Assam is noted for the abundance of gold_A Sketch of Assam: With some account of the Hill Tribes

and as the manner of acquiring it by washing the sands may not

be generally known, and is a subject of considerable importance,

a description may not be uninteresting to the reader. In the first

place, the gold washer, taught by experience, chooses a favourable

site; a wooden trough, six feet long by one and a half broad and two

inches and a half deep, is then placed on pegs driven into the sand:

one end of the trough being raised to throw it into an inclined or

sloping position. This effected, a shifting bamboo sieve, made to

fit the trough, is placed upon it; two men with baskets then strew a

plentiful coat of sand and gravel from the river on the sieve, through

which the gold washer quickly washes the sand by pouring water on it,

and shaking the sieve to hasten the descent of the water into the

trough. By this means the heavier particles sink and the lighter are

carried off by the stream, that continues to flow from the square or

upper end of the trough to the circular end, from which it escapes

by an aperture purposely bored. The coarse gravel on the sieve is

frequently removed, and a fresh supply is continually heaped up,

until the sand in the bottom of the trough containing the gold is

about an inch thick. The sieve is then removed, and placed at one

end of the trough, and a quantity of water being poured through

the sieve, it falls on the sand like a shower of rain, till all

the light particles are carried off by the stream flowing down the

trough. By this process the heavier particles only remain, and these

are gold dust and iron. The gold dust being now distinctly visible,

is subjected to a further washing, and then dexterously floated on

to leaves; after which it is transferred to a glazed earthen vessel,

and again washed with the hand. The gold washer now daubs his hands

with lime, and having applied some quicksilver and water, again washes

the sand with his hands, which causes a scum to rise on the surface;

this being cleared off, after repeated washings, the gold is found

adhering to the quicksilver, when it is taken from shell to shell

till every particle of sand is removed. The quicksilver and gold dust

are then placed in a shell on a charcoal fire, and with the aid of

a bamboo blow-pipe the ore is speedily melted; a little water being

then applied, the gold is separated and forms a ball at the bottom

of the shell. It is considered a good return if three persons at one

trough can obtain four annas weight of gold (worth three rupees) in

twelve days: giving the labourer one anna four pice per diem. At one

time there was a numerous body of gold washers employed in collecting

gold from many of the rivers in Upper and Central Assam; and the rivers

were, in some instances, let by Government to persons wishing to enjoy

the sole monopoly of bringing gold into the market. The profit on the

gold dust must have been very considerable, seeing that it realized

from twelve to fifteen rupees per tolah, and was produced in large

quantities. But, like many other monopolies, this was found open to

abuse: the people were oppressed for the benefit of the manufacturers,

and the Government deemed it expedient to discontinue it as a source

of revenue; thus leaving one of the most valuable products of the

province neglected. Gold, in consequence, is becoming scarce; and we

hope, therefore, that the evil will work its own cure, by stimulating

the gold washers to resume their ancient lucrative vocation.

In many parts of the province, coal of a good quality, is found; and

indeed the soil of Assam generally may be considered extremely rich: it

abounds in valuable products, such as rice, sugar-cane, moongah silk,

pepper, mustard-seed, and cotton. But the bounty of nature is marred

by the indolence and apathy of man: the cultivator seldom looks beyond

his immediate wants, and makes no attempt to improve his condition. In

fact, in agricultural, commercial, and manufacturing industry, this

country may be considered at least a century behind Bengal; and there

seems little prospect of improvement, excepting by the introduction of

a more active and industrious people, who might stimulate the natives

to increased exertions. An inveterate indulgence in the use of opium

by the population at large, is the curse of the country: depressing

the industry and withering the physical energies of the people,

by limiting their desires to the gratification of the wants of the day.

The greater portion of the Assamese are Hindoos; but they are very

lax in their observance of the rites of the Hindoo religion, and in

the few ceremonies which they do perform, deviate considerably from

the strict tenets enjoined by that creed. In their domestic habits

they are simple in the extreme; their poverty and ignorance limiting

their desires within the narrowest compass. A slight cotton covering

thrown over the shoulders, and a dhoti or sheet tied round the waist,

reaching to the knees, forms the chief clothing of the poor: shoes

are never worn. A little oil, rice, vegetables (such as greens and

chillies), seasoned with the smallest quantity of salt, and sometimes

a few small fish, compose the humble fare of the poor peasant. These

necessaries are procurable for about three shillings per mensem,

and as the wages of a day labourer or coolie are from one and a half

to two annas per diem, or about two rupees per mensem, he has still

one shilling to spare.

This spare diet has, of course, its influence upon the stature and

bulk of the Assamese; who are, consequently, slender, effeminate, and

indolent. Their complexion is not uniform; numbers being very fair,

and as many excessively dark. Their morals are exceedingly depraved,

and their manners servile and contemptible. Nor are the women one

whit superior to the men; and although they are far from possessing

attractive persons, they are utter slaves to the worst licentiousness.

