“As soon as the ransom is completed, you will be pleased to
have the captives well clothed and sent home at the expense of
the United States, with as much economy as will consist with
their reasonable comfort.”[257]
Commodore Paul Jones--called Admiral in the instructions--died without
entering upon these duties, and they were afterwards undertaken by
Colonel Humphreys, our minister at Lisbon, honored especially with the
friendship of Washington, and an accomplished officer of his staff
during the Revolution. The terms demanded by the Dey were such as to
render the mission unsuccessful.
Meanwhile the Algerines seized other of our citizens, who are described
as “employed as captive slaves on the most laborious work, in a
distressed and naked situation.”[258] One of their number, in a letter
to the President, dated at Algiers, November 5, 1793, says:--
“Humanity towards the unfortunate American captives, I presume,
will induce your Excellency to coöperate with Congress to adopt
some speedy and effectual plan in order to restore to liberty
and finally extricate the American captives from their present
distresses.”[259]
At this time one hundred and nineteen American slaves in Algiers united
in a petition to Congress, dated December 29, 1793, where they say:--
“Your petitioners are at present captives in this city of
bondage, employed daily on the most laborious work, without any
respect to persons.… They pray you will take their unfortunate
situation into consideration, and adopt such measures as will
restore the American captives to their country, their friends,
families, and connections.”[260]
The country was now aroused. A general contribution was proposed.
People of all classes vied in generous effort. Newspapers entered with
increased activity into the work. At public celebrations the toasts,
“Happiness for all,” and “Universal Liberty,” were proposed, partly
in sympathy with our wretched white fellow-countrymen in bonds. On
one occasion, at a patriotic festival in New Hampshire, they were
distinctly remembered in the toast: “Our brethren in slavery at
Algiers. May the measures adopted for their redemption be successful,
and may they live to rejoice with their friends in the blessings of
liberty!”[261] The clergy, too, were enlisted. A fervid appeal by
the captives themselves was addressed to ministers of the Gospel
throughout the United States, asking them to set apart a special
Sunday for sermons in behalf of their enslaved brethren. Literature
added her influence, not only in essays, but in a work, which, though
now forgotten, was among the earliest of the literary productions of
our country, reprinted in London at a time when few American books
were known abroad. I refer to the story of “The Algerine Captive,”
which, though published anonymously, like other similar works at a
later day, is known to have been written by Royall Tyler, afterwards
Chief Justice of Vermont. Slavery in Algiers is here delineated in the
sufferings of a single captive,--as Slavery in the United States has
been since depicted in the sufferings of “Uncle Tom”; but the argument
of the early story was hardly less strong against African Slavery than
against White Slavery. “Grant me,” says the Algerine captive--who had
been a surgeon on board a ship in the African slave-trade--from the
depths of his own sorrows, “once more to taste the freedom of my native
country, and every moment of my life shall be dedicated to preaching
against this detestable commerce. I will fly to our fellow-citizens in
the Southern States; I will on my knees conjure them, in the name of
humanity, to abolish a traffic which causes it to bleed in every pore.
If they are deaf to the pleadings of Nature, I will conjure them, for
the sake of consistency, to cease to deprive their fellow-creatures of
freedom, which their writers, their orators, Representatives, Senators,
and even their Constitutions of Government, have declared to be the
unalienable birthright of man.”[262] In such words was the cause of
Emancipation pleaded at that early day.
From his distant mission at Lisbon, Colonel Humphreys, yet unable
to reach Algiers, joined in this appeal by a letter to the American
people, dated July 11, 1794. Taking advantage of the general interest
in lotteries, and particularly of the custom, not then condemned, of
employing these to obtain money for literary or benevolent purposes,
he suggests a grand lottery, sanctioned by the United States, or
particular lotteries in individual States, to obtain the means required
for the ransom of our countrymen. He then asks:--
“Is there within the limits of these United States an
individual who will not cheerfully contribute in proportion to
his means to carry it into effect? By the peculiar blessings
of freedom which you enjoy, by the disinterested sacrifices
you made for its attainment, by the patriotic blood of those
martyrs of Liberty who died to secure your independence, and by
all the tender ties of Nature, let me conjure you once more to
snatch your unfortunate countrymen from fetters, dungeons, and
death.”
