1796 to 1799.
These years represent a period in the history of England of which
Englishmen must always be proud. Standing almost alone against the
French Republic, before whose victorious armies almost every other
nation in Europe succumbed, her Government and people never hesitated to
protest, both by word and deed, against the unlawful ambition of the
French Directorate. Blinding the French people to a sense of their
hardships and their rapidly-increasing debt by the glare of military
success, and attributing these same successes to the sudden development
of martial spirit and liberty which followed the downfall of the
monarchy, the selfish and dishonest leaders of the Republic were enabled
not merely to encourage their own army, but to sow doubt and dissension
in the ranks of their opponents. By flattering the people they ruled,
they were enabled to sin against every rule of good government, and by
creating discontent with existing authority among other nations, for
which purpose they spared no labour nor expense, they brought France in
1798 to a pinnacle of greatness, to which it had never yet attained.
England alone remained to defy them; and to conquer England, either by
means of invasion, isolation, or by fomenting rebellion, was their fixed
determination. The effect on England of suspended commerce and monetary
uncertainty can be realised by the point at which the Three [Sidenote:
Annual Registers.] per Cents. stood during these years. In 1796 they
fell to 66; in 1797, to 56½; in 1798, the year of the Irish rebellion,
they reached 49⅝; and, after its suppression, they rose again to 55. In
1796 the Bank of England suspended payment; and the discontent of the
Navy was such as to render very probable the mutinies, which took place
in the following year. The same dissatisfaction prevailed in the Army,
although to a less extent; but open expression of it was prevented by
the wisdom of the Duke of York in obtaining for the troops an increase
of pay, and thus removing the grievance, which provoked the discontent
among men, who could barely subsist on the miserable pittance that was
allowed them. The Board of Ordnance made a similar increase in the pay
of the two Corps under their control; and it may be interesting to state
the new rates allowed for the [Sidenote: B. O. Warrant, 27 May, 1797.]
Artillery. The Master-General, Lord Cornwallis, prefaces his Warrant on
the subject by reminding the Corps of their former good conduct and high
character, to which he had often been a witness on the most arduous
occasions, and to which he had often borne the most ample and honourable
testimony, when he had had the honour of commanding them. He felt sure,
he wrote, that it was not in the power of the most artful traitor to
seduce the soldiers of the Royal Artillery from their loyalty and
attachment to their King and country; and then he urged them never to
prefer unreasonable requests, whose inevitable refusal might produce
discontent,--but at the same time to rely upon his readiness to redress
any real grievance. The improvement in the pay of the soldier may be
briefly summarised from the lengthy verbiage of the Warrant. Up to 1797,
in addition to the provision made for his clothing, pension, quarters,
and medical assistance,--and also besides his allowance of beer, &c.,
provided in quarters, and of bread provided at a reduced rate when in
camp,--the soldier received a daily sum of 9½_d._, besides a further
daily sum of 2_d._, which under a previous Warrant had been given in
lieu of certain allowances; but, under the new Warrant, an additional
sum of 3¾_d._ was granted, making the daily pay of the soldier 1_s._
3¼_d._ Out of this sum, however, the extra price of the bread and meat
ration, which had hitherto been borne by the public, was now to be
deducted; and, as this averaged 1¾_d._, the net increase of pay was
2_d._ The pay of the various ranks after this Warrant stood as follows,
viz.:--
_s._ _d._
Sergeant 2 2 per diem.
Corporal 2 0¼ ”
Bombardier 1 10¼ ”
Gunner and Drummer 1 3¼ ” each.
In the year 1873, the date of the publication of this volume, the rates
of pay for the same ranks in the Corps are as follows, viz.:--
_s._ _d._
Sergeant 3 0 per diem.
Corporal 2 4 ”
Bombardier 2 2 ”
Gunner 1 5¼ ”
As in 1797 beer was allowed _in kind_, in addition to the daily pay, the
one penny a day subsequently allowed in lieu of it has not been included
in the pay of the various ranks in 1873, given above.