The dwellings of the Assamese are of the meanest description

imaginable: there are no stone or brick houses [5] in the country;

a simple hut, ten feet by twenty, divided into a couple of rooms

for sleeping and sitting in, or not uncommonly one solitary room,

form the only accommodation a man, wife, and family possess. The hut

is about ten feet high, with a grass roof, and the walls are made

of reeds plastered outside, and sometimes inside also, with mud and

cow-dung. A small platform of bamboos, two feet high, serves as a

bedstead; and a seetulpattee, or grass mat, constitutes the amount

of bedding, without any other covering than the clothes that are worn

during the day. Many Assamese, however, prefer the bare ground, with a

simple mat as a bed. The earth floor is daily plastered with mud and

cow-dung: the cow being held sacred amongst the Hindoos, its ordure

has, it is considered, the peculiar property of not only cleansing,

but purifying their habitations. Its use certainly gives their huts

a tidy appearance, and worms and insects are not so troublesome as

they would otherwise be.

These frail buildings require yearly repairs, but the peasants

are put to no expense for them, except in bringing posts, reeds,

and grass from the jungle. Assamese families of respectability and

wealth live in larger houses of the same character of architecture;

but instead of one hut, they erect several close together, in the

form of a square, each hut opening into the quadrangular court-yard,

which is entered by a portico or receiving room for visitors.

In the estimation of the Assamese, marriage is one of the most

important duties of life; not only for the additional comfort,

assistance, and respectability it confers on the man, but because he

considers he has not fulfilled the divine will if he has failed to take

unto himself a wife--and sometimes a plurality of wives. Polygamy is

prevalent throughout the province, and is only limited in extent by the

means of each man to provide for the support of his wives. If a man

marries only one or two wives, he probably has on his establishment

three or four concubines; and his life is therefore embittered and

harassed by perpetual family quarrels. It is the custom in Assam for

parents to make early arrangements for the marriage of their sons;

and having selected the daughter of any particular family of the

same caste, a regular agreement is entered into for the amount of

the dower to be paid to the parents of the girl, even when she is

but a mere child. The first ceremony of betrothing the girl is called

Tamul pankatta, or partaking of the betel nut and leaf of the betel

vine; which takes place when the damsel may be about four years of

age. The parents of the youth proceed to the house of the family with

whom they wish to form a matrimonial alliance, make their proposal,

and produce a present of the following articles:--

Rs. Ans. Pice.

Betel nut and betel leaf 1 0 0

Two bhars (or baskets) of milk 0 8 0

Fish 0 4 0

Treacle 0 4 0

Plantains 0 4 0

Chura (parched rice) 0 4 0

-----------

Total rupees 2 8 0

If the above present be accepted, then, to all intents and purposes,

the agreement is ratified between the parties, and is considered as

solemnly and legally binding as are the parchment instruments which

regulate these contracts in England. The next ceremony performed in

furtherance of the union of the young people is called Nowae toolun

(or attaining the period of puberty), when the girl being about ten

or eleven years of age, the youth's parents proceed to her house

again with another present composed of the following articles:--

R. Ans. Pice.

Oil 1 0 0

Red vermilion, for the distinguishing mark of the

tutelary deity on the forehead 0 2 0

Betel nut and betel leaf 0 4 0

Pitter goorie (rice flour) 0 4 0

Akho rice parched in the husk, (dhan) 0 4 0

------------

Total rupees 1 14 0

About six months or a year after this offering, the third ceremony

takes place, and is called "Kharoo munee puredheen" (or putting

the bracelets and necklaces on the bride). The expense incurred on

these occasions corresponds with the means of the bridegroom and

his parents. To show the nature of the presents made, we subjoin the

following list:--

Rs. Ans. Pice.

Bracelets 20 0 0

Ear-rings 12 0 0

Necklaces of several strings, of

various sizes and colours 5 0 0

Madulee, a silver charm ornament

suspended from the neck 1 8 0

Four silver finger-rings, 4 annas each 1 0 0

One piece of Mongah silk cloth,

five cubits long 1 8 0

Betel nut and betel leaf 2 0 0

Twelve bhars (or baskets) of treacle,

rice, curds, pittagoorie kutcha

(ground rice) chandagoorie puckah

(baked rice flour): each basket valued

at four annas each 3 0 0

------------

Total rupees 46 0 0

The fourth and last ceremony is Shadee (or marriage), when a great

feast is given at the damsel's house by her parents to the friends

of both families. The presents consist of:--

Rs. Ans. Pice.

