CHAPTER II

THE TURK IN THE BALKANS

It seems to be difficult to speak without violent prejudice on the

subject of the Turk in the Balkans. One school of prejudice insists that

the Turk is the finest gentleman in the world, who has been always the

victim and not the oppressor of the Christian peoples by whose side he

lives, and whose territories he invaded with the best of motives and

with the minimum of slaughter. The other school of prejudice credits the

Turk with the most abominable cruelty, treachery, and lust, and will

hear no good of him. In England the issue is largely a political one. A

great Liberal campaign was once founded on a Turkish massacre of

Bulgarians in the Balkans. That made it a party duty for Liberals to be

pro-Bulgarian and anti-Turk, and almost a party duty for Conservatives

to find all the Christian and a few ex-Christian virtues in the Turk.

Before attempting to judge the Turk of to-day, let us see how he stands

in the light of history. It was in the fourth century that the first

Saracens came to the Balkan Peninsula as allies of the Greek Empire

against the Goths. They were thus called in by a Christian Power in the

first instance. It was not until the fourteenth century that the Turks

made a serious attempt to occupy the Balkan Peninsula. They were helped

in their campaign considerably by the Christian Crusaders, who,

incidentally to their warfare against the Infidel who held the Holy

Sepulchre, had made war on the Greek Empire, capturing Constantinople,

and thus weakening the power of Christian Europe at its threshold.

Bulgaria, too, refused help to the Greeks when the Turkish invasion had

to be beaten off. The Turks' coming to the Balkans was thus largely due

to Christian divisions.

[Illustration: _Sébah & Joaillier_

SANCTA SOPHIA, CONSTANTINOPLE

Built by Justinian I, consecrated 538, converted into a Mohammedan

mosque 1453. It is now thought that the design of its famous architect,

Anthemius of Tralles, was never completed. The minarets and most of the

erections in the foreground are Turkish]

Without being able at the time to capture Constantinople, the invading

Turks occupied soon a large tract of the Balkan Peninsula. By 1362 they

had captured Philippopolis and Eski Zagora, two important centres of

Bulgaria. It was not a violence to their conscience for some of the

Bulgarian men after this to join the Turkish army as mercenaries. When

the sorely-beset Greeks sent the Emperor John Paleologos to appeal for

help to the Bulgarians, he was seized by them and kept as a prisoner.

A united Balkan Peninsula would have kept off the Turks, no doubt. But a

set of small nations without any faculty of permanent cohesion, and

hating and distrusting one another more thoroughly than they did the

Turk, could do nothing. The Balkan nations of the time, though united

they would have been really powerful, allowed themselves to be taken in

detail and crushed under the heels of an invader who was alien in blood

and in religion. In 1366 the Bulgarians became the vassals of the Turks,

and the Serbians were defeated at Kossovo. The fall of the Greek Empire

and the subjugation of Roumania followed in due course, and by the

seventeenth century the Turks had penetrated to the very walls of

Vienna. At one time it seemed as if all Europe would fall under the sway

of Islam, for, as elsewhere than in the Balkans, there were Christian

States which were treacherous to their faith. But that happily was

averted. For the Balkan Peninsula, however, there were now to be

centuries of oppression and religious persecution. It will be convenient

once again to set forth under three national headings the chief facts

regarding the Turkish conquest of the Balkans.

_Bulgaria._--By 1366 weakness in the field and civil dissensions had

brought Bulgaria to the humiliation of becoming the vassal of the Turk.

In 1393 the Turks, not content with mere suzerainty, occupied Bulgaria

and converted it into a Turkish province. In 1398 the Hungarians and the

Wallachians (Roumanians) made a gallant attempt to free Bulgaria from

the Turkish yoke, but failed. Some of the Bulgarians joined in with

their Turkish conquerors, abandoned the Christian religion for that of

Islam, and were the ancestors of what are known to-day as the Pomaks.

