SPEECH IN THE SENATE, ON THE BILL FOR THE ABOLITION OF SLAVERY IN THE
DISTRICT OF COLUMBIA, MARCH 31, 1862.
And I will very gladly spend and be spent for you.
ST. PAUL, _2 Corinthians_, XII. 15.
Ornatus sacramentorum redemtio captivorum est.
ST. AMBROSE, _De Officiis Ministrorum_, Lib. II. Cap. 28.
Thy ransom paid, which man from death redeems.
MILTON, _Paradise Lost_, Book XII. 424.
Let me observe, fellow-citizens, that this enterprise of
unparalleled magnitude and importance, the extirpation of
Slavery from the face of the earth, of which the Abolition of
Slavery throughout this Union is the principal branch, and
the Abolition of Slavery in the District of Columbia a minute
ramification, is an effort to purify and redeem the human race
from the sorest evil with which they are afflicted in the
mortal stage of their existence.--JOHN QUINCY ADAMS, _Speech at
Bridgewater, Mass., November 6, 1844_.
* * * * *
In activity against Slavery Mr. Sumner did not confine himself
to public effort. By writing and personal appeal he was always
doing. The letter to Governor Andrew, already given,[211] not
only shows his exertion in that important quarter, but affords
a glimpse of his relations with the President, whom he reports
as saying that there was a difference between them of a month
or six weeks only. In point of fact, Mr. Sumner found the
difference much greater.
On his arrival at Washington, previously to the opening of
Congress, he lost no time in seeing the President, who read
to him the draught of his Annual Message. Mr. Sumner was
disheartened by the absence of any recommendation or statement
on Emancipation, and especially by what the President told him
of his striking from Mr. Cameron’s Report a strong passage on
this subject. But he was entirely satisfied that the President
was really against Slavery, and was determined to do his duty.
From that time Mr. Sumner saw him constantly, never missing an
opportunity of pressing action. Not a week passed without one
or more interviews. At the same time, Mr. Chase was pressing,
also, and the two interchanged reports with regard to his state
of mind. During this time he was watching the Border States,
and communicating with friends in Kentucky. For Mr. Sumner this
was an anxious period.
At last, early in the morning of March 6th, he received a
request from the President to come to him as soon as convenient
after breakfast. Mr. Sumner hastened, and on his arrival the
President said that he had something to read; and he then read
the draught of the Special Message of that date, proposing
Compensated Emancipation.
Mr. Sumner never had strong faith in the practicability of
Compensated Emancipation on a large scale, and was always
against Gradual Emancipation; but he welcomed any step towards
Emancipation, being assured, that, when once begun in any way,
it must proceed to the complete establishment of Freedom. In
the conversation that ensued he began with a mild protest
against gradualism in dealing with wrong, but said nothing
against compensation. Taking the draught into his hands, and
reading it over slowly and carefully, he could not but object
to a certain brief paragraph, which he thought might be turned
against us by the other side, and he asked permission to
rewrite it, so as to remove the ground of possible objection.
While occupied in this attempt with his pencil, the President
said: “Don’t trouble yourself; I will strike it all out”:
and it was struck out. As Mr. Sumner continued for some time
studying the paper, the President at length interrupted him in
a familiar, pleasant way, saying: “Enough; you must go, or the
boys[212] won’t have time to copy it.” He then said that he
should communicate the Message to the Senate that day. It was
communicated accordingly.
Before he left, Mr. Sumner told the President, that, though
knowing that the Message was coming, he should stand aside and
leave to others the making of the proper motion with regard
to it. As he anticipated, nothing was ever done under it
beyond the adoption by the two Houses of the joint resolution
recommended: “That the United States ought to coöperate with
any State which may adopt _gradual_ abolishment of Slavery,
giving to such State pecuniary aid, to be used by such State in
its discretion, to compensate for the inconveniences, public
and private, produced by such change of system.” But the
Message gave public assurance that the President was occupied
with the great question, and its concluding words sank into
the popular heart. “In full view,” he said, “of my great
responsibility to my God and to my country, I earnestly beg
the attention of Congress and the people to the subject.” Many
breathed freer.
