In appearance General Joseph E. Johnston (commonly called Joe

Johnston) is rather below the middle height, spare, soldierlike, and

well set up; his features are good, and he has lately taken to wear a

greyish beard. He is a Virginian by birth, and appears to be about

fifty-seven years old. He talks in a calm, deliberate, and confident

manner; to me he was extremely affable, but he certainly possesses the

power of keeping people at a distance when he chooses, and his officers

evidently stand in great awe of him. He lives very plainly, and at

present his only cooking-utensils consisted of an old coffee-pot and

frying-pan--both very inferior articles. There was only one fork (one

prong deficient) between himself and Staff, and this was handed to me

ceremoniously as the "guest."

[Illustration: GENERAL JOSEPH E. JOHNSTON.]

He has undoubtedly acquired the entire confidence of all the officers

and soldiers under him. Many of the officers told me they did not

consider him inferior as a general to Lee or any one else.

He told me that Vicksburg was certainly in a critical situation, and was

now closely invested by Grant. He said that he (Johnston) had 11,000 men

with him (which includes Gist's), hardly any cavalry, and only sixteen

pieces of cannon; but if he could get adequate reinforcements, he stated

his intention of endeavouring to relieve Vicksburg.

I also made the acquaintance of the Georgian General Walker, a fierce

and very warlike fire-eater, who was furious at having been obliged to

evacuate Jackson after having only destroyed four hundred Yankees. He

told me, "I know I couldn't hold the place, but I did want to kill a few

more of the rascals."

At 9 P.M. I returned with General Gist to his camp, as my baggage was

there. On the load we were met by several natives, who complained that

soldiers were quartering themselves upon them and eating everything.

The bivouacs are extremely pretty at night, the dense woods being lit up

by innumerable camp fires.

[26] I afterwards learnt that this bombardment preceded one of the

unsuccessful assaults.

[27] Nearly every man in this part of the country has a military title.

* * * * *

_21st May_ (Thursday).--I rejoined General Johnston at 9 A.M., and was

received into his mess. Major Eustis and Lieutenant Washington, officers

of his Staff, are thorough gentlemen, and did all in their power to make

me comfortable. The first is a Louisianian of wealth (formerly); his

negro always speaks French. He is brother to the secretary of Mr Slidell

in Paris, and has learnt to become an excellent Staff officer.

I was presented to Captain Henderson, who commanded a corps of about

fifty "scouts." These are employed on the hazardous duty of hanging

about the enemy's camps, collecting information, and communicating with

Pemberton in Vicksburg. They are a fine-looking lot of men, wild, and

very picturesque in appearance.

At 12 noon a Yankee military surgeon came to camp. He had been left

behind by Grant to look after the Yankee wounded at Jackson, and he was

now anxious to rejoin his general by flag of truce, but General Johnston

very prudently refused to allow this, and desired that he should be sent

to the North _viâ_ Richmond. By a very sensible arrangement, both sides

have agreed to treat doctors as non-combatants, and not to make

prisoners of war of them.

The chief surgeon in Johnston's army is a very clever and amusing

Kentuckian, named Dr Yandell. He told me he had been educated in

England, and might have had a large practice there.

My friend "Major" ---- very kindly took me to dine with a neighbouring

planter, named Harrold, at whose house I met General Gregg, a Texan,

who, with his brigade, fought the Yankees at Raymond a few days ago.

After dinner, I asked Mr Harrold to take me over the quarters of his

slaves, which he did immediately. The huts were comfortable and very

clean; the negroes seemed fond of their master, but he told me they were

suffering dreadfully from the effects of the war--he had so much

difficulty in providing them with clothes and shoes. I saw an old woman

in one of the huts, who had been suffering from an incurable disease for

thirteen years, and was utterly useless. She was evidently well cared

for, and was treated with affection and care. At all events, she must

have benefited largely by the "peculiar institution."

I have often told these planters that I thought the word "slave" was

the most repulsive part of the institution, and I have always observed

they invariably shirk using it themselves. They speak of their servant,

their boy, or their negroes, but never of their slaves. They address a

negro as boy or girl, or uncle or aunty.

