CHAPTER XXII

RECOVERY OF ADMINISTRATIVE AUTHORITY BY THE THRONE

The 69th Sovereign, the Emperor Go-Shujaku A.D. 1037-1045

70th " " Go-Reizei 1046-1068

71st " " Go-Sanjo 1069-1072

72nd " " Shirakawa 1073-1086

73rd " " Horikawa 1087-1107

74th " " Toba 1108-1123

75th " " Sutoku 1124-1141

76th " " Konoe 1142-1155

77th " " Go-Shirakawa 1156-1158

DECADENCE OF FUJIWARA AUTOCRACY

During two centuries the administrative power remained in the hands

of the Fujiwara. They lost it by their own timidity rather than

through the machinations of their enemies. When the Emperor

Go-Shujaku was mortally ill, he appointed his eldest son, Go-Reizei,

to be his successor, and signified his desire that the latter's

half-brother, Takahito, should be nominated Crown Prince. Fujiwara

Yorimichi was then regent (kwampaku). To him, also, the dying

sovereign made known his wishes. Now Takahito had not been born of a

Fujiwara mother. The regent, therefore, while complying at once in

Go-Reizei's case, said that the matter of the Crown Prince might be

deferred, his purpose being to wait until a Fujiwara lady should bear

a son to Go-Reizei.

In thus acting, Yorimichi obeyed the policy from which his family had

never swerved through many generations, and which had now become an

unwritten law of the State. But his brother, Yoshinobu, read the

signs of the times in a sinister light. He argued that the real power

had passed to the military magnates, and that by attempting to stem

the current the Fujiwara might be swept away altogether. He therefore

repaired to the palace, and simulating ignorance of what had passed

between the late sovereign and the kwampaku, inquired whether it was

intended that Prince Takahito should enter a monastery. Go-Reizei

replied emphatically in the negative and related the facts, whereupon

Yoshinobu declared that the prince should be nominated forthwith. It

was done, and thus for the first time in a long series of years a

successor to the throne was proclaimed who had not the qualification

of a Fujiwara mother.

There remained to the kwampaku only one way of expressing his

dissent. During many years it had been customary that the Prince

Imperial, on his nomination, should receive from the Fujiwara regent

a famous sword called Tsubo-kiri (Jar-cutter). Yorimichi declined to

make the presentation in the case of Prince Takahito on the ground

that he was not of Fujiwara lineage. The prince--afterwards

Go-Sanjo--had the courage to deride this omission. "Of what service

is the sword to me?" he said. "I have no need of it."

Such an attitude was very significant of the changing times. During

more than twenty years of probation as Crown Prince, this sovereign,

Go-Sanjo, had ample opportunity of observing the arbitrary conduct of

the Fujiwara, and when he held the sceptre he neglected no means of

asserting the authority of the Crown, one conspicuous step being to

take a daughter of Go-Ichijo into the palace as chugu, a position

created for a Fujiwara and never previously occupied by any save a

Fujiwara.

Altogether, Go-Sanjo stands an imposing figure in the annals of his

country. Erudition he possessed in no small degree, and it was

supplemented by diligence, high moral courage and a sincere love of

justice. He also set to his people an example of frugality. It is

related that, observing as he passed through the streets one day, an

ox-carriage with gold mountings, he stopped his cortege and caused

the gold to be stripped off. Side by side with this record may be

placed his solicitude about the system of measures, which had fallen

into disorder. With his own hands he fashioned a standard which was

known to later generations as the senshi-masu of the Enkyu era

(1069-1074). The question of tax-free manors (shoen) also received

much attention. During the reign of Go-Shujaku, decrees were

frequently issued forbidding the creation of these estates. The

Fujiwara shoen were conspicuous. Michinaga possessed wide manors

everywhere, and Yorimichi, his son, was not less insatiable. Neither

Go-Shujaku nor Go-Reizei could check the abuse. But Go-Sanjo resorted

to a really practical measure. He established a legislative office

where all titles to shoen had to be examined and recorded, the Daiho

system of State ownership being restored, so that all rights of

private property required official sanction, the Court also becoming

the judge in all disputes as to validity of tenure.

These orders came like a clap of thunder in a blue sky. Many great

personages had acquired vast manorial tracts by processes that could

not endure the scrutiny of the Kiroku-jo (registrar's office).

