IX. announcing the withdrawal of his homage. He was to be

henceforth a vassal of the crown of England. Henry III. was preparing in

earnest for a descent upon France; and Blanche sought allies, or at

least friends, among her vassals, while the barons leagued against

Thibaud agreed to a truce. Collecting what forces she could, the queen,

accompanied by Louis, marched toward Angers against Pierre. Meanwhile,

with much pomp and ceremony and rich clothing and luxurious baggage,

Henry III. landed at Saint-Malo, on May 3, 1230, where he had an

interview with Pierre. Henry was full of splendid plans; fortunately for

Blanche, he was incapable of putting them into execution. The time was

frittered away in petty encounters, and in debauchery on Henry's part,

while Blanche continued to negotiate with any who seemed disposed to

favor her cause. She won in this way the support of some Breton and

Poitevin nobles, and held together her uncertain feudal army. As soon as

the legal forty days of their service were done, the more discontented

of the vassals in her army withdrew, and the king had to follow them in

order to prevent their renewing their attacks upon Champagne. Instead of

profiting by the embarrassment of his enemies and overwhelming the

French, Henry marched to and fro in Brittany, through Poitou and to

Bordeaux, returning thence to Brittany. His army was exhausted without

fighting; there was much sickness among men and animals; his provisions

were giving out. Tired of the fruitless expedition, he sailed back to

England, abandoning to the chances of war the Breton nobles who had

deserted France under promise of protection from England. Before the

joyful news of his departure could reach her, however, Blanche was again

in trouble in her attempts to protect Thibaud de Champagne.

A coalition stronger than before had been formed against Thibaud. He had

put forth his entire resources in his preparations for defence; but in a

pitched battle under the walls of Provins his forces were defeated and

routed, and the count himself fled to Paris with the pursuing victors at

his heels. All seemed lost, and his enemies were marching about as they

pleased over Champagne, when Queen Blanche arrived with her army, which

was large enough, fortunately, to intimidate the rebels. She would not

talk of terms with armed rebels, but demanded the evacuation of

Champagne. After some little parleying, in which the queen held firm,

the rebellious barons submitted. Reparation was agreed to on both sides,

and the chief of the malcontents, Philippe Hurepel, Count of Boulogne,

was satisfied by large indemnities granted him for the damage inflicted

by Ferrand de Flandre while he was making war, in defiance of his

sovereign, upon the Count of Champagne. Truly, mediaeval dispensations

are sometimes amazing.

By the end of 1230 the barons were at peace, and Blanche was at liberty

to turn her attention to Brittany and Pierre Mauclerc. Louis and his

mother marched upon Brittany in the early summer of 1231; but a truce

was made with England, and soon after with Pierre Mauclerc, to last

until June 24, 1234. The most critical period in Blanche's regency was

now passed. Her son, now nearing his majority, was firmly established on

his throne; for the great ones of the land had not been able to subdue

the spirit of his mother. Their wars had devastated a considerable

portion of France, but the common people knew who was to blame for the

havoc wrought; they had seen their queen a peacemaker, resorting to arms

in defence of loyal and oppressed subjects, but always endeavoring to

further the interests of the kingdom by preserving order within rather

than by seeking conquests without. She had shown herself a ruler full of

energy and resource; the great vassals of the crown, little by little,

recognized their inability to destroy her power, and abandoned the

attempt.

Two formidable enemies still threatened her, however, in the persons of

Henry III. and Pierre Mauclerc. While warlike preparations were going

forward, in anticipation of the expiration of the truce, domestic

sorrows fell upon Blanche; she lost two of her sons, John and Philippe

Dagobert, the first of whom died certainly in 1232, the second perhaps

in the same year, perhaps not till 1234. In the midst of great events,

those griefs which touch most nearly a woman's heart pass unnoticed by

chroniclers.

In order to be prepared for the expiration of the truce, Pierre Mauclerc

was seeking to gain such allies as he could. Even in the early part of

1232 he began negotiations with Thibaud de Champagne,--who had lost his

second wife, Agnes de Beaujeu, in the year preceding,--in order to bring

about his marriage to Yolande de Bretagne. We have seen how Blanche

checkmated this move of her wily adversary. Thibaud married, in

September, 1232, Marguerite, the daughter of the loyal Archambaud de

Bourbon. In the next year died one who had been a dangerous power in

France, Count Philippe Hurepel; his death removed one more of Blanche's

difficulties, for he had been restless and pugnacious, when not actually

in rebellion. In 1234 Blanche was enabled to do another good turn to

Thibaud, who now, by the death of his uncle, had become King of Navarre.