In the evening I asked General Johnston what prospect he thought there

was of early operations, and he told me that at present he was too weak

to do any good, and he was unable to give me any definite idea as to

when he might be strong enough to attack Grant. I therefore made up my

mind to be off in a day or two, unless something turned up, as I could

not afford to wait for events, I have still so much to see.

General Johnston is a very well-read man, and agreeable to converse

with. He told me that he considered Marlborough a greater general than

Wellington. All Americans have an intense admiration for Napoleon; they

seldom scruple to express their regret that he was beaten at Waterloo.

Remarking upon the extreme prevalence of military titles, General

Johnston said, "You must be astonished to find how fond all Americans

are of titles, though they are republicans; and as they can't get any

other sort, they all take military ones."

Whilst seated round the camp fire in the evening, one of the officers

remarked to me, "I can assure you, colonel, that nine men out of ten in

the South would sooner become subjects of Queen Victoria than return to

the Union." "Nine men out of ten!" said General Johnston--"ninety-nine

out of a hundred; I consider that few people in the world can be more

fortunate in their government than the British colonies of North

America." But the effect of these compliments was rather spoilt when

some one else said they would prefer to serve under the Emperor of the

French or the Emperor of Japan to returning to the dominion of Uncle

Abe; and it was still more damaged when another officer alluded in an

undertone to the infernal regions as a more agreeable alternative than

reunion with the Yankees.

* * * * *

_22d May_ (Friday).--The bombardment at Vicksburg was very heavy and

continuous this morning.

I had a long conversation with General Johnston, who told me that the

principal evils which a Confederate general had to contend against

consisted in the difficulty of making combinations, owing to uncertainty

about the time which the troops would take to march a certain distance,

on account of their straggling propensities.

But from what I have seen and heard _as yet_, it appears to me that

the Confederates possess certain great qualities as soldiers, such as

individual bravery and natural aptitude in the use of firearms, strong,

determined patriotism, and boundless confidence in their favourite

generals, and in themselves. They are sober of necessity, as there is

literally no liquor to be got. They have sufficient good sense to know

that a certain amount of discipline is absolutely necessary; and I

believe that instances of insubordination are extremely rare. They

possess the great advantage of being led by men of talent and education

as soldiers who thoroughly understand the people they have to lead, as

well as those they have to beat. These generals, such as Lee, Johnston,

Beauregard, or Longstreet, they would follow anywhere, and obey

implicitly. But, on the other hand, many of their officers, looking

forward to future political advancement, owing to their present military

rank, will not punish their men, or are afraid of making themselves

obnoxious by enforcing rigid discipline. The men are constantly in the

habit of throwing away their knapsacks and blankets on a long march, if

not carried for them, and though actuated by the strongest and purest

patriotism, can often not be got to consider their obligations as

soldiers. In the early part of the war they were often, when victorious,

nearly as disorganised as the beaten, and many would coolly walk off

home, under the impression that they had performed their share. But they

are becoming better in these respects as the war goes on.[28]

All this would account for the trifling benefits derived by the

Confederates from their numerous victories.

General Johnston told me that Grant had displayed more vigour than he

had expected, by crossing the river below Vicksburg, seizing Jackson by

vastly superior force, and, after cutting off communications, investing

the fortress thoroughly, so as to take it if possible before a

sufficient force could be got to relieve it. His army is estimated at

75,000 men, and General Johnston has very little opinion of the defences

of Vicksburg on the land side. He said the garrison consisted of about

20,000 men.

News has been received that the Yankees were getting up the Yazoo river;

and this morning General Walker's division left at 6 A.M. for Yazoo

city.

The General with his Staff and myself rode into Canton, six miles, and

lodged in the house of a planter who owned 700 slaves.

Dr Yandell is a wonderful mimic, and amused us much by taking off the

marriage ceremony, as performed by General Polk in Tennessee--General

Morgan of Kentucky notoriety being the bridegroom.[29]

One of Henderson's scouts caused much hilarity amongst the General's

Staff this afternoon. He had brought in a Yankee prisoner, and

_apologised_ to General Johnston for doing so, saying, "I found him in a

negro quarter, and _he surrendered so quick, I couldn't kill him_."