Yorimichi, the kwampaku, was a conspicuous example. On receipt of the

order to register, he could only reply that he had succeeded to his

estates as they stood and that no documentary evidence was available.

Nevertheless, he frankly added that, if his titles were found

invalid, he was prepared to surrender his estates, since the position

he occupied required him to be an administrator of law, not an

obstacle to its administration. This was the same noble who had

refused to present the sword, Tsubo-kiri, to Go-Sanjo when the latter

was nominated Crown Prince. The Emperor might now have exacted heavy

reparation. But his Majesty shrank from anything like spoliation. A

special decree was issued exempting from proof of title all manors

held by chancellors, regents, or their descendants.

SALE OF OFFICES AND RANKS

Another abuse with which Go-Sanjo sought to deal drastically was the

sale of offices and ranks. This was an evil of old standing. Whenever

special funds were required for temple building or palace

construction, it had become customary to invite contributions from

local magnates, who, in return, received, or were renewed in their

tenure of, the post of provincial governor. Official ranks were

similarly disposed of. At what time this practice had its origin the

records do not show, but during the reign of Kwammu (782-805,) the

bestowal of rank in return for a money payment was interdicted, and

Miyoshi Kiyotsura, in his celebrated memorial to Daigo (898-930),

urged that the important office of kebiishi should never be conferred

in consideration of money. But in the days of Ichijo, the acquisition

of tax-free manors increased rapidly and the treasury's income

diminished correspondingly, so that it became inevitable, in times of

State need, that recourse should be had to private contributions, the

contributors being held to have shown "merit" entitling them to rank

or office or both.

Go-Sanjo strictly interdicted all such transactions. But this action

brought him into sharp collision with the then kwampaku, Fujiwara

Norimichi. The latter built within the enclosure of Kofuku-ji at Nara

an octagonal edifice containing two colossal images of Kwannon. On

this nanen-do the regent spent a large sum, part of which was

contributed by the governor of the province. Norimichi therefore

applied to the Emperor for an extension of the governor's term of

office. Go-Sanjo refused his assent. But Norimichi insisted. Finally

the Emperor, growing indignant, declared that the kwampaku's sole

title to respect being derived from his maternal relationship to the

sovereign, he deserved no consideration at the hands of an Emperor

whose mother was not a Fujiwara. It was a supreme moment in the

fortunes of the Fujiwara. Norimichi angrily swept out of the

presence, crying aloud: "The divine influence of Kasuga Daimyojin*

ceases from to-day. Let every Fujiwara official follow me." Thereat

all the Fujiwara courtiers flocked out of the palace, and the Emperor

had no choice but to yield. Victory rested with the Fujiwara, but it

was purchased at the loss of some prestige.

*Titulary deity of the Fujiwara-uji.

CAMERA SOVEREIGNTY

Their obviously selfish device of seating a minor on the throne and

replacing him as soon as he reached years of discretion, had been

gradually invested by the Fujiwara with an element of spurious

altruism. They had suggested the principle that the tenure of

sovereign power should not be exercised exclusively. Go-Sanjo held,

however, that such a system not only impaired the Imperial authority

but also was unnatural. No father, he argued, could be content to

divest himself of all practical interest in the affairs of his

family, and to condemn the occupant of the throne to sit with folded

hands was to reduce him to the rank of a puppet. Therefore, even

though a sovereign abdicated, he should continue to take an active

part in the administration of State affairs. This was, in short,

Go-Sanjo's plan for rendering the regent a superfluity. He proposed

to substitute camera government (Insei) for control by a kwampaku.

But fate willed that he should not carry his project into practice.

He abdicated, owing to ill health, in 1073, and died the following

year.

SHIRAKAWA

Go-Sanjo was succeeded by his eldest son, Shirakawa. He had taken for

consort the daughter of Fujiwara Yorimichi. This lady, Kenko, had

been adopted into the family of Fujiwara Morozane, and it is recorded

that Yorimichi and Morozane shed tears of delight when they heard of

her selection by the Crown Prince--so greatly had the influence of

the Fujiwara declined. Shirakawa modelled himself on his father. He

personally administered affairs of State, displaying assiduity and

ability but not justice. Unlike his father he allowed himself to be

swayed by favour and affection, arbitrarily ignored time-honoured

rules, and was guilty of great extravagance in matters of religion.