Meanwhile the Government was energetic through all its agents, at home
and abroad; nor was any question raised with regard to constitutional
powers. In the animated debate which ensued in the House of
Representatives, an honorable member said, “If bribery would not do, he
should certainly vote for equipping a fleet.”[263] At last, by Act of
Congress of the 20th March, 1794, a million dollars was appropriated
for this purpose, being the identical sum now proposed for a similar
purpose of redemption; but it was somewhat masked under the language,
“to defray any expenses which may be incurred in relation to the
intercourse between the United States and foreign nations.”[264] On the
same day, by another Act, the President was authorized “to borrow, on
the credit of the United States, if in his opinion the public service
shall require it, a sum not exceeding one million of dollars.”[265]
The object was distinctly avowed in the instructions of Mr. Jefferson,
28th March, 1795, “for concluding a treaty of peace and liberating our
citizens from captivity.” In other instructions, 25th August of the
preceding year, the wishes of the President are thus conveyed:--
“Ransom and peace are to go hand and hand, if practicable; but
if peace cannot be obtained, a ransom is to be effected without
delay, … restricting yourself, on the head of a ransom, within
the limit of three thousand dollars per man.”[266]
The negotiation being consummated, the first tidings of its success
were announced to Congress by President Washington in his speech at the
opening of the session, 8th December, 1795.
“With peculiar satisfaction I add, that information has
been received from an agent deputed on our part to Algiers,
importing that the terms of a treaty with the Dey and
Regency of that country had been adjusted in such a manner
as to authorize the expectation of a speedy peace, and the
restoration of our unfortunate fellow-citizens from a grievous
captivity.”[267]
The treaty was signed at Algiers, 5th September, 1795. It was a
sacrifice of pride, if not of honor, to the necessity of the occasion.
Among its stipulations was one even for annual tribute to the barbarous
Slave Power.[268] But, amidst all its unquestionable humiliation, it
was a treaty of Emancipation; nor did our people consider nicely the
terms on which this good was secured. It is recorded that a thrill of
joy went through the land on the annunciation that a vessel had left
Algiers having on board the Americans who had been captives there. The
largess of money, and even the indignity of tribute, were forgotten
in gratulations on their new-found happiness. Washington, in his
speech to Congress of December 7, 1796, thus solemnly dwelt on their
emancipation:--
“After many delays and disappointments, arising out of the
European war, the final arrangements for fulfilling the
engagements made to the Dey and Regency of Algiers will, in all
present appearance, be crowned with success,--but under great,
though inevitable, disadvantages in the pecuniary transactions,
occasioned by that war, which will render a further provision
necessary. _The actual liberation of all our citizens who were
prisoners in Algiers, while it gratifies every feeling heart_,
is itself an earnest of a satisfactory termination of the whole
negotiation.”[269]
Other treaties were made with Tripoli and Morocco, and more money was
paid for the same object, until at last, in 1801, the slaveholding
pretensions of Tripoli compelled a resort to arms. By a document
preserved in the State Papers of our country, it appears that from
1791, in the space of ten years, appropriations were made for the
liberation of our people, reaching to a sum-total of more than two
millions of dollars.[270] To all who question the power of Congress,
or the policy of exercising it, I commend this account, in its various
items, given with authentic minuteness. If we consider the population
and resources of the country at the time, as compared with our present
gigantic means, the amount will not be deemed inconsiderable.
The pretensions of Tripoli brought out Colonel Humphreys, the former
companion of Washington, now at home in retirement. In an address to
the public, he called again for united action, saying:--
“Americans of the United States, your fellow-citizens are in
fetters! Can there be but one feeling? Where are the gallant
remnants of the race who fought for freedom? Where the glorious
heirs of their patriotism? _Will there never be a truce
between political parties? Or must it forever be the fate of
free States, that the soft voice of union should be drowned
in the hoarse clamor of discord?_ No! Let every friend of
blessed humanity and sacred freedom entertain a better hope and
confidence.”[271]
Then commenced those early deeds by which our arms became known in
Europe,--the best achievement of Decatur, and the romantic expedition
of Eaton. Three several times Tripoli was attacked; and yet, after
successes sometimes mentioned with pride, our country consented
by solemn treaty to pay sixty thousand dollars for the freedom of
two hundred American slaves, and thus again by money obtained
Emancipation.[272] But Algiers was governed by Slavery as a ruling
passion. Again our people were seized. Even the absorbing contest with
Great Britain could not prevent an outbreak of indignant sympathy
for those in bonds. A naval force, promptly despatched to the
Mediterranean, was sufficient to secure the freedom of the American
slaves without ransom, and the further stipulation that hereafter no
Americans should be made slaves, and that “any Christians whatsoever,
captives in Algiers,” making their escape and taking refuge on board
an American ship of war, should be safe from all requisition or
reclamation.[273] Decatur, on this occasion, showed character as
well as courage. The freedmen of his arms were welcomed on board his
ship with impatient triumph. Thus, by war, and not by money, was
Emancipation this time obtained.