There can be no doubt that the conduct of the Federals in captured

cities tends to create a strong indisposition on the part of the

Confederates to take prisoners, particularly amongst these wild

Mississippians.

General Johnston told me this evening that altogether he had been

wounded ten times. He was the senior officer of the old army who joined

the Confederates, and he commanded the Virginian army until he was

severely wounded at the battle of "Seven Pines."[30]

[28] After having lived with the veterans of Bragg and Lee, I was able

to form a still higher estimate of Confederate soldiers. Their obedience

and forbearance in success, their discipline under disaster, their

patience under suffering, under hardships, or when wounded, and their

boundless devotion to their country under all circumstances, are beyond

all praise.

[29] When I was introduced to General Polk in Tennessee I recognised him

at once by Dr Yandell's imitation, which was most wonderfully accurate.

[30] Called "Fairoaks" by the Yankees.

* * * * *

_23d May_ (Saturday).--General Johnston, Major Eustis, and myself, left

Canton at 6 A.M. on a locomotive for Jackson.

On the way we talked a good deal about "Stonewall" Jackson. General

Johnston said that although this extraordinary man did not possess any

great qualifications as a strategist, and was perhaps unfit for the

independent command of a large army; yet he was gifted with wonderful

courage and determination, and a perfect faith in Providence that he was

destined to destroy his enemy. He was much indebted to General Ewell in

the valley campaigns. Stonewall Jackson was also most fortunate in

commanding the flower of the Virginian troops, and in being opposed to

the most incapable Federal commanders, such as Fremont and Banks.

Before we had proceeded twelve miles we were forced to stop and collect

wood from the roadside to feed our engine, and the General worked with

so much energy as to cause his "Seven Pines" wound to give him pain.

We were put out at a spot where the railroad was destroyed, at about

four miles from Jackson. A carriage ought to have been in waiting for

us, but by some mistake it had not arrived, so we had to foot it. I was

obliged to carry my heavy saddlebags. Major Eustis very kindly took my

knapsack, and the General carried the cloaks. In this order we reached

Jackson, much exhausted, at 9.30 A.M.

General Loring came and reported himself soon after. He is a stout man

with one arm. His division had arrived at Jackson from Crystal Springs

about 6000 strong; Evans's brigade, about 3000, had also arrived from

Charleston; and Maxey's brigade was in the act of marching into Jackson.

I calculate, therefore, that General Johnston must now have nearly

25,000 men between Jackson and the Yazoo.

I took an affectionate farewell of him and his officers, and he returned

to Canton at 3 P.M. I shall be much surprised if he is not heard of

before long. That portion of his troops which I saw, though they had

been beaten and forced to retreat, were in excellent spirits, full of

confidence, and clamouring to be led against _only_ double their

numbers.

I renewed my acquaintance with Dr Russell, for whose timely protection I

shall always feel myself much indebted. I also sent my love to Smythe by

several different people.

At 3.30 P.M. I left Jackson in a Government ambulance, in company with

Captain Brown of General Johnston's Staff, who was extremely useful to

me. I had taken the precaution of furnishing myself with a pass from

Colonel Ewell, the adjutant-general, which I afterwards discovered was

absolutely necessary, as I was asked for it continually, and on the

railroad every person's passport was rigidly examined.

We drove to the nearest point at which the railroad was in working

order, a distance of nearly five miles.

We then got into the cars at 6 P.M. for Meridian. This piece of railroad

was in a most dangerous state, and enjoys the reputation of being the

very worst of all the bad railroads in the South. It was completely worn

out, and could not be repaired. Accidents are of almost daily

occurrence, and a nasty one had happened the day before.

After we had proceeded five miles, our engine ran off the track, which

caused a stoppage of three hours. All male passengers had to get out to

push along the cars.

* * * * *

_24th May_ (Sunday).--We reached Meridian at 7.30 A.M., with sound

limbs, and only five hours late.

We left for Mobile at 9 A.M., and arrived there at 7.15 P.M. This part

of the line was in very good order.

