STRAWBERRY HILL, _July_ 20, 1767.
You have heard enough, even in the late reign, of our
_interministeriums_, not to be surprised that the present lasts so
long. I am not writing now to tell you it is at an end; but I thought
you might grow impatient.
The Parliament was scarcely separated when a negotiation was begun with
the Bedfords, through Lord Gower; with a view to strengthen the remains
of Administration by that faction,[1] but with no intention of including
George Grenville, who is more hated at Court than he is even in other
places. After some treaty, Lord Gower, much against his will, I believe,
was forced to bring word, that there was no objection made by his
friends to the Treasury remaining in the Duke of Grafton; that Grenville
would support without a place; but Lord Temple (who the deuce thought of
Lord Temple?) insisted on equal power, as he had demanded with Lord
Chatham. There was no end of that treaty! Another was then begun with
Lord Rockingham. He pleaded want of strength in his party, and he might
have pleaded almost every other want--and asked if he might talk to the
Bedfords. Yes! he might talk to whom he pleased, but the King insisted
on keeping the Chancellor, "and me," said the Duke of Grafton; but
added, that for himself, he was very willing to cede the Treasury to his
Lordship. Away goes the Marquis to Woburn; and, to charm the King more,
negotiates with both Grenvilles too. These last, who had demanded
everything of the Crown, were all submission to the Marquis, and yet
could not dupe him so fast as he tried to be duped. Oh! all, all were
ready to stay out, or turn their friends in, or what he pleased. He took
this for his own talents in negotiation, came back highly pleased, and
notified his success. The Duke of Grafton wrote to him that the King
meant they should come in, _to extend and strengthen his
Administration_. Too elated with his imaginary power, the Marquis
returned an answer, insolently civil to the Duke, and not commonly
decent for the place it was to be carried to. It said, that his Lordship
had laid it down for a principle of the treaty, that the present
Administration was at an end. That supposed, _he_ was ready to _form_ a
comprehensive Ministry, but first must talk to the King.
[Footnote 1: The difficulties were caused by Lord Chatham's illness. He,
though Prime Minister, only held the office of Lord Privy Seal, the Duke
of Grafton being First Lord of the Treasury; consequently, when Lord
Chatham became incapable of transacting any business whatever, even of
signing a resignation of his office, the Duke became the Prime Minister,
and continued so for three years.]
Instead of such an answer as such a _remonstrance_ deserved, a very
prudent reply was made. The King approved the idea of a comprehensive
Administration: he desired to unite the hearts of _all_ his subjects: he
meant to exclude men of no denomination attached to his person and
government; it was such a Ministry that _he_ intended to _appoint_. When
his Lordship should have _formed a plan_ on such views, his Majesty
would be ready to receive it from him. The great statesman was wofully
puzzled on receiving this message. However, he has summoned his new
allies to assist in composing a scheme or list. When they bring it, how
they will bring it formed, or whether they will ever bring it, the Lord
knows. There the matter rests at present. If the Marquis does not alter
his tone, he sinks for ever, and from being the head of a separate band,
he must fall into the train of Grenville, the man whom he and his
friends opposed on all the arbitrary acts of that Ministry, and whom
they have irremissibly offended by repealing his darling Stamp Act.
_Apropos_, America is pacified, and the two factions cannot join to fish
in troubled waters, there, at least.
Lord Clive[1] is arrived, has brought a million for himself, two diamond
drops worth twelve thousand pounds for the Queen, a scimitar dagger, and
other matters, covered with brilliants, for the King, and worth
twenty-four thousand more. These _baubles_ are presents from the deposed
and imprisoned Mogul, whose poverty can still afford to give such
bribes. Lord Clive refused some overplus, and gave it to some widows of
officers: it amounted to ninety thousand pounds. He has _reduced_ the
appointments of the Governor of Bengal to thirty-two thousand pounds a
year; and, what is better, has left such a chain of forts and
distribution of troops as will entirely secure possession of the
country--till we lose it. Thus having composed the Eastern and Western
worlds, we are at leisure to kick and cuff for our own little island,
which is great satisfaction; and I don't doubt but my Lord Temple hopes
that we shall be so far engaged before France and Spain are ripe to
meddle with us, that when they do come, they will not be able to
re-unite us.
[Footnote 1: It is hardly necessary to point out that this is the taker
of Arcot, the victor of Plassey, and even now second to none but Warren
Hastings in the splendid roll of Governors-General.]
Don't let me forget to tell you, that of all the friends you have shot
flying, there is no one whose friendship for you is so little dead as
Lord Hillsborough's. He spoke to me earnestly about your Riband the
other day, and said he had pressed to have it given to you. Write and
thank him. You have missed one by Lord Clive's returning alive, unless
he should give a hamper of diamonds for the Garter.
Well! I have remembered every point but one--and see how he is
forgotten! Lord Chatham! He was pressed to come forth and set the
Administration on its legs again. He pleaded total incapacity; grew
worse and grows better. Oh! how he ought to dread recovering!
Mr. Conway resigns the day after to-morrow. I hope in a week to tell you
something more positive than the uncertainties in this letter.
Good-night.
_DEATH OF CHARLES TOWNSHEND AND OF THE DUKE OF YORK--WHIST THE NEW
FASHION IN FRANCE._