The rest of the people gave a reluctant obedience to the Turkish

conqueror, preserving their Christian faith, their Slav tongue, and

their sense of separate nationality. The Greeks, who had come to some

kind of terms with the Turkish invaders, assisted to bring the Bulgarian

people under subjection. The Greek church and the Greek tongue rather

than the Turkish were sought to be imposed upon the Bulgarians. The

subject people accepted the situation with occasional revolts, but more

tamely than some other Balkan nations. It was not a general meek

acquiescence, though it was--possibly by chance, possibly because of the

fact that a racial relationship existed between conqueror and

conquered--not so fierce in protest as that of the Serbians. In writing

that, I do not follow exactly the Bulgarian modern view, which

represents as much more vivid the sufferings and the protests of the

Bulgarian people, and ignores altogether the racial relationship which

existed between Bulgarian and Turk, and enabled a section of the

Bulgarian nation to fall into line with the conqueror and embrace his

religion and his habits of life, a relationship which to this day shows

its traces in the Bulgarian national life. But in Balkan history as

written locally, there is usually a certain amount of political

deflection from the facts. A modern Balkan historian, giving what may be

called the official national account of the times of the Turkish

domination, says (_Bulgaria of To-day_):

Had the rulers been of the same race and religion as the

vanquished, the subjection might have been more tolerable. Ottoman

domination was not, however, a simple political domination.

Ottoman tyranny was social as well as political. It was keenly and

painfully felt in private as well as in public life; in social

liberty, manners and morals; in the free development of national

feeling; in short, in the whole scope of human life. According to

our present notions, political domination does not infringe upon

personal liberty, which is sacred for the conqueror. This is not

the case with Turkish rule. The Bulgarians, like the other

Christians of the Balkan Peninsula, were, both collectively and

individually, slaves. The life, possessions, and honour of private

individuals were in constant peril. The bulk of the people, after

several generations, calmed down to passivity and inertia. From

time to time the more vigorous element, the strongest

individualities, protested. Some Bulgarian whose sister had been

carried off to the harem of some pasha would take to the mountains

and make war on the oppressors. The haidukes and voivodes,

celebrated in the national songs, kept up in mountain fastnesses

that spirit of liberty which later was to serve as a cement to

unite the new Bulgarian nation.

But it is a noteworthy fact that the Osmanlis, being themselves but

little civilised, did not attempt to assimilate the Bulgarians in

the sense in which civilised nations try to effect the intellectual

and ethnic assimilation of a subject race. Except in isolated

cases, where Bulgarian girls or young men were carried off and

forced to adopt Mohammedanism, the government never took any

general measures to impose Mohammedanism or assimilate the

Bulgarians to the Moslems. The Turks prided themselves on keeping

apart from the Bulgarians, and this was fortunate for our

nationality. Contented with their political supremacy and pleased

to feel themselves masters, the Turks did not trouble about the

spiritual life of the _rayas_, except to try to trample out all

desires for independence. All these circumstances contributed to

allow the Bulgarian people, crushed and ground down by the Turkish

yoke, to concentrate and preserve its own inner spiritual life.

They formed religious communities attached to the churches. These

had a certain amount of autonomy, and, beside seeing after the

churches, could keep schools. The national literature, full of the

most poetic melancholy, handed down from generation to generation

and developed by tradition, still tells us of the life of the

Bulgarians under the Ottoman yoke. In these popular songs, the

memory of the ancient Bulgarian kingdom is mingled with the

sufferings of the present hour. The songs of this period are

remarkable for the oriental character of their times, and this is

almost the sole trace of Moslem influence.

In spite of the vigilance of the Turks, the religious associations

served as centres to keep alive the national feeling.