We were delayed a short time owing to a "_difficulty_" which had

occurred in the up-train. The difficulty was this. The engineer had shot

a passenger, and then unhitched his engine, cut the telegraph, and

bolted up the line, leaving his train planted on a single track. He had

allowed our train to pass by shunting himself, until we had done so

without any suspicion. The news of this occurrence caused really hardly

any excitement amongst my fellow-travellers; but I heard one man remark,

that "it was mighty mean to leave a train to be run into like that." We

avoided this catastrophe by singular good fortune.[31]

The universal practice of carrying arms in the South is undoubtedly the

cause of occasional loss of life, and is much to be regretted; but, on

the other hand, this custom renders altercations and quarrels of very

rare occurrence, for people are naturally careful what they say when a

bullet may be the probable reply.

By the intercession of Captain Brown, I was allowed to travel in the

ladies' car. It was cleaner and more convenient, barring the squalling

of the numerous children, who were terrified into good behaviour by

threats from their negro nurses of being given to the Yankees.

I put up at the principal hotel at Mobile--viz., the "Battlehouse." The

living appeared to be very good by comparison, and cost $8 a-day. In

consequence of the fabulous value of boots, they must not be left

outside the door of one's room, from danger of annexation by a needy and

unscrupulous warrior.

[31] I cut this out of a Mobile paper two days after:--

"ATTEMPT TO COMMIT MURDER.--We learn that while the up-train on the

Mobile and Ohio Railroad was near Beaver Meadow, one of the employees,

named Thomas Fitzgerald, went into one of the passenger cars and shot

Lieutenant H. A. Knowles with a pistol, the ball entering his left

shoulder, going out at the back of his neck, making a very dangerous

wound. Fitzgerald then uncoupled the locomotive from the train and

started off. When a few miles above Beaver Meadows he stopped and cut

the telegraph wires, and then proceeded up the road. When near

Lauderdale station he came in collision with the down-train, smashing

the engine, and doing considerable damage to several of the cars.[32] It

is thought he there took to the woods; at any rate he has made good his

escape so far, as nothing of him has yet been heard. The shooting, as we

are informed, was that of revenge. It will be remembered that a few

months ago Knowles and a brother of Thomas Fitzgerald, named Jack, had a

renconter at Enterprise about a lady, and during which Knowles killed

Jack Fitzgerald; afterwards it is stated that Thomas threatened to

revenge the death of his brother; so on Sunday morning Knowles was on

the train, as stated, going up to Enterprise to stand his trial. Thomas

learning that he was on the train, hunted him up and shot him. Knowles,

we learn, is now lying in a very critical condition."

[32] This is a mistake.

* * * * *

_25th May_ (Monday).--I was disappointed in the aspect of Mobile. It is

a regular rectangular American city, built on a sandy flat, and covering

a deal of ground for its population, which is about 25,000.

I called on General Maury, for whom I brought a letter of introduction

from General Johnston. He is a very gentlemanlike and intelligent but

diminutive Virginian, and had only just assumed the command at Mobile.

He was very civil, and took me in a steamer to see the sea defences. We

were accompanied by General Ledbetter the engineer, and we were six

hours visiting the forts.

Mobile is situated at the head of a bay thirty miles long. The

blockading squadron, eight to ten in number, is stationed outside the

bay, the entrance to which is defended by forts Morgan and Gaines; but

as the channel between these two forts is a mile wide, they might

probably be passed.

Within two miles of the city, however, the bay becomes very shallow, and

the ship channel is both dangerous and tortuous. It is, moreover,

obstructed by double rows of pine piles, and all sorts of ingenious

torpedos, besides being commanded by carefully constructed forts, armed

with heavy guns, and built either on islands or on piles.

Their names are Fort Pinto, Fort Spanish River, Apalache, and

Blakeley.[33]

The garrisons of these forts complained of their being unhealthy, and I

did not doubt the assertion. Before landing, we boarded two ironclad

floating-batteries. The Confederate fleet at Mobile is considerable, and

reflects great credit upon the energy of the Mobilians, as it has been

constructed since the commencement of the war. During the trip, I

overheard General Maury soliloquising over a Yankee flag, and saying,

"Well, I never should have believed that I could have lived to see the

day in which I should detest that old flag." He is cousin to Lieutenant

Maury, who has distinguished himself so much by his writings, on

physical geography especially. The family seems to be a very military

one. His brother is captain of the Confederate steamer Georgia.