The old question of the succession in Champagne and the claims of Alix

had never been satisfactorily determined. Blanche now summoned Alix to a

conference, where, realizing that her party was no longer in the

ascendant, the latter renounced all claim to the counties of Champagne

and Blois.

From the south of France, that land of the troubadours, now laid waste

in the name of religion, Blanche had nothing to fear in the way of

active resistance. Her cousin, Raymond VII. of Toulouse, was completely

overcome and was intent only on making his peace with the Church. Prince

Alphonse of France was to wed Raymond's daughter, Jeanne, and the

restoration of some degree of prosperity in a land which might ere long

become a part of France was a matter which Blanche was too wise to

neglect. Never forgetting the political interests she had to serve, she

did all in her power to protect Raymond from petty annoyance and

spoliation, to soothe his feelings, and to get the Pope to return to him

the marquisate of Provence, taken away by the treaty of 1229. Meanwhile,

the royal power was being more firmly established over the domains ceded

to France.

Louis IX. was nearing manhood; it was time to seek a suitable alliance

for him. The initiative in this matter probably came from Blanche, who

decided everything for her son, with his unquestioning approval. In

1233, when Louis was nineteen, she consulted with her friends and

decided upon the daughter of Raymond Berenger, Count of Provence, as the

most suitable wife for her son. Though the King of France could have

commanded a more brilliant alliance, the marriage with Marguerite de

Provence was a happy one, and not impolitic, for it assured the

friendship of the Provencals, and through the mediation of the queen

peace was re-established between the Counts of Provence and Toulouse.

An embassy was despatched to escort the young princess, who, as became a

daughter of Provence, came with a numerous suite, in which there were

minstrels and musicians. Louis went to meet his bride, accompanied by

most of the members of the royal family, and the marriage ceremony was

performed at Sens, by the Archbishop, on May 26 or 27, 1234. Adequate

preparations consonant with the dignity of the occasion had been made by

Blanche, but there was no extravagance, no vain display. We hear of a

gold crown made for the young queen; of jewels purchased for her; and of

a ring formed of lilies and _marguerites_, with the inscription _Hors

cet and pourrions nous trouver amor?_--"Without this ring, can we find

love?" presented to the bride by Louis. A handsome wardrobe was provided

for the king, and to the lords and ladies of the court were given furs,

handsome robes, many of silk, and other presents. Tents were erected to

accommodate the crowd, which was too great to find housing in Sens, and

there was a leafy bower, made of green boughs, where the king's throne

was set up and where, doubtless, the minstrels played. Then there were

distributions of money among the poor, whom Blanche and her son never

forgot.

Marguerite was young, lovely, and, what was more important still in one

who must be the wife of a saint, had been carefully educated and reared

in piety. She was of gentler stuff than Queen Blanche, and so we shall

not find her playing any great role in history; but she was courageous,

and a devoted wife. She won her husband's love, and probably exercised

some influence over him; but of her married life and of her treatment by

Queen Blanche we shall not speak at present.

War with England was threatening again when, on June 8th, Louis returned

to Paris with his bride; for the truce with England could not be

renewed. Blanche de Castille had provided against the evil day, and the

vindictive cruelty of Pierre Mauclerc had helped on her projects. He

punished so severely those of his vassals who had been loyal to France

that it became easier for Blanche to detach one here and there as an

ally. She did not wait for the expiration of the truce to begin her

operations, but summoned her army and marched upon Brittany with

overwhelming forces. Pierre, who had had but small aid from Henry III.,

was compelled to submit, and a truce was agreed to for three months, to

terminate on November 15th. The delay had been sought by Pierre in the

hope of extracting, by entreaties or threats, more active assistance

from the miserable Henry III. Finding his appeals here in vain, Pierre

returned to France to submit to Blanche and Louis. It is said that he

came into the presence of the king with a halter about his neck, pleaded

for mercy, and abandoned to Louis all Brittany. While this is doubtless

an exaggeration, we know that he submitted absolutely, in November,

1234, to the will of his sovereign, and promised to serve faithfully the

king and his mother. It was not long after this that he went to the Holy

Land, leaving the government of Brittany in the hands of his son.

The most bitter, the most crafty, the most dangerous of her enemies

having been reduced to subjection, there remained but one task for

Blanche to accomplish in order to crown the work she had undertaken for

her son. In the course of the year 1235-1236 negotiations were

undertaken with England that resulted in a truce for a term of five

years. Blanche was about to hand over the more active control of affairs

to Louis; it was no bad beginning for him to find his realm at peace

within and without, with a prospect of the continuance of these

conditions.

Women of Mediæval France Woman: in all ages and in all countries Vol. 5 (of 10) · 第 5 / 14 章