The increase of pay produced a feeling of contentment in the whole army;
and if sedition had no chance of thriving in the Artillery before, it
certainly had none after. An unsuccessful attempt having been made at
Woolwich in 1797 to stir up discontent among the men, we gather, from a
General Order published shortly afterwards, that the non-commissioned
officers and men subscribed a sum of money, which they offered as a
reward for the detection of the offenders; and, further, signed
voluntarily a paper declaring anew their loyalty to the King and
fidelity to the country. This latter step--to modern eyes somewhat
superfluous in _attested_ soldiers--was doubtless called forth by
certain insults to the King which had been published, and which called
forth the indignation of the whole community; and also by the fact that
certain soldiers serving in Ireland had been seduced from their colours
by the rebels, who, under the name of United Irishmen, were traversing
the whole country. The same feeling which prompted this action at
Woolwich expressed itself in subscriptions from the Regiment at home
and abroad to Mr. Pitt’s Loyalty Loan. It is recorded that the “officers
and men of the Royal Artillery at Gibraltar, Martinique, and St.
Domingo, having, as tokens of their [Sidenote: Cleaveland’s MSS.] love
and attachment to their King and country, transmitted to England
subscriptions, as detailed underneath, the Master-General thought it his
duty to lay the same before His Majesty, and to observe to His Majesty
how rapidly the spirit, which had so laudably shown itself in the
Artillery at home, had spread to the detachments abroad. His Majesty, on
receiving the information, was graciously pleased to express his
approbation, and to permit the Master-General to communicate the same to
the Regiment. [Sidenote: B. O. 4 June, 1798.] ‘The Master-General,
Marquis Cornwallis, has the greatest satisfaction in obeying this His
Majesty’s command, and takes the opportunity of congratulating the Royal
Regiment of Artillery on that zeal and alacrity, which, in all services
and in all climates and countries, have uniformly marked the character
of the Corps.’
“_Subscriptions from Gibraltar._--Major-General Martin, 100_l._; Field
Officers and Captains, 30 days’ pay each; subalterns, 14 days’ pay;
non-commissioned officers and gunners, 7 days’ pay each.
“_From Martinique._--Officers, 30 days’ pay; non-commissioned officers
and gunners, 20 days’ pay each.
“_From Cape Nicholas Mole._--Officers and men, 10 days’ pay each.”
* * * * *
This feeling of loyalty was general throughout the country, and was in
no way affected either by temptation from without, or vapouring sedition
within. And to this loyal feeling, and the noble successes of her
fleets, did England owe her continued maritime superiority and the
salvation of her commerce. [Sidenote: Annual Registers.] This latter had
been steadily increasing; her imports and exports had risen from 27½
millions in 1784, to 49¼ millions in 1796; and, although checked and
cramped by French legislation, her fleets kept the markets of the East
and West open. It was during this period that the great naval victories
of Camperdown and the Nile were gained, and that Nelson’s activity in
the Mediterranean insured the capture of Malta and Minorca by England.
Nor was any sea without the British flag. In 1799, there were in the
Navy no less than 100,000 seamen, besides 20,000 marines; and both in
the English seas and in the West Indies bomb-vessels, with artillerymen
on board, were numerous. In the East Indies our armies were gaining
renown; and in the West Indies hostilities were going on, in which the
Royal Artillery took an active part, which resulted in the retention of
all the English islands, and the capture from the French of St. Lucia,
Martinique, St. Domingo, Trinidad, Guadaloupe, Tobago, and Curacao. The
names of some of the officers of the Corps who were present during these
operations are given by the author of ‘England’s Artillerymen.’[7]
Consisting mainly of naval, or small detached military operations, the
wars in the West Indies possess, as a rule, little but local interest.
It may be mentioned, however, that they were much more fatal to our
troops through the fevers and pestilence which prevailed, than the
actual loss in battle.
The Board of Ordnance during this period did much good work in maturing
the defences of the country, which were [Sidenote: Annual Registers.]
under its control. In 1797, the cost of the Ordnance was 1,643,056_l._;
in 1798, 1,303,580_l._; in 1799, 1,570,827_l._; and [Sidenote: Vol. i.
p. 405.] in 1800, 1,695,956_l._ In 1795 the Board completed the Fifth
Battalion of the Regiment; and in 1799 the Sixth [Sidenote: Vol. i. p.
410.] Battalion was added. From the very first the Sixth was a most
efficient Battalion. It had as a nucleus the two companies known as the
East India Detachment; and the [Sidenote: Communicated by Sir E.
Perrott.] remaining companies were composed of trained English and
Scotch Militiamen, who were permitted to volunteer for service in the
Regiment.