After landing, I partook of a hasty dinner with General Maury and Major

Cummins. I was then mounted on the General's horse, and was sent to

gallop round the land defences with Brigadier-General Slaughter and his

Staff. By great good fortune this was the evening of General Slaughter's

weekly inspection, and all the redoubts were manned by their respective

garrisons, consisting half of soldiers and half of armed citizens who

had been exempted from the conscription either by their age or

nationality, or had purchased substitutes. One of the forts was defended

by a burly British guard, commanded by a venerable Captain Wheeler.[34]

After visiting the fortifications, I had supper at General Slaughter's

house, and met there some of the refugees from New Orleans--these are

now being huddled neck and crop out of that city for refusing to take

the oath of allegiance to the United States. Great numbers of women and

children are arriving at Mobile every day; they are in a destitute

condition, and they add to the universal feeling of exasperation. The

propriety of raising the black flag, and giving no quarter, was again

freely discussed at General Slaughter's, and was evidently the popular

idea. I heard many anecdotes of the late "Stonewall Jackson," who was

General Slaughter's comrade in the Artillery of the old army. It appears

that previous to the war he was almost a monomaniac about his health.

When he left the U.S. service he was under the impression that one of

his legs was getting shorter than the other; and afterwards his idea was

that he only perspired on one side, and that it was necessary to keep

the arm and leg of the other side in constant motion in order to

preserve the circulation; but it seems that immediately the war broke

out he never made any further allusion to his health. General Slaughter

declared that on the night after the terrific repulse of Burnside's army

at Fredericksburg, Stonewall Jackson had made the following

suggestion:--"I am of opinion that we ought to attack the enemy at once;

and in order to avoid the confusion and mistakes so common in a

night-attack, I recommend that we should all strip ourselves perfectly

naked."[35] Blockade-running goes on very regularly at Mobile; the

steamers nearly always succeed, but the schooners are generally

captured. To-morrow I shall start for the Tennessean army, commanded by

General Braxton Bragg.

[33] A description of either its sea or land defences is necessarily

omitted.

[34] Its members were British subjects exempted from the conscription,

but they had volunteered to fight in defence of the city.

[35] I always forgot to ask General Lee whether this story was a true

one.

* * * * *

_26th May_ (Tuesday).--When I took Colonel Ewell's pass to the

provost-marshal's office this morning to be countersigned, that official

hesitated about stamping it, but luckily a man in his office came to my

rescue, and volunteered to say that, although he didn't know me himself,

he had heard me spoken of by others as "a very respectable gentleman." I

was only just in time to catch the twelve o'clock steamer for the

Montgomery railroad. I overheard two negroes on board discussing affairs

in general; they were deploring the war, and expressing their hatred of

the Yankees for bringing "sufferment on us as well as our masters." Both

of them had evidently a great aversion to being "run off," as they

called it. One of them wore his master's sword, of which he was very

proud, and he strutted about in a most amusing and consequential manner.

I got into the railroad cars at 2.30 P.M.; the pace was not at all bad,

had we not stopped so often and for such a long time for wood and water.

I sat opposite to a wounded soldier who told me he was an Englishman

from Chelsea. He said he was returning to his regiment, although his

wound in the neck often gave him great pain. The spirit with which

wounded men return to the front, even although their wounds are

imperfectly healed, is worthy of all praise, and shows the indomitable

determination of the Southern people. In the same car there were several

quite young boys of fifteen or sixteen who were badly wounded, and one

or two were minus arms and legs, of which deficiencies they were

evidently very vain.

The country through which we passed was a dense pine forest, sandy soil,

and quite desolate, very uninviting to an invading army. We travelled

all night.

* * * * *

_27th May_ (Wednesday).--Arrived at Montgomery, the capital of Alabama,

at daylight, and left it by another railroad at 5.30 A.M.

Three Months in the Southern States, April-June 1863 · 第 6 / 16 段