CHAPTER III

THE FALL OF THE TURKISH POWER

In the nineteenth century the Turkish dominion was pushed back in all

directions from the Balkan Peninsula. At the dawn of that century

Montenegro was the only Balkan state entirely free from occupation,

vassalage, or the duty of tribute to the Sublime Porte. At the close of

that century Montenegro, Serbia, Roumania, Greece, and Bulgaria were all

practically free and self-governing.

In 1804, as has been recorded, Kara George in Serbia raised the standard

of revolt against Turkey. In 1806 the Serbs defeated the Turks in a

pitched battle, and for a moment Serbia was free. But in 1812 when the

Turkish power resolved upon a great invasion of Serbia, the heart of

Kara George failed him and he left his country to its fate, taking

refuge in Austria. Thus deserted by their leader, the Serbs did not

abandon the struggle altogether. Milosh Obrenovic stepped to the front

as the national champion, and though he could make no stand against the

Turkish troops in the open field he kept up an active revolt from a base

in the mountains. The contest for national liberty went on with varying

fortune. Troubles at this time were thickening around Turkey, and

whenever she was engaged in war with Russia the oppressed nationalities

within her borders took the opportunity to strike a blow for liberty. By

1839--it is not possible to make a record of all the dynastic changes

and revolutions which filled the years 1812-1839--Serbia was practically

free, with the payment of an annual tribute to Turkey as her only bond.

During the Crimean War she kept her neutrality as between Russia and

Turkey. The Treaty of Paris (1856) confirmed her territorial

independence, subject to the payment of a tribute to Turkey. In 1867 the

Turkish garrisons were withdrawn from Serbia; but the tribute was still

left in existence until the date of the Treaty of Berlin.

[Illustration: _Exclusive News Agency_

THE KING OF ROUMANIA]

Roumania in 1828 (then Wallachia and Moldavia) had won her territorial

independence of Turkey subject only to payment of a tribute. The Treaty

of Paris (1856) left her under a nominal suzerainty to Turkey. In 1859

the two kingdoms united to form Roumania, and in 1866 the late King

Charles, as the result of a revolution, was elected prince of the united

kingdom.

Bulgaria had remained a fairly contented Turkish province until the

rising of 1875, and its cruel suppression by the Bashi-Bazouks. As a

direct consequence of that massacre European diplomacy turned its

serious attention to the Balkan Peninsula, and at a Conference demands

were made upon Turkey for a comprehensive reform applying to Serbia,

Montenegro, Bosnia, Herzegovina, and Bulgaria. The proposed reform was

particularly drastic as applied to Bulgaria, which was still in effect

Turkish territory, whilst all the other districts had achieved a

practical freedom. It was proposed to create two Bulgarian provinces

divided into Sandjaks and Kazas as administrative units, these to be

subdivided into districts. Christian and Mohammedans were to be settled

homogeneously in these districts. Each district was to have at its head

a mayor and a district council, elected by universal suffrage, and was

to enjoy entire autonomy in local affairs. Several districts would form

a Sandjak with a prefect (_mutessarif_) at its head who was to be

Christian or Mohammedan, according to the majority of the population of

the Sandjak. He would be proposed by the Governor-General, and nominated

by the Porte for four years. Finally, every two Sandjaks were to be

administered by a Christian Governor-General nominated by the Porte for

five years, with consent of the Powers. He would govern the province

with the help of a provincial assembly, composed of representatives

chosen by the district councils for a term of four years. This assembly

would nominate an administrative council. The provincial assembly would

be summoned every year to decide the budget and the redivision of taxes.

The armed force was to be concentrated in the towns and there would be

local militia besides. The language of the predominant nationality was

to be employed, as well as Turkish. Finally, a Commission of

International Control was to supervise the execution of these reforms.

The Sublime Porte was still haggling about these reforms when Russia

lost patience and declared war upon Turkey on April 12, 1877. Moving

through the friendly territory of Roumania, Russia attacked the Turkish

forces in Bulgarian territory. In that war the Russians found that the

Turks were a gallant foe, and the issue seemed to hang in the balance

until Roumania and Bulgaria went actively to the help of the Russian

forces. The Roumanian aid was exceedingly valuable. Prince Charles

crossed the Danube at the head of 28,000 foot soldiers and 4000 cavalry.