It will thus be seen that, during a critical time, the courage and
determination of the people of England and their rulers saved the
country from much national hardship and danger. But while thus facing a
foreign enemy, another foe appeared in their midst. The student of this
chapter in British history finds that it includes the story of the great
Irish rebellion of 1798.
If ever the sins of the fathers have been visited on the children, it
has happened in the case of England’s connection with Ireland. The
fathers ate sour grapes, and the children’s teeth are set on edge. If we
need a proof of the strength of history as a motive power, we cannot do
better than go to Ireland. Here is a brave, a genial, a chivalrous race,
shrewd and able in the affairs of life, and yet the mention of injustice
done to their forefathers produces to this day such a feeling of
indignation and resentment, as blinds them to the fact that the
descendants of those whose memory they detest are endeavouring, almost
to the opposite extreme, to remove all tokens of former injustice. The
history of Ireland, in its relations with England, repeats many familiar
truths; it proves that national sins no more go unpunished, than
personal; it shows that rebellion without organisation is useless; and
it tells most distinctly that reasonable demands have often been refused
from want of judgment in the time and manner of urging them. It proves,
also, most clearly, yet another point, for which no additional proof is
required--that the passions of a people are the very best instrument
with which unscrupulous men can work to obtain their own private ends;
and that, by stirring these up, they can so blind men to the real goal
which it is intended to reach, as actually to make them in time believe
their own--possibly legitimate--purpose to be identical with that of
their leaders, which, if presented to them in cold blood, would have
made them shudder. He who doubts this needs only to study the class of
men called the “United Irishmen,” as they were when first organized, and
as they became under the manipulation of cunning leaders, and in the
face of an imprudent, unreasoning opposition. The Government of England
would have yielded much to the quiet reformers, which they were bound to
refuse to rebels; and it was this knowledge that made the arch plotters
fan discontent into disturbance as quickly as possible, lest, with the
satisfaction of just demands and the removal of admitted grievances, the
discontent should disappear, and their own vocation with it.
The story of the rebellion in Ireland in 1798 is a sorry one; but it has
its place in this history because, at some of the more important
engagements between the troops and the rebels, such as those known as
the battles of Ross, [Sidenote: Now A Battery, A Brigade; B Battery, A
Brigade, and C Battery, A Brigade.] Wexford, and Vinegar Hill, that
portion of the Regiment which had so recently been created--the Royal
Horse Artillery--was present. Two guns of A, B, and C Troops
respectively were present on these occasions. With the exception of
these, and some Battalion gun detachments, the Artillerymen engaged
during the rebellion in Ireland belonged to the national Corps--the old
Irish Artillery--whose loyalty shone undimmed during that trying time.
Although the story of the rebellion itself needs not to be told here,
certain facts connected with the Artillery arrangements will probably be
found interesting.
From July 1795, care had been taken to impart some knowledge of
Artillery drills to the Infantry regiments in Ireland, the custodians of
the battalion guns being required to instruct in each regiment at least
30 rank and file, [Sidenote: G. O., 7 July, 1795.] under a subaltern and
two sergeants. At this date the battalion guns were not _brigaded_ on
field-days, as was afterwards done; but always marched past at the head
of [Sidenote: General Regulations for the march of the army in Ireland,
12 Nov. 1796.] the regiments to which they were attached. The ammunition
waggons _followed_ the column.
On the 20th February, 1797, battalion guns were issued to the following
regiments of Militia, viz., Donegal, Clare, Limerick City, Antrim,
Kilkenny, North Mayo, Queen’s County, and Armagh; and one “useful,
well-instructed” [Sidenote: G. O., 20 Feb. 1797.] gunner from the Irish
Artillery accompanied each pair of guns, which were “to be worked by
soldiers of the “regiments.” This had been approved by the
Lord-Lieutenant on the 13th February, and orders had been given for the
immediate instruction in Artillery duties of over 300 Militiamen. This
confidence in the loyalty of the Irish troops shows that the rebellion
had but little real hold in the country, except among those with whom it
will ever find a welcome, the ignorant and fanatic.
It had always been a dream of France to annex Ireland, or, failing that,
to secure its independence; and the time seemed favourable for the
purpose. But, owing to circumstances too long to be narrated here, the
practical assistance afforded by the French was almost nothing; and the
rebellion, although encouraged by French promises, received in the end
but little of French performance. It would really seem, after
dispassionate study, that the rebellion, in the absence of the excited
opposition of the Orangemen, would never have occurred; that the removal
of the disabilities of the Catholics would at first have completely
gratified those who, after a time, would accept nothing but national
independence; and that such removal would in all probability have been
granted, had not the moderate reformers among the United Irishmen
unfortunately accepted the leadership of men like Wolfe Tone and others,
about whose extreme and impossible views there was no doubt whatever.