Fish, rice, diel, oil, salt, greens,

and chillies 3 0 0

Betel nut and betel leaf 1 0 0

One piece of Moongah silk 1 8 0

One Burkopper cotton cloth, for the

girl's father or brother 1 0 0

Gao dhun, dower or price of the girl,

paid to her parents in ready cash 9 0 0

------------

Total rupees 15 8 0

The bridegroom is kept awake all night by feasting, dancing,

and singing; and in the morning, all having broken their fast,

the bridegroom accompanies his bride to his own dwelling in a

regular procession. Drums, cymbals, and gongs take the lead; the

bride follows either in a palkee, or mounted on a pony; or, if very

poor, she walks in the midst of her female acquaintances, covered

from head to foot with a white cotton cloth or veil thrown loosely

over her; and the bridegroom and his friends bring up the rear. On

arrival at the bridegroom's house, his friends partake of a repast,

and return to their homes in the course of the afternoon. The young

couple then take up their abode, generally in a newly erected house

adjoining their parents' dwelling. The whole expense of the marriage

conducted on this scale amounts to sixty-five rupees fourteen annas;

but only the better orders disburse such a sum. If the parties are

in very affluent circumstances, however, many hundreds of rupees are

expended. The poorer class, from inability to incur further outlay,

are not unfrequently married at the second ceremony of Nowae toolun

for four or five rupees, including every expense.

Should the parents of the girl, contrary to the marriage contract or

betrothment, give their daughter to another person, it is incumbent

on them to refund the value of the presents they may have received

on different occasions for a number of years previously. Yet in few

countries, probably, will the number of violated contracts or promises

of marriages be found to exceed those of Assam. The litigation and

ill-will consequent on these ill-advised agreements is incalculable,

and the complaints under this head in the civil courts are innumerable.

There is a remarkable similarity between one of the customs in Assam

and that practised by the Patriarchs of old. Jacob served Laban as a

servant or bondsman many years to obtain in marriage Leah and Rachel,

who were sisters; and he was not allowed to marry the younger before

the elder. So in Assam a man may marry two sisters, but he must

marry the elder before the younger. It is not uncommon, when a man

is poverty stricken, to engage to live and work for several years

for the father of the girl he wishes to marry. He is then called a

Chapunea, a kind of bondsman, and is entitled to receive bhat kupper,

food and clothing, but no wages; and at the expiration of the period

of servitude, if the girl does not dislike him, the marriage takes

place. The man is looked on in the family as a khanu damad (or

son-in-law), and is treated kindly. If the girl's father be very

wealthy, and he has no sons, he will sometimes select, from some

equally respectable family, a husband for his daughter, and bring

him up in his own house. The youth so selected is likewise called a

Chapunea, and inherits the whole of his father-in-law's property. If

a woman's husband dies, though she may be only eighteen or twenty

years of age, she can never marry again. She is considered a Baree,

or widow for life; but very few women--if any--so circumstanced lead a

life of celibacy: they prefer submitting to be selected as companions,

and are then contemptuously designated batuloo (refuse or offal). And

this condition of existence among the lower orders is almost as common

as marriage; for the becoming a man's Dhemuna stree (alias mistress

or companion) involves no expense for bhar bhete (marriage present)

or gaodhun (dower), and is therefore more convenient. The offspring

of this connection inherit all the rights of legitimate issue, and

are not the less respected in society; there is, therefore, no bar to

the loose and immoral habits so prevalent among the poorer classes in

Assam. The indulgence of these is further facilitated by the ease with

which the marriage-tie may be dissevered. No reference is necessary to

either the temporal or ecclesiastical courts: dissolution is simply

effected by the husband, if displeased with his wife or doubtful of

her fidelity. On these occasions he merely assembles his friends,

and in their presence addresses his wife in these words:--"Henceforth

I look on you as my mother and sister;" and tearing a betel leaf into

two pieces the marriage is dissolved, and the man and woman are free to

select fresh partners. The divorce is equally complete if the husband

distributes a little salt to each member of the assembly of friends,

making the same speech to the wife. The Cacharies, a simple-minded,

honest, and industrious tribe of Assamese, cut off a branch of the

kuddum tree before a select body of friends, when the husband declares

he has divorced his wife, and the ceremony is completed.

The funeral obsequies of the Assamese are performed agreeably

to Hindoo usages. The body is burnt as soon as possible after

death. Jogees, Weavers, and Cacharies bury their dead in the same

manner as Moossulmans. A curious practice prevails amongst the

Assamese of giving salt to their friends assembled to bear witness

to many of the common occurrences of life. If a man adopts a son,

he distributes salt to his friends in token of a person having been

appointed to succeed to his property. If he buys a piece of land or

purchases a slave, or if a dispute is settled by arbitrators, salt is

in like manner distributed amongst a few friends who testify to the

fairness of the transaction; and amongst themselves these agreements

or settlements are as binding as laws could make them.