He was appointed Commander-in-Chief of the forces against Plevna, and

his soldiers were chiefly responsible for the taking of the Grivica

Redoubt which turned the tide of victory against the Turks. The

Bulgarians did but little during the campaign: it was not possible that

they should do much seeing that they could only put irregulars in the

field. Nevertheless some high personal reputations for courage were

made. During my stay with the Bulgarian army in 1912 I noted that there

were of the military officers three classes, the men who had graduated

in foreign military colleges--usually Petrograd,--very smart, very

insistent on their military dignity, speaking usually three or four

languages; officers who had been educated at the Military College,

Sofia; and the older Bulgarian type, dating sometimes from before the

War of Liberation. Of these last the outstanding figure was General

Nicolaieff, who as captain of a Bulgarian company rushed a Turkish

battery beneath Shipka after the Russians had been held up so long that

they were in despair. A fine stalwart figure General Nicolaieff showed

when I met him at Yamboli, a hospital base town of which he was military

commandant. Another soldier of the War of Liberation, a captain in rank,

I travelled with for a day once between Kirk Kilisse and Chorlu. We

chummed up and shared a meal of meat balls cooked with onions, rough

country wine (these from his stores), and dates and biscuits (from my

stores). He spoke neither English nor French, but a Bulgarian doctor who

spoke French acted as interpreter, and the old officer, who after long

entreaty at last had got leave to go down to the front in spite of his

age, yarned about the hardships and tragedies of the fighting around

Stara Zagora and the Shipka Pass. Some of the Bulgarians, he said, took

the field with no other arms than staves and knives, and got their first

rifles from the dead of the battle-fields.

[Illustration: THE SHIPKA PASS]

Serbia took a hand in this campaign, too, though she hesitated for some

time, going to the aid of Russia through fear of Austria. Beginning

late, at a time when the mountains were covered in the winter snows, the

Serbians suffered severely from the weather, but won notable victories

at Pirot, at Nish, and at Vranga. The Turks were in full retreat on

Constantinople when the armistice and Treaty of San Stefano put an end

to the war.

It seems to be one of the standing rules of Balkan wars and Balkan peace

treaties that those who do the work shall not reap the reward, and that

a policy of standing by and waiting is the wisest and most profitable.

In this Russo-Turkish war the Roumanians had done invaluable work for

the Russian cause. In return the Treaty of San Stefano robbed them

shamefully. The Bulgarians had done little, except to stain the arms of

the allies with a series of massacres of the Turks in reprisal for the

previous atrocities inflicted upon them by the Bashi-Bazouks. The

Bulgarians were awarded a tremendous prize of territory. If the grant

had been confirmed it would have made Bulgaria the paramount power of

the Balkan Peninsula. By the Treaty of San Stefano, Bulgaria was made

an autonomous principality subject to Turkey, with a Christian

government and national militia. The Prince of Bulgaria was to be freely

chosen by the people and accepted by the Sublime Porte, with the consent

of the Powers. As regards internal government, it was agreed that an

assembly of notables, presided over by an Imperial Commissioner and

attended by a Turkish Commissioner, should meet at Philippopolis or

Tirnova before the election of the Prince to draw up a constitutional

statute similar to those of the other Danubian principalities after the

Treaty of Adrianople in 1830. The boundaries of Bulgaria were to include

all that is now Bulgaria, and the greater part of Thrace and Macedonia.

The European Congress of Berlin which revised the Treaty of San Stefano

recognised that the motive of Russia was to create in Bulgaria a vast

but weak state, which would obediently serve her interests and in time

fall into her hands: and that the injury proposed to be done to Roumania

was inspired by a desire to limit the progress of a courageous but an

unfortunately independent-minded friend. The Congress was suspicious of

the Bulgarian arrangement, and clipped off much of the territory

assigned to the new principality. The injury done to Roumania was

allowed to stand. Then, as in 1912-1913, when Balkan boundaries were

again under the discussion of an inter-European Conference, the vital

interests of the great Powers surrounding the Balkan Peninsula were to

keep its peoples divided and weak. Both Russia and Austria had more or

less defined territorial ambitions in the Balkans: and it suited neither

Power to see any one Balkan state rise to such a standard of greatness

as would enable it to take the lead in a Balkan Union. Especially was it

not the wish of Austria that any Balkan state should grow to be so

strong as to kill definitely the hope she cherished of extending down

the Adriatic and towards the Aegean.