But he carried into full effect the camera (or cloistered) system of

government, thereafter known as Insei. For, in 1086, after thirteen

years' reign, he resigned the sceptre to an eight-year-old boy,

Horikawa, his son by the chugu, Kenko. The untimely death of the

latter, for whom he entertained a strong affection, was the proximate

cause of Shirakawa's abdication, but there can be little doubt that

he had always contemplated such a step. He took the tonsure and the

religious title of Ho-o (pontiff), but in the Toba palace, his new

residence, he organized an administrative machine on the exact lines

of that of the Court.

ENGRAVING: KO-NO-MA (ROOM) NISHI (WEST) HONGWAN-JI TEMPLE, AT KYOTO

(An example of "Shoinzukuri" building)

Thenceforth the functions of Imperialism were limited to matters of

etiquette and ceremony, all important State business being transacted

by the Ho-o and his camera entourage. If the decrees of the Court

clashed with those of the cloister, as was occasionally inevitable,

the former had to give way. Thus, it can scarcely be said that there

was any division of authority. But neither was there any progress.

The earnest efforts made by Go-Sanjo to check the abuse of sales of

rank and office as well as the alienation of State lands into private

manors, were rendered wholly abortive under the sway of Shirakawa.

The cloistered Emperor was a slave of superstition. He caused no less

than six temples* to be built of special grandeur, and to the

principal of these (Hosho-ji) he made frequent visits in state, on

which occasions gorgeous ceremonies were performed. He erected the

Temple of the 33,333 Images of Kwannon (the Sanjusangen-do) in Kyoto;

he made four progresses to the monastery at Koya and eight to that at

Kumano; he commissioned artists to paint 5470 Buddhist pictures,

sculptors to cast 127 statues each sixteen feet high; 3150 life-size,

and 2930 of three feet or less, and he raised twenty-one large

pagodas and 446,630 small ones.

*These were designated Roku-sho-ji, or "six excellent temples."

His respect for Buddhism was so extreme that he strictly interdicted

the taking of life in any form, a veto which involved the destruction

of eight thousand fishing nets and the loss of their means of

sustenance to innumerable fishermen, as well as the release of all

falcons kept for hawking. It has even been suggested that Shirakawa's

piety amounted to a species of insanity, for, on one occasion, when

rain prevented a contemplated progress to Hosho-ji, he sentenced the

rain to imprisonment and caused a quantity to be confined in a

vessel.* To the nation, however, all this meant something very much

more than a mere freak. It meant that the treasury was depleted and

that revenue had to be obtained by recourse to the abuses which

Go-Sanjo had struggled so earnestly to check, the sale of offices and

ranks, even in perpetuity, and the inclusion of great tracts of State

land in private manors.

*This silliness was spoken of by the people as ame-kingoku (the

incarceration of the rain).

TOBA

Horikawa died in 1107, after a reign of twenty years, and was

succeeded by his son Toba, a child of five. Affairs of State

continued to be directed by the cloistered sovereign, and he chose

for his grandson's consort Taiken-mon-in, who bore to him a son, the

future Emperor Sutoku. Toba abdicated, after a reign of fifteen

years, on the very day of Sutoku's nomination as heir apparent, and,

six years later, Shirakawa died (1128), having administered the

empire from the cloister during a space of forty-three years.

As a device to wrest the governing power from the grasp of the

Fujiwara, Go-Sanjo's plan was certainly successful, and had he lived

to put it into operation himself, the results must have been

different. But in the greatly inferior hands of Shirakawa this new

division of Imperial authority and the segregation of its source

undoubtedly conspired to prepare the path for military feudalism and

for curtained Emperors.

Toba, with the title of Ho-o, took the tonsure and administered from

the cloister after Shirakawa's death. One of his first acts after

abdication was to take another consort, a daughter of Fujiwara

Tadazane, whom he made Empress under the name of Kaya-no-in; but as

she bore him no offspring, he placed in the Toba palace a second

Fujiwara lady, Bifuku-mon-in, daughter of Nagazane. By her he had

(1139) a son whom he caused to be adopted by the Empress, preparatory

to placing him on the throne as Emperor Konoe, at the age of three.

Thus, the cloistered sovereigns followed faithfully in the footsteps

of the Fujiwara.