At a later day, Great Britain, weary of tribute and ransom, directed
her naval power against the Barbary States. Tunis and Tripoli each
promised Abolition, but Algiers sullenly refused, until compelled by
irresistible force. Before night, on the 27th August, 1816, the fleet
fired, besides shells and rockets, one hundred and eighteen tons of
powder and fifty thousand shot, weighing more than five hundred tons.
Amidst the crumbling ruins of walls and citadel, the cruel Slave Power
was humbled, and by solemn stipulation consented to the surrender of
all slaves in Algiers, and the abolition of White Slavery forever. This
great triumph was announced by the victorious admiral in a despatch to
his Government, where he uses words of rejoicing worthy of the occasion.
“In all the vicissitudes of a long life of public service, no
circumstance has ever produced on my mind such impressions
of gratitude and joy as the event of yesterday. To have
been one of the humble instruments in the hands of Divine
Providence for bringing to reason a ferocious Government,
and destroying forever the insufferable and horrid system of
Christian Slavery, can never cease to be a source of delight
and heartfelt comfort to every individual happy enough to be
employed in it.”[274]
And thus ended White Slavery in the Barbary States. A single brief
effort of war put an instant close to the wicked pretension. If, in
looking back upon its history, we find much to humble our pride, if we
are disposed to mourn that the National Government stooped to ransom
men justly free without price, yet we cannot fail to gather instruction
from this great precedent. Slavery is the same in essential character,
wherever it exists,--except, perhaps, that it has received new
harshness here among us. There is no argument against its validity at
Algiers not equally strong against its validity at Washington. In both
cases it is _unjust_ FORCE organized into law. But in Algiers it is
not known that the law was unconstitutional, as it clearly is here in
Washington. In the early case, Slavery was regarded by our fathers only
as an existing FACT; and it is only as an existing FACT that it can be
regarded by us in the present case; nor is there any power of Congress,
generously exerted for those distant captives, which may not be invoked
for the captives in our own streets.
* * * * *
Mr. President, if, in this important discussion, which seems to open
the door of the future, I confine myself to two simple inquiries, it
is because practically they exhaust the whole subject. If Slavery be
unconstitutional in the national capital, and if it be a Christian
duty, sustained by constitutional examples, to ransom slaves, then
your swift desires will not hesitate to adopt the present bill. It
is needless to enter upon other questions, important perhaps, but
irrelevant. It is needless, also, to consider the objections which
Senators have introduced, for all must see that they are but bugbears.
If I seem to dwell on details, it is because they furnish at each
stage instruction and support; if I occupy time on a curious passage
of history, it is because it is more apt even than curious, while it
sometimes holds the mirror up to our own wickedness, and sometimes even
seems to cry out, “Thou art the man!” I scorn to argue the obvious
truth that the slaves here are as much entitled to freedom as the
white slaves that enlisted the early energies of the new-born nation.
They are _men_ by the grace of God, and this is enough. There is no
principle of the Constitution, and no rule of justice, which is not as
strong for one as for the other. Consenting to the ransom proposed, you
recognize their manhood, and if authority be needed, you find it in the
example of Washington, who did not hesitate to employ a golden key to
open the house of bondage.
Let this bill pass, and then will be accomplished the first practical
triumph of Freedom, for which good men have longed, dying without the
sight,--for which a whole generation has petitioned, and for which
orators and statesmen have pleaded. Slavery will be banished from the
national capital. This metropolis, bearing a venerated name, will be
exalted, its evil spirit cast out, its shame removed, its society
refined, its courts made just, its revolting ordinances swept away,
and even its loyalty assured. If not moved by justice to the slave,
then be willing to act for your own good and in self-defence. If you
hesitate to pass this bill for the blacks, then pass it for the whites.
Nothing is clearer than that the degradation of Slavery affects the
master as well as the slave; while also recent events testify, that,
wherever Slavery exists, there Treason lurks, if it does not flaunt.
From the beginning of this Rebellion, Slavery has been constantly
manifest in the conduct of the masters, and even here in the national
capital it is the traitorous power encouraging and strengthening
the enemy. This power must be suppressed at every cost; and if its
suppression here endangers Slavery elsewhere, there will be new motive
for determined action.
Amidst all present solicitudes, the future cannot be doubtful. At
the national capital Slavery will give way to Freedom. But the good
work will not stop here: it must proceed. What God and Nature decree
Rebellion cannot arrest. And as the whole wide-spread tyranny begins
to tumble, then, above the din of battle, sounding from the sea and
echoing along the land, above even the exultations of victory on
hard-fought fields, will ascend voices of gladness and benediction,
swelling from generous hearts, wherever civilization bears sway, to
commemorate a sacred triumph, whose trophies, instead of tattered
banners, are ransomed slaves.