By the Treaty of Berlin, which followed the Congress of Berlin, the

greater part of the Balkan Peninsula was freed altogether from Turkish

rule. Roumania and Serbia were relieved from all suggestion of tribute

or vassalage. Bulgaria was left subject to a tribute (which was very

quickly afterwards repudiated). Where the Turkish power was left in

existence in European Turkey it was a threatened existence, for the

newly freed Christian peoples began at once to conspire to help to

freedom their nationals left still under Turkish rule. The war of 1912

began to be prepared in 1878.

There was, however, a period of comparative peace. Roumania, though

discontented, decided to bide her time. Her prince was crowned king with

a crown made from the metal of Turkish cannon taken at Plevna. That was

the only hint that she gave of keeping in mind the greatness of her

services which had been so poorly rewarded.

Montenegro, whilst deprived of the great and the well-deserved expansion

which the Treaty of San Stefano offered, had some benefit from the

Treaty of Berlin. The area of the kingdom was doubled and it won access

to the Adriatic. A little later the harbour of Dulcigno was ceded to

Montenegro by Turkey under pressure from the Powers, and she was left

with only one notable grievance, that of being shut off from Serbia by

the Sanjak of Novi-Bazar, which Austria secured for Turkey, apparently

with the idea of one day seizing it on her way down to Salonica.

[Illustration: _Chusseau Flaviens_

KING FERDINAND OF BULGARIA]

Serbia increased her territory by one-fourth under the Treaty of Berlin,

but was not allowed to extend towards the Adriatic, and, nurturing as

she did a dream of reviving the old Serbian Empire, was but poorly

satisfied.

Bulgaria, if it had not been for the promises of the Treaty of San

Stefano, might have been fairly content with the provisions of the

Treaty of Berlin. She had been the first nation in the Balkans to yield

to the Turks. She had allowed her sons to act as mercenary soldiers to

aid the Turks against other Christians: and during the period of

oppression she had suffered less than any from the rigours of the

invader, had protested less than any by force of arms. Yet now she was

given freedom as a gift won largely by the sacrifices of others. But,

though having the most reason to be content, Bulgaria was the least

contented of all the Balkan States. The restless ambition of the people

guiding her destinies was manifested in an internal revolution which

displaced the first prince (Alexander of Battenberg) and put on the

throne the present king (Ferdinand of Coburg). Bulgaria, too, repudiated

the friendly tutelage which Russia wished to exercise over her

destinies.

The territorial settlement made by the Berlin Treaty was first broken by

Bulgaria. That treaty had cut the ethnological Bulgaria into two,

leaving the southern half as a separate province under the name of

Eastern Rumelia. In 1885 Eastern Rumelia was annexed to Bulgaria with

the glad consent of its inhabitants, but in spite of the wishes of

Russia. Serbia saw in this the threat of a Bulgarian hegemony in the

Balkans, and demanded some territorial compensation for herself. This

was refused. War followed. The Bulgarians were victorious at the Battle

of Slivnitza, an achievement which was in great measure due to the

organising ability of Prince Alexander. The victory secured Rumelia for

Bulgaria. But no sense of gratitude to Prince Alexander survived, and

the Russian intrigue which secured his abdication and flight was

undoubtedly aided by a large section of the Bulgarian people.

Stambouloff, a peasant leader of the Bulgarians and its greatest

personality since the War of Liberation, was faithful to Alexander, but

was not able to save him.