SOLDIER-PRIESTS

A phenomenon which became conspicuous during the reign of Shirakawa

was recourse to violence by Buddhist priests. This abuse had its

origin in the acquisition of large manors by temples and the

consequent employment of soldiers to act as guards. Ultimately, great

monasteries like Kofuku-ji, Onjo-ji, and Enryaku-ji came to possess

thousands of these armed men, and consequently wielded temporal

power. Shirakawa's absorbing belief in Buddhism created opportunities

for the exercise of this influence. Keenly anxious that a son should

be born of his union with Kenko, the daughter of Fujiwara Yorimichi,

his Majesty bespoke the prayers of Raigo, lord-abbot of Onjo-ji. It

happened that unsuccessful application had frequently been made by

the Onjo-ji monks for an important religious privilege. Raigo

informed the Emperor that, if this favour were promised, the prayer

for a prince would certainly be heard. Shirakawa made the promise,

and Kenko gave birth to Prince Atsubumi. But when the Emperor would

have fulfilled his pledge, the priests of Enryaku-ji (Hiei-zan),

jealous that a privilege which they alone possessed should be granted

to priests of another monastery, repaired to the Court en masse to

protest. Shirakuwu yielded to this representation and despatched Oye

no Masafusa to placate Raigo. But the abbot refused to listen. He

starved himself to death, passing day and night in devotion, and

shortly after his demise the little prince, born in answer to his

prayers, died of small-pox.

In an age when superstition prevailed widely the death of the child

was, of course, attributed to the incantations of the abbot. From

that time a fierce feud raged between Onjo-ji and Enryaku-ji. In the

year 1081, the priest-soldiers of the latter set the torch to the

former, and, flocking to Kyoto in thousands, threw the capital into

disorder. Order was with difficulty restored through the exertions of

the kebiishi and the two Minamoto magnates, Yoshiiye and Yoshitsuna,

but it was deemed expedient to guard the palace and the person of

the Emperor with bushi. Twelve years later (1093), thousands of

cenobites, carrying the sacred tree of the Kasuga shrine, marched

from Nara to Kyoto, clamouring for vengeance on the governor of

Omi, whom they charged with arresting and killing the officials

of the shrine. This became a precedent. Thereafter, whenever the

priests had a grievance, they flocked to the palace carrying the

sacred tree of some temple or shrine. The soldier cenobites of

Enryaku-ji--yama-hoshi, as they were called--showed themselves

notably turbulent. They inaugurated the device of replacing the

sacred tree with the "divine car," against which none dare raise a

hand or shoot an arrow. If their petition were rejected, they would

abandon the car in the streets of the capital, thus placing the city

under a curse.

A notable instance occurred, in 1095, when these yama-hoshi of

Hiyoshi preferred a charge of blood-guiltiness against Minamoto

Yoshitsuna, governor of Mino. They flocked to the palace in a

truculent mob, but the bushi on duty, being under the command of a

Minamoto, did not hesitate to use their bows. Thereupon the

yama-hoshi discarded the divine car, hastened back to the temple, and

assembling all the priests, held a solemn service invoking the wrath

of heaven on the State. In an age of profound superstition such

action threw the Court into consternation, and infinite pains were

taken to persuade Shinto officials of an independent shrine to carry

the divine car back to Hiei-zan.

Instances of such turbulence were not infrequent, and they account in

part for the reckless prodigality shown by Shirakawa in building and

furnishing temples. The cenobites did not confine themselves to

demonstrations at the palace; they had their own quarrels also.

Kofuku-ji's hand was against Kimbusen and Todai-ji, and not a few

priests doffed the stole and cassock to engage in temporary

brigandage. The great Taira leader, Tadamori, and his son,

Kiyomori--one of the most prominent figures on the stage of medieval

Japan--dealt strongly with the Shinto communities at Hiyoshi and

Gion, and drove the Kofuku-ji priests out of the streets of Kyoto,

the result being that this great military family became an object of

execration at Kofuku-ji and Enryaku-ji alike. With difficulty the

Court kept peace between them. It is related of Shirakawa Ho-o that

the three things which he declared to defy his control were the

waters of the Kamo River, the fall of the dice, and the yama-hoshi.

ENGRAVING: PLAYING BATTLEDORE AND SHUTTLECOCK (From a painting)

A history of the Japanese people · 第 23 / 51 章