The feeling of discontent was also increased by the intemperate language
of the priests, who, in the heated expressions of their opponents,
detected a possible future for their Church, even more gloomy than its
existing state; but this last-named reason had less to do with the birth
of the rebellion, than the causes already stated. To panic-stricken, and
therefore cruel, opposition on the part of the Protestants, and to the
association of injudicious leaders with their cause, is the fact due
that men, whose claims have been admitted by subsequent legislation to
be just, landed in 1798 in a most unfortunate rebellion.
In even the most solemn matters there is often an element of the
ludicrous; and one who is acquainted with the national character would
not be surprised to find such in an Irish rebellion. The guns which were
given to the Irish Militia were not at first horsed; and very great
difficulty was experienced in procuring horses for the purpose. The
loyal Colonel of the Tipperary Militia, Colonel Bagwell, offered to lend
his own horses for the purpose, and his [Sidenote: Dated “Royal
Hospital,” 25 Feb. 1797.] offer was readily accepted. A letter was then
sent to the commanding officers of other Militia Regiments, inviting
them to follow Colonel Bagwell’s example, and offering, on the part of
the Ordnance, to pay for the horses’ forage, &c., during the time they
should be employed. With very few exceptions, the invitation was
declined, and a further perusal of the official documents suggests a
very natural reason for what would at first sight seem somewhat
ungracious, if not disloyal. On the 27th February, 1798, a letter was
addressed to the officers commanding the various districts in Ireland,
pointing out that it had reached the ears of the Commander-in-Chief
“that the limbers of the guns attached to battalions are used for market
cars, and other conveniences for the officers and women of the
regiments, and that the horses are ridden by officers and their servants
about the country at all hours.” The knowledge of this by the officers
commanding the regiments would naturally make them reluctant to expose
their own horses to such treatment; and a result of these irregularities
was the change [Sidenote: Vol. i. p. 165, ‘Royal Irish Artillery.’]
which took place from _battalion guns_ to _brigades_, already described.
It may be here stated that a considerable number of the men of the Irish
Artillery were employed in gun-boats in the Shannon and elsewhere during
the rebellion.
The detachments of the Royal Artillery, which were present with the
battalion guns attached to the regiments from England, were six in
number, each detachment consisting of 1 non-commissioned officer and 9
men. The whole were under the command of Captain Henry Geary, assisted
by three subalterns. The regiments to which they were attached were the
Guards (three Battalions), the Queen’s, 29th, and 100th Regiments. A
reinforcement of two companies was asked for by General Lake, but the
successes at Wexford rendered it unnecessary to meet his demand.
[Sidenote: D. A. General to Lord Cornwallis, 28 June, 1798.]
At this time, H.R.H. the Duke of York ordered two 12-pounder guns to be
attached to each troop of Horse Artillery, and, as will be seen
hereafter, these guns remained part of the armament of the troop of
Horse Artillery which formed part of the expedition to the Helder, in
1799. Two guns, from four troops respectively, went to Ireland to assist
in quelling the rebellion, but only those belonging to A, B, and C
Troops took part in the active operations. The strength of the Horse
Artillery sent to Ireland was as follows:--
[Sidenote: Embarkation Returns, dated Woolwich, 26 Nov. 1797.]
2 Captains.
3 Subalterns.
1 Assistant-Surgeon.
2 Staff-Sergeants.
12 Non-Commissioned Officers.
92 Gunners.
51 Drivers.
6 Artificers.
1 Trumpeter.
177 horses (and 13 from Driver Corps).
8 guns.
15 ammunition waggons.
N.B.--The guns were two 12-pounders, two 5½-inch howitzers, four 6-pounders.
The total strength of Horse Artillery left in England was as follows:
968 of all ranks, 920 horses, 42 guns, and 72 waggons.
This included a reserve of 5 guns at Woolwich.
After the rebellion had been quelled, the men of the Royal Artillery,
who during the operations had been under the Irish Branch of Ordnance,
returned to England; and the following table gives the distribution and
strength of the Royal Irish Artillery in the succeeding year. (_See_ pp.