[Illustration: _Underwood & Underwood_

KING FERDINAND'S BODYGUARD]

The Bulgarian throne after Alexander's abdication was offered to the

King of Roumania. The acceptance of the offer would possibly have led to

a real Balkan Federation. The united power of Roumania and Bulgaria,

exercised wisely, could have gently pressed the other Balkan peoples

into a union. That, however, would have suited the aims neither of

Russia nor of Austria, the two Empires which guided the destinies of the

Balkans, chiefly in the light of their own selfish ends. The Roumanian

king refused the throne of Bulgaria, and in 1887 Prince Ferdinand of

Coburg became Prince of the State. It was not long before he fell out

with Stambouloff, the able but personally unamenable patriot who chiefly

had made modern Bulgaria. In the conflict between the two Prince

Ferdinand proved the stronger. Stambouloff was dismissed from office,

and in 1895 was assassinated in the streets of Sofia. No attempt was

made to punish his murderers.

In 1908 Bulgaria shook off the last shred of dependence to Turkey. The

bold action was the crown of a clever diplomatic intrigue by Prince

Ferdinand. Since the murder of Stambouloff the Prince had been

sedulously cultivating in public the friendship of Russia: but that had

not prevented him carrying to a great pitch of mutual confidence a

secret understanding with Austria. The Austrian Empire was anxious to

annex formally the districts of Bosnia and Herzegovina, of which it had

long been in occupation. Objection to this would surely have come from

Russia; but Russia was impotent for the time being after the disastrous

war with Japan. Just as surely it would come from Serbia which would see

thus definitely pass over to the one Power, which she had reason to

fear, a section of Slav-inhabited country clearly connected to the Serbs

by racial ties. Serbia, it might be expected, would have the support of

France and England as well as Russia. For Bulgaria the offer to

neutralise Serbia made to Austria all the difference between an action

which was a little risky and an action which had no risk at all.

Bulgaria supported Austria in the annexation, and, as was to have been

expected, Serbia found protest impossible, since Russia, France, and

England swallowed the affront to treaty obligations to which they were

parties. It was Bulgaria's reward to have the support of the Triple

Alliance in throwing off all fealty and tribute to the Sublime Porte.

Prince Ferdinand became the Czar Ferdinand of Bulgaria.

Nor was that the end of Bulgarian ambition. The "big" Bulgaria of the

San Stefano treaty floated before the eyes of her rulers constantly, and

she began to prepare for a war against Turkey, of which the prize

should be Thrace and Macedonia. An obstacle in Macedonia was not only

that the Turks were in occupation, but that the Greeks considered

themselves entitled to the reversion of the estate. Rivalry between the

three nations was responsible for the Macedonian horrors, which went on

from year to year, and made one district of the Balkans a veritable hell

on earth. These horrors have been set at the door of the "Unspeakable

Turk." The Turk has quite enough to answer for in the many hideous

crimes which he has undoubtedly committed. It is not quite just to hold

him wholly responsible for the terrible state of Macedonia during the

last few years. Greek and Bulgarian were alike interested in making it

appear to the world that Turkish rule in Macedonia was impossible. To

effect this they insisted that rapine and massacre should become normal.

If the Turk did not wish for massacres he was stirred up to massacres.

Christian pastors were not prevented by their Christian faith from

murders of their own people, if it could be certain that the Turks would

have the discredit of them. Side by side with the atrocities which were

committed by Turks against Christians and Christians against Turks, the

two sets of warring Christians, the Bulgarian Exarchates and the Greek

Patriarchates, attacked one another with a fiendish relentlessness,

which equalled the most able efforts of the Turks in the way of rape,

murder, and robbery.

In excuse for part of this, _i.e._ that part which stirred up the Turks

to atrocities even when they wished to be peaceful, there could be

pleaded the good object of striving for the end of all Turkish rule in

Christian districts of the Balkans. The excuse will serve this far: that

without a doubt a Christian community cannot be governed justly by the

Turk, and the very strongest of steps are warranted to put an end to

Turkish domination of a district largely inhabited by Christians. But no

consideration, even that of exterminating Turkish rule, could justify

all the Christian atrocities perpetrated in Macedonia: and there is

certainly no shadow of an excuse for the atrocities with which Bulgarian

sought to score against Greek and Greek against Bulgarian. The era of

those atrocities has not yet closed. The Turk has been driven from

Macedonia, but Greek and Bulgarian continue their feud. For the time the

Greek is in the ascendant, whilst the Bulgarian broods over a revenge.

[Illustration: BULGARIAN INFANTRY]

The Balkan Peninsula · 第 3 / 10 章