* * * * *
Meanwhile a bill was introduced into the Senate by Mr. Wilson,
providing for Emancipation in the District of Columbia. This
was entitled, “For the release of certain persons held to
service or labor in the District of Columbia.” It provided for
a commission to appraise the claims on account of the slaves
liberated, limiting their allowance in the aggregate to an
amount equal to three hundred dollars a slave, and appropriated
one million dollars to pay loyal owners; to which was added,
on motion of Mr. Doolittle, one hundred thousand dollars for
the colonization of slaves who desired to emigrate to Hayti or
Liberia.
This bill was introduced December 16th, referred to the
Committee on the District of Columbia December 20th, reported
with amendments by Mr. Morrill of Maine February 13th, taken up
for consideration March 12th, and proceeded with to its final
passage April 3d: Yeas 29, Nays 14.
April 11th, it passed the House: Yeas 94, Nays 44.
April 16th, it was approved by the President, who sent a
Message expressing gratification that “the two principles
of compensation and colonization are both recognized and
practically applied in the Act.”[213]
In the interval between the passage of the bill and its
approval by the President there was concern with many lest it
should fail in his hands. During this painful suspense, Mr.
Sumner visited the President, and said: “Do you know who at
this moment is the largest slave-_holder_ in this country?
It is Abraham Lincoln; for he holds all the three thousand
slaves of the District, which is more than any other person in
the country holds.” He then expressed astonishment that the
President could postpone the approval a single night.
* * * * *
Mr. Sumner spoke, March 31st, treating the case as of ransom
rather than compensation. He was willing to vote money for
Emancipation, but would not recognize the title of the master
implied in compensation. The distinction facilitated a bolder
dealing with the question, which was needed in the Rebel States.
This method was noticed especially by the _New York Tribune_.
“The speech of Mr. Sumner in the Senate on the Bill for
the Abolition of Slavery in the District of Columbia is a
statesmanlike view of the subject, which should commend
it to the impartial consideration of the country. He
addressed himself, not to a discussion of the character
of Slavery itself, but simply to its recognition in the
national capital, and advocates its removal because it is
not in accordance with the Constitution. On this point
his reasoning is conclusive, and is an appeal to the
national self-respect which ought not to be disregarded.
Not less forcible is the ground he takes on the question
of compensation. Viewing it rather in the light of ransom
for the slave than compensation to the master for a right
surrendered, he upholds it as a duty springing from the
complicity of the whole country in the existence heretofore
of the system in the domain exclusively under national
jurisdiction. Common sense and a sense of justice to all
parties alike commend such a treatment of the subject.”
Lewis Tappan, the early and most watchful Abolitionist, wrote
from New York:--
“I have just read the speech again in pamphlet form. Your
able efforts in procuring the passage of this bill add
another link to the golden chain by which you are bound to
the good people of my native State, and, as I believe, to
posterity.”
Orestes A. Brownson, able and indefatigable with his pen,
recognized the idea of ransom.
“I thank you for your able speech on the Ransom of the Slaves
in the District of Columbia. The term _Ransom_ is happily
chosen, and meets many scruples.”
Frederick Douglass wrote with the effusion of a freeman once a
slave.
“I want only a moment of your time to give you my thanks
for your great speech in the Senate on the Bill for the
Abolition of Slavery in the District of Columbia. I trust
I am not dreaming; but the events taking place seem like
a dream. If Slavery is really dead in the District of
Columbia, and merely waiting for the ceremony of ‘Dust
to dust’ by the President, to you more than to any other
American statesman belongs the honor of this great triumph
of justice, liberty, and sound policy. I rejoice for my
freed brothers,--and, Sir, I rejoice for you. You have
lived to strike down in Washington the power that lifted
the bludgeon against your own free voice. I take nothing
from the good and brave men who have coöperated with you.
There is, or ought to be, a head to every body; and whether
you will or not, the slaveholder and the slave look to you
as the best embodiment of the Antislavery idea now in the
councils of the nation. May God sustain you!”
The speech, while addressed to the particular circumstances of
the District of Columbia, presented considerations applicable
to Slavery everywhere. It was a blow at Slavery outside the
District, as well as inside, while it illustrated the power and
duty of Congress over this subject.