80 and 81.)
Returning to England, the student will find not a few matters of
domestic interest which occurred during this period, and which are
worthy of being chronicled. A new organisation of the Ordnance Medical
Department took place; and on a recommendation of a committee it was
[Sidenote: B. O. Proceedings, 5 May, 1797.] resolved, on the 5th May,
1797, that, after the 1st July following, the system of obliging
surgeons to furnish the medicines for the troops out of a fixed money
allowance should cease, and that one of the Ordnance chemists should be
appointed Regimental apothecary. An increase of pay was also granted to
the medical officers.
DISTRIBUTION of the ROYAL IRISH REGIMENT of ARTILLERY, October 1799.
INDEX.
A. Lieut.-Colonels.
B. Majors.
C. Captains.
D. Capt-Lieutenants.
E. 1st Lieutenants.
F. 2nd Lieutenants.
G. Staff Sergeants.
H. Sergeants.
I. Corporals.
J. Bombardiers.
K. Drummers.
L. Gunners.
M. Total.
+---------------------------------------------+---+---+---+---+---+---+---+---+---+---+---+-----+-----+
| | A.| B.| C.| D.| E.| F.| G.| H.| I.| J.| K.| L. | M. |
+---------------------------------------------+---+---+---+---+---+---+---+---+---+---+---+-----+-----+
|Brigades { East { Two at Island Bridge | 1| | 1| 2| 2| 1| 1| 3| 3| 4| 2| 80| 99|
| { { One Naas | | | 1| | 2| | | 1| | 3| | 32| 38|
| { { One Arklow | | | | | 1| | | 2| | 2| | 29| 35|
| { { One Wexford | | | | | 1| | | | 1| 1| | 22| 26|
| | | | | | | | | | | | | | |
| { North { Two Charlemont | | 1| | | | 3| | 2| 3| 5| 1| 73| 88|
| { { One Belfast | | | 1| | 1| | | 1| 1| 2| | 36| 42|
| { { One Omagh | | | | 1| 1| | | | 2| 2| | 32| 38|
| { { One Strabane | | | | | 2| | | | 4| | | 32| 38|
| { { One Coleraine | | | | 1| 1| | | 1| 1| 2| | 32| 38|
| { { One Dundalk | | | 1| | 1| | | | 2| 2| | 32| 38|
| { { One Enniskillen | | | | | | 2| | 1| | 3| | 32| 39|
| | | | | | | | | | | | | | |
| { South { One Clonmel | 1| | 1| 1| | 1| | 1| 1| 4| 1| 50| 61|
| { { Two Cork | 1| | 1| 1| 2| | 1| 2| 5| 3| 1| 80| 97|
| { { One Bandon | | | | 1| 1| | | 2| | 1| | 32| 37|
| { { One Limerick | | | 1| | 1| | | 1| 1| 1| 1| 32| 38|
| { { One Tarbert | | | | 1| 1| | | | 1| 2| | 32| 37|
| { { One Waterford | | | 1| | 1| | | | 2| 2| | 29| 35|
| { { One Kilkenny | | | | | 1| 1| | 1| 2| 1| | 31| 37|
| | | | | | | | | | | | | | |
| { West { Two Athlone | 1| | 1| | 1| 1| 1| 1| 4| 4| | 81| 95|
| { { One Galway | | | 1| | 1| | | 1| 2| 1| 1| 32| 39|
| { { One { Carrick-on-Shannon| | | | 1| 1| | | | 1| | | 18| 21|
| { { Castle-bar | | | | | 1| | | | | 2| | 16| 19|
|Batteries. { Charlemont | | | | | | | | 1| 1| 1| | 12| 13|
| { Carrickfergus | | | | | | | | | 1| 1| | 7| 9|
| { Cromie Head | | | 1| | 1| | | | 7| 1| 2| 10| 12|
| { Tanitt | | | | | 1| | | 1| 2| | | 9| 10|
| { Cork Harbour | | | | | 1| | | | | 2| | 78| 92|
| { Charles Fort | | | | 1| | | | 1| 2| | | 12| 15|
| { Duncannon | | | | | | | | 1| | | | 9 | 11|
| { Bantry | | | | | | | | 1| | 1| | 16| 21|
| { Tarbert | | | | | | | | | | | | 13| 14|
| +---+---+---+---+---+---+---+---+---+---+---+-----+-----+
| Total | 4| 2| 11| 10| 26| 9| 2| 25| 49| 53| 8| 1031| 1232|
| +---+---+---+---+---+---+---+---+---+---+---+-----+-----+
|Five { Present | | | 2| 5| 7| | | 4| 17| 15| | 340| 399|
|Companies { Sick, leave, &c. | | | 2| 1| 2| 3| | | | | | | 5|
|in West { To return to Ireland | | | | 1| | 2| | | | | | | 1|
|Indies. { Under orders to proceed} | | | | | 1| | | | | | | | 4|