A conquered people which was allowed to keep up its religious

institutions (with "a certain amount of autonomy"), and later to found

national schools ("to keep alive the national feeling"), was not exactly

ground to the dust. And truth compels the admission that Bulgaria under

Turkish rule enjoyed a certain amount of material prosperity. When the

Russian liberators of the nineteenth century came to Bulgaria they

found the peasants far more comfortable than were the Russian peasants

of the day. The atrocities in Bulgaria which shocked Europe in 1875 were

not the continuance of a settled policy of cruelty and rapine. They were

the ferocious reprisals chiefly of Turkish Bashi-Bazouks (irregulars)

following upon a Bulgarian rising. The Turks felt that they had been

making an honest effort to promote the interests of the Bulgarian

province. They had just satisfied a Bulgarian aspiration by allowing of

the formation of an independent Bulgarian church, though this meant

giving grave offence to the Greeks. Probably they felt that they had a

real grievance against the Bulgars. After the Bulgarian atrocities of

1875 there ended the Turkish domination of the country.

_Serbia._--In December 1356 the great Serbian king, Stephen Dushan,

soldier, administrator, and economist, died before the walls of

Constantinople, and the one hope of the Balkan Peninsula making a stand

against the Turks was ended. Shortly after, the Turks had occupied

Adrianople, their first capital in Europe, defeating heavily a combined

Serbian and Greek army. Later the Serbian forces were again defeated by

the great Turkish sultan Amurath I., and the Serbian king was killed on

the battle-field. King Lazar, who succeeded to the Serbian throne, made

some headway against the invaders, but in 1389, at the Battle of

Kossovo, the Serbian Empire came tumbling to ruins. The Turkish leader,

Amurath, was killed in the fight, but his son Bajayet proved another

Amurath and pressed home the victory. Serbia became a vassal state of

Turkey.

But there was to be still a period of fierce resistance to the Turk. In

1413 the Turks, dissatisfied with the attitude of the Serbs, entered

upon a new invasion of the territory of Serbia. In 1440 Sultan Amurath

II. again overran the country and conquered it definitely, imposing not

merely vassalage but armed occupation on its people. John Hunyad, "the

White Knight of Wallachia," came to the rescue of the Serbs, and Amurath

II. was driven back. An alliance between Serbs and Hungarians kept the

Turk at bay for a time, and in 1444 Serbia could claim to be free once

again. But the respite was a brief one. In 1453 Constantinople fell to

the Turks, and the full tide of their strengthened and now undivided

power was turned upon Serbia. A siege of Belgrade in 1457 was repulsed,

but in 1459 Serbia was conquered and annexed to European Turkey. Lack of

unity among the Serbs themselves had contributed greatly to the national

doom, but on the whole the Serbs had put up a gallant fight against the

Turks. And even now a section of them, the Montenegrins, in their

mountain fastnesses kept their liberty, and through all the centuries

that were to follow never yielded to the Crescent.

The condition of the Serbs in the fifteenth and sixteenth centuries was

very unhappy. They could come to no manner of contentment with Turkish

rule, and sporadic revolts were frequent. At times the Hungarians from

the other side of the Danube came to the aid of the revolters, but never

in such strength as to shake seriously the Turkish power. Very many of

the Serbs left their country in despair and sought refuge under the

Austrian flag. To-day a big Serb element, under the flag of

Austro-Hungaria, is one of the racial difficulties of the Dual

Monarchy.

[Illustration: _Underwood & Underwood_

KING PETER OF SERBIA]

The Serb exiles carried to their new homes their old sympathies, and

largely because of their efforts Austria in 1788 went to the rescue of

Serbia, and for a brief while the land again was free. But the Turkish

power returned and Serbia stumbled blindly, painfully through years of

reprisals, which culminated in the great massacre of Serbs by Turks in

1804, which, like the Turkish massacre of Bulgarians in 1875, really

declared the doom of the Turkish power in the country. Following this

massacre George Petrovic, "Black George," or "_Kara_ George," as the

Serbians knew him, raised the standard of revolt among his countrymen.