| { from Ireland } | | | | | | | | 6| 3| 5| 1| 75| 92|
| { Wanting | | | | | | | | | | | | | |
| +---+---+---+---+---+---+---+---+---+---+---+-----+-----+
| Total | | | 4| 7| 10| 5| | 10| 20| 20| 10| 415| 501|
| +---+---+---+---+---+---+---+---+---+---+---+-----+-----+
|Invalid { On command { Duncannon | | | | | | | | 1| 1| 1| | 10| 12|
|Company. { Charlemont | | | 1| | | | | | | | | 4| 5|
| { Sick--absent | | | | | 1| | | | | | | | 4|
| { Employed in the Line | | | | | | | | | | | | | 4|
| { Serving in the Militia | | | | | | | | | | 1| | 1| 2|
| { At the Powder-mills | | | | | | | | | | | | 2| 2|
| { Totally unfit for any duty | | | | | | | | | 1| | 1| 22| 22|
| { In and about Head-quarters | | | | | | 1| | | | 1| | 4| 7|
| { Wanting to complete | | | | | | | | | | | | | 1|
| |---+---+---+---+---+---+---+---+---+---+---+-----+-----+
| Total | | | 1| | 1| 1| | 1| 2| 3| 1| 43| 53|
| +---+---+---+---+---+---+---+---+---+---+---+-----+-----+
|Joined lately from West Indies, and not } | | | | | | | | 4| 1| 2| 1| 11| 19|
| included in any of above numbers } | | | | | | | | | | | | | |
+---------------------------------------------+---+---+---+---+---+---+---+---+---+---+---+-----+-----+
A change was also made in the Paymasters of the Regiment. It will be
remembered that Mr. Cox had been appointed Paymaster to the Artillery in
1759. He was [Sidenote: Cleaveland’s MSS.] succeeded in 1783 by Mr.
Adair, who was followed by Messrs. Meyrick. On the 1st July, 1797, the
Paymastership [Sidenote: Letters from D. A. G.] was resumed by Messrs.
Cox and Greenwood, and continued in that house (subsequently Messrs. Cox
and Co.) until [Sidenote: Confirmed by J. C. Woollacott, Esq.] abolished
on the 30th September, 1858, since which date they have been agents to
the Corps.
In 1797 the first Regimental School was established at Woolwich for
soldiers’ children. On the 13th August, Captain--afterwards Sir
William--Robe recommended its [Sidenote: MS. by Sir W. Robe, in R. A.
Record Office.] formation; and was strongly supported by the Commandant,
General Lloyd. A building, then unfinished, and now part of the Horse
Artillery Square in Woolwich Barracks, was procured for the purpose; the
Duchess of York subscribed 20 guineas for the purchase of books, and
this was followed by subscriptions from all the officers at
Head-quarters. A sergeant, named Dougherty, was appointed Schoolmaster;
and the success of the institution was so great as to induce the Board
of Ordnance to undertake its management and support. The first pupil was
a difficult, but very creditable subject. He was the son of a gunner in
the Invalid Battalion, who lost both his arms when firing the evening
gun at an out-station for his father. So remarkable was his progress at
school, that it attracted the attention of the military authorities; and
this, taken in conjunction with the way in which he had received his
injury, obtained for him from the Board a pension for life as a
drummer,--although he had never been enlisted as such.
There were a great many officers and men employed in the Bomb service
during this time; and as no stoppages were made for rations while the
men were employed on board the [Sidenote: Ordnance Letter-books, 20
Sept. 1797.] vessels, the service was a very popular one. Most of the
Bomb vessels were employed in the English Channel, the Mediterranean,
and among the West India Islands.