He was a fierce blood-stained man, this first liberator of the Serbs, a

man on whose head was the blood of his father and his brother. His grim

character was fitted for his grim task. The story of that task will come

better within the scope of a following chapter, which will tell of the

liberation of the Balkans from the Turks.

_Roumania._--It was not until 1391 that the Turks crossed the Danube and

attacked the kingdoms of Wallachia and Moldavia, and reduced Wallachia

to the position of a tributary state. King Mirtsched made a gallant

fight against the invaders, but the Turks proved too strong. That was

the beginning of a Turkish dominance of Roumania, which was never so

complete as that exercised over Bulgaria and Serbia, but left the two

Roumanian kingdoms of Wallachia and Moldavia as vassal states. Mutual

jealousy between them prevented effective operations against the Turk,

and helped to make their vassalage possible. In the fifteenth century

both kingdoms had great rulers. Wallachia was ruled by Vlad the Impaler,

an able but cruel man, who seems to have earned the infamy of inventing

a form of torture still practised in the Balkans as a matter of

religious proselytising, that of sitting the victim on a sharp stake,

and leaving him to die slowly as the stake penetrated his body. Moldavia

had as king Stephen the Great, who has no such ghastly reputation of

cruelty. But able princes could effect little with communities weakened

by the luxury of the nobles and the helpless poverty of the serfs.

Still, the Roumanians had intervals of victory. In the sixteenth century

Michael the Brave (whose memory is commemorated by a statue in

Bucharest) drove the Turks back as far as Adrianople, liberating

Roumania and Bulgaria. He annexed Moldavia and Transylvania to

Wallachia, and was in a sense the founder of modern Roumania. But the

union thus effected was not enduring and the Turkish ascendancy grew

stronger. The Turkish suzerain forced upon the Roumanian peoples

governors of the Greek race, who carried on the work of oppression and

spoliation with an industrious effectiveness quite beyond the capacity

of the Turk, who at his worst is a fitful and indolent tyrant.

In the last quarter of the seventeenth century the Russian Power began

to take a close interest in Roumania. In 1711 there was a definite

Russian-Roumanian alliance. By this time the Roumanians were resolutely

hostile to the Turkish domination. True, they had been spared most of

the cruelties which were in Servia a customary and in Bulgaria an

occasional concomitant of Turkish rule. But they were deeply injured by

the corrupt, the luxurious, the exacting administration of the Greek

rulers forced upon them by the Turkish government. Though they suffered

little from massacre they suffered much from "squeeze." There was not

only the greed of the Turk but the greed of the intermediate Greek to be

satisfied. From 1711 until the final liberation of Roumania, Roumanian

sympathies were generally with the Russians in the frequent wars waged

by them against Turkey. In 1770 the Russians occupied Roumania and freed

it for a time from the Turk, but in 1774 the Roumanians went back to

the Turkish suzerainty. During the Napoleonic wars Russia gave Roumania

some reason to doubt the disinterestedness of her friendship by annexing

the rich province of Bessarabia, a part of the natural territory of the

Roumanian people. The year 1821 saw the outbreak of the Greek war of

independence, in which Roumania took no part, having as little love for

the Greek as for the Turk. She won one advantage for herself from the

war, the right to have her native rulers under Turkish suzerainty. In

1828, as a result of a Russo-Turkish war, Roumania won almost complete

freedom, conditional only on tribute being continued to be paid to the

Sultan. She found a new master, however, in Russia, and was forced to

keep up a Russian garrison within her borders, nominally as a protection

against Turkey, really as a safeguard against the growth in her own

people of a spirit of national independence. The Crimean War (1853)

freed Roumania from this Russian garrison, and in 1856 the Treaty of

Paris declared Roumania to be an independent principality under Turkish

suzerainty.

[Illustration: _Underwood & Underwood_

KING NICOLAS OF MONTENEGRO]

_Montenegro._--The existence of Montenegro as a separate Balkan state

dates back to the Battle of Kossovo. The Montenegrin is a Serbian

Highlander, and whilst the Serbian Empire flourished, claimed for

himself no separate national entity. When, however, the rest of Serbia

was subjugated by the Turks, "the Black Mountain" held out, and there

gathered within its little area of rocky hill fastnesses the free

remnants of the Serbian race. The story of that little nation is quite

the most wonderful in all the world. It transcends Sparta, and makes the

fighting record of the Swiss seem tame. At the height of its power

Montenegro had a population of perhaps 8000 males, and little source of

riches from mines, from trade, or even from fertile agricultural land.

Yet Montenegro kept the Turks from her own territory, and was able at

times to give valuable help to the rest of Europe in withstanding the

invasion of Islam.

The system of government instituted was that of a theocratic despotism:

the head of the nation was its chief bishop, and he had the right to

nominate a nephew (not a son--as a bishop of the Greek Communion he

would be celibate) to succeed him. The Montenegrin dynasty was founded

in 1696 by King Danilo I., and has endured to this day, though recently

the functions of the chief priest and king have been separated, and the

present monarch is purely a civil ruler.

It is not possible here to give even the barest mention of the leading

facts in the proud history of little Montenegro. In the seventeenth

century she was the valued friend of Venice against the Turks; in the

eighteenth century she was aided by Peter the Great of Russia; later she

met without being subdued the warlike power of Napoleon. All the time,

during every century, every year almost, there was constant warfare with

the Turks. One campaign lasted without interruption from 1424 to 1436,

and was marked by over sixty battles. The little population of the patch

of rocks in the mountains was worn down by this incessant fighting, but

was recruited by a steady flow of exiles from other parts of the Balkan

Peninsula, anxious for freedom and for revenge on the Turk. Sometimes

the tide of battle went sorely against the mountaineers, and almost all

their country was put under the heel of the Moslem. But always one eyrie

was kept for the free eagles, and from it they swooped down with renewed

strength to send the invader once again across their borders. Repeatedly

the Turk levied great armies for the conquest of Montenegro (once the

Turkish force reached to the number of 80,000). Repeatedly great

European Powers which had proffered help or had been begged for help

failed little Montenegro at a crisis. But never were the stout hearts of

the Black Mountain quelled. In 1484, when Zablak had to be evacuated and

the whole nation was confined to the little mountain fortress of

Cettinje, Ivan the Black offered to his people the choice of ending the

war and making peace with the Turks. They rejected the idea, and swore

to stand by the freedom of Montenegro until the last. The oath was never

broken. Right down to 1832 a free Montenegro faced Turkey. In that year

the Turks, despairing of an occupation of the country, suggested that

Montenegro should agree at least to pay tribute. That offer was rejected

and yet another war entered upon. A war against Austria followed, in

which the desperate Montenegrins used the type of their printing presses

to make bullets for the soldiers.

[Illustration: MONTENEGRIN TROOPS

Weekly Drill and Inspection of Weapons]

That there was lead type to be so used shows that the Montenegrins had

not altogether neglected the arts of peace. In 1493 a printing press had

been set up in Cettinje and the first Montenegrin book printed in the

Cyrillic character. During the next century this printing press was

kept busy with the issue of the Gospels and psalters under the rule of

the brave Bishop Babylas. The state of Montenegro at this time aroused

the admiration of the Venetians, and there is extant a book in praise of

Montenegro written in 1614 by a Venetian noble, Mariano Bolizza.

When the time came for the other Balkan States to throw off the Turkish

yoke Montenegro was not reluctant to join in the movement for

liberation, and she was later first in the field in the campaign of

1912.

This very brief record of the leading facts of Balkan history has now

brought each of the peoples up to the stage at which the final and

successful effort was made with the help of Russia to drive the Turks

out of Balkan territory. The story of that effort will be told in the

succeeding chapter.

The Balkan Peninsula · 第 2 / 10 章