The employment of Artillery officers on the Staff of the Army became
more common than it had hitherto been; but, with great
short-sightedness, it was discouraged by the Board. It was, indeed, too
often made a great favour on the part of the Master-General to allow
officers to be so employed. Among the names of officers, who can be
traced as having received the requisite permission, are Major James M.
Hadden, R.H.A., who was appointed Adjutant-General in Portugal, with the
rank of Lieutenant-Colonel, vice Sir J. Erskine, who resigned;
Lieutenant-Colonel Koehler, who was selected as Quartermaster-General in
the Eastern District; and Captain Duncan, who was employed on the
personal staff of H.R.H. the Duke of York. The nucleus of an
appointment, which to this day has more of a Regimental than an Army
nature, dates from this period. [Sidenote: D. A. Gen.’s Correspondence,
and Kane’s List.] On 9th June, 1797, Lieutenant A. T. Spearman was
appointed Garrison Adjutant in Woolwich. On 7th July, 1802, the title of
this office was changed to Brigade-Major, the same officer continuing to
hold it; and on 1st April, 1873, the title was again altered, the
incumbent, Major A. T. G. Pearse, being styled Assistant
Adjutant-General of the Woolwich District. The Director-General of
Artillery during the period treated of in this chapter was Major-General
Duncan Drummond; the Commandants were, successively, Generals
Farrington, Congreve, and Lloyd; and General Blomefield was Inspector of
Artillery. In 1797 the Committee of Field Officers, which met
periodically to consider warlike inventions, received a more permanent
form than hitherto, foreshadowing the Ordnance Select Committee which
subsequently came into existence,--Captain Maclean being on the 26th
February appointed a standing Secretary to the Committee.
On the 25th December, 1798, certain augmentations in the pensions of
widows of officers in the Army were granted; and the Board of Ordnance,
as was invariably the case--for in such matters the Artillery and
Engineers had no cause [Sidenote: B. O. Letter, 13 Jan. 1799.] for
complaint--followed suit. It was decided that widows of officers in the
Royal Artillery and Corps of Captain-Commissaries (or Driver Corps)
should receive pensions at the following rates:--
£
Widow of Colonel, or Colonel Commandant 80 per annum.
” Lieutenant-Colonel 50 ”
” Major 40 ”
Widow of Captain and Captain-Lieutenant 30 ”
” First Lieutenant 26 ”
” Second Lieutenant 20 ”
” Chaplain 20 ”
” Surgeon-General 30 ”
” Surgeon 26 ”
” Assistant-Surgeon 20 ”
” Captain-Commissary 30 ”
” Lieutenant-Commissary 26 ”
” Quartermaster 20 ”
These rates, as is well known, have been increased since the Warrant of
1799, although still so inadequate as to render Regimental Provident
Funds a necessity; but the reader can hardly fail to be struck with the
disadvantage under which the widows of non-combatant officers laboured
in old times,--a disadvantage which disappeared with the introduction
into the Service of what is known as _relative rank_--an arrangement
which enabled non-combatant officers to acquire by length of service the
same privileges, as fell to the lot of their combatant brethren.
A few statistics may be appended here, as very few domestic chapters
will be given between 1799 and the date at which this work comes to an
end. The strength of the Regiment, at the commencement of the period
embraced by this chapter, was as follows:--
[Sidenote: Return rendered to H.R.H. the Duke of York, 26 Nov. 1795.]
Royal Horse Artillery 1,085 of all ranks.
Marching Battalions 5,560 ”
Invalid Battalion 505 ”
Corps of Captain-Commissaries 1,466 ”
-----
Total 8,616
-----
These were distributed as follows:--
6 Troops of Horse Artillery.
52 Companies of Artillery.
5 Companies of Driver Corps, or Captain-Commissaries.
11 Companies of Invalids.
1 Company of Gentlemen Cadets.
[Sidenote: Kane’s List.]
The geographical distribution of the Regiment, as far as the _combatant_
companies were concerned, was as follows,--the year 1797 being selected
as a year of comparative peace, _between_ the two Continental
Expeditions under the Duke of York:--
On Home Stations 29 Troops and Companies.
In Portugal 1 Company.
In Canada 4 Companies.
At Cape of Good Hope 2 Companies.
At Gibraltar 5 Companies.
In East Indies 2 Companies (belonging to no Battalions).
In Jamaica 4 Companies.
In Newfoundland 1 Company.
In Nova Scotia and Cape Breton 2 Companies.
In the West Indies (exclusive 8 Companies.
of Jamaica).
Of these companies, as has already been stated, many men were employed
on board the bomb vessels. The companies stationed at the Cape of Good
Hope deserve special notice at this time, as also subsequently did those
at Gibraltar, for their loyalty at a time of mutiny among the other
forces on [Sidenote: D. A. General, R.A., 4 Feb. 1798, and Colonel
Cleaveland’s MS. Notes.] the station. On the 4th February, 1798, the
following letter was published to the Regiment by Colonel Macleod,
having been transmitted to him by order of Major-General Dundas,
commanding the troops at the Cape of Good Hope, who had in the first
instance addressed it to Lieutenant-Colonel Yorke, who commanded the
Royal Artillery on that station:--
“Castle of Good Hope,
“15 November, 1797.
“SIR,
“The Corps of Artillery having had the greatest part of the
extraordinary duty which the late disturbances on board the fleet
have occasioned, as their alacrity in discharging their duty was
no less conspicuous than on former occasions, when the Artillery
have been called upon to act, I am directed by Major-General
Dundas to express his entire approbation of their
conduct,--honourable to themselves and to the Service.
“I have, &c.,
(Signed) “P. ABERCROMBIE,
“Major of Brigade.”
Commendation of loyal conduct in time of civil disturbance is as noble a
record to hoard in the story of a regiment, as the chronicle of valour
in the field. Military discipline is indeed a miserable weapon, if it is
not found true in time of national discontent, as well as in the hour of
national danger. The great lesson for a soldier to learn is obedience;
and if that obedience is to be conditional on the soldier’s inclination,
then the nation which trains an armed force is but cherishing a possible
enemy. The lesson of silent obedience is becoming every day more
difficult to learn; discipline in civil life is rarer than it was, and
impatience of control is almost a popular cry. What a noble mission,
then, an army may follow in time of peace! To show that men with skill
and power, and with a consciousness of these qualities, can yet
subordinate themselves for the good of the commonwealth, instead of the
individual, is surely a grand object for an army’s purpose. And in the
daily life of such a force a nation might read a lesson, which, if
taught from the mouths of rulers or the pulpits of preachers, would fall
on deaf, because doubting ears; for a suspicion dogs the heels of the
mere speaker, which vanishes before the open and consistent life of the
actor.
Yet a few more statistics before the chapter closes. It has been
necessary to talk with disparagement of the field brigades, as
distinguished from the troops of Horse Artillery in the conclusion of
the last century. But if the quality of the Field Artillery was
indifferent, its quantity would have [Sidenote: B. O. Return to H.R.H.
the Duke of York.] satisfied an alarmist. On the 19th February, 1798,
there were, in England alone, 126 battalion 6-pounder guns, besides
brigades and parks of artillery, consisting of 29 12-pounders, 36 long
6-pounders, and 28 5½-inch howitzers. These were distributed in
Newcastle, Hull, Woodbridge, Colchester, Warley, Canterbury, Dover,
Lewes, Plymouth, and St. Austell; and there was a further reserve at
Woolwich of 12 12-pounders, 30 long 6-pounders, 3 8-inch howitzers, 12
5½-inch howitzers, and 30 light 6-pounders.
This seems a formidable force on paper, and it doubtless soothed many a
terrified alarmist, and silenced many an honourable member on the
Opposition benches. But, alas! both these desirable ends may often be
attained by an official return, and yet the evil may not be removed. Had
the House demanded that the means of locomotion for this powerful force
of artillery should be produced, it is to be feared that the men would
have been scarce and the horses scarcer. And yet the official return had
its value. The authorities concerned always managed--it may be at great
expense--to produce the necessary armament at the eleventh hour; and the
balance was merely so much dust thrown in the eyes of honourable
members, as a sort of Parliamentary tribute.
Official returns may be misleading, and yet the units of the force to
which they relate may be worthy of all praise. Rising from the
contemplation of faded pages, and the analysis of the Regimental
correspondence between 1796 and 1799, the chronicler feels that there
were in the Corps at that time men whose hearts were so engrossed in
their work, even in this time of sad rebellion, of national depression,
of uninteresting warfare, that they could truly say, with the poet who
was to come in later years--and with no exaggeration, but merely in a
simple expression of what was uppermost in their daily thoughts--
“I rather dread the loss of use, than fame.”