When an Assamese has been excommunicated by the priests for any civil

offence, the expiation of his crime and his restoration to society

are effected by the payment of a fine, called chundrayen, amounting to

four rupees: dhurmdund (twelve annas), feeding the Punchayet or jury,

(one rupee) at most about six rupees. If the offender be very poor,

one rupee ten annas will suffice to pay for "purachit" (absolution);

which is granted by the priest.

By the ancient Assam laws, slavery existed in a variety of forms. All

born of a free slave by a free father, as well as those of pure

slave parentage, were considered slaves. Free women married to slaves

became, with their offspring, slaves. The king had the power to grant

to his nobles and spiritual advisers portions of the free population

as slaves, which the owner could dispose of in any manner he thought

proper: they were designated Bohoteahs. Prisoners of war were often

granted to individuals as slaves; and criminals who had a sentence of

death passed upon them had it commuted to slavery, and were assigned

to certain masters. The free people were at liberty to mortgage

themselves for debts; remaining in bondage for a number of years or

until the sum borrowed was paid off; and as the debtor was seldom in

a situation to liquidate his obligation, he continued a slave to his

creditor for the remainder of his life. In each district the value

of slaves varied considerably.

+---------+----------+----------+----------+----------+

+---------+----------+----------+----------+----------+

| | Rs. | Rs. Rs. | Rs. | Rs. Rs. |

| | | | | |

|Kamroop | 40 | 15 to 20 | 20 | 12 to 20 |

| | | | | |

|Durrung | 20 | 10 to 15 | 15 | 8 to 12 |

| | | | | |

|Nowgong | 20 | 10 to 15 | 15 | 8 to 12 |

+---------+----------+----------+----------+----------+

The above is the estimated value of good castes, such as Kuletahs,

Kewuts, Kooches. The price of the lower castes, denominated Joges,

Doomes, Cachares, Boreahs, and Burahees, was one-third less.

In the present brief review of Assam it would be foreign to our object

to attempt to describe the events of each reign; we confine ourselves,

therefore, to a short list of the last kings of Assam. (See opposite

page.)

The downfall of the Ahoom kings of Assam may be attributed to their

becoming proselytes to the Hindoo religion in the reign of Jeydhoj

Singh, A.D. 1654; to the religious persecutions of the Muttucks in

the reign of Seeb Singh; to family dissensions and disputes, and the

cruel treatment of Mohun Burjona Gohain. Rodur Singh left five sons,

Seb Singh, Prumutta Singh, Mohun Burjona Gohain,

LIST OF THE LAST KINGS OF ASSAM.

1681, A.D., Gudhadhur Singh. ------------------------------------------+

1695, ,, Bodur Singh. |

1714, ,, Seeb Singh. |

1744, ,, Prumutta Singh. |

1751, ,, Rajeswur Singh. ----------------------+ |

1769, ,, Luckme Singh. | |

1780, ,, Gowree Nath Singh. +---------+----------+ +-------+-------+

1795, ,, Kumuleswur Singh. |Rutneswur Soro junna| |Lechae Namropea|

1810, ,, Chunderkant Singh. |Gohain. | |Rajah. |

1817, ,, Poorunder Singh. +---------+----------+ +------+--------+

1818, ,, Chunderkant Singh reinstated | |

on the throne by the Burmese. +-------+------+ +------+------+

1821, ,, Jogessur Singh placed on the |Byey Bur Juona| |Acodh Gohain.|

throne by the Burmese. |Gohain. | +------+------+

1824-25 ,, Assam conquered by the +-------+------+ |

British troops, and the Burmese | +-----+----+

army expelled the province. +-------+------+ |Kudumdigla|

1833 ,, Poorunder Singh made Rajah |Beignath Singh| |Gohain. |

of Upper Assam, April +-------+------+ +----+-----+

12th, 1833, and deposed by the British | |

Government, Aug. 1835, A.D. +-------+-------+ +----------------+

|Poorunder Singh| | |

+-------+-------+ +--------+-------+ +------+-----+

+-------+------+ +----------------+ +----+-------+

|Kumeswur Singh| |

+--------------+ +-------+-------+

|Ghun Seam Singh|

+---------------+

Rajeswur Singh, and Luckme Singh. The third son, Mohun Burjona

Gohain, being marked with the small-pox, was incapacitated to

reign; and his younger brother, Rajeswur Singh, superseded him. By

the evil machinations of the Bor Borowa, Rajeswur Singh was led to

believe his brother, Mohun Burjona Gohain, was plotting against his

government; and for the effectual suppression of this conspiracy,

his brother was expelled the capital in the most ignominious manner,

his ears having been slit and one of his eyes plucked out. It was,

doubtless, as we have already remarked, from this severity that the

prince Mohun Burjona Gohain, in the succeeding reign of his younger

brother, Luckme Singh, was induced to rebel against his sovereign,

and to join the Muttucks, hoping thereby to avenge his wrongs and

gain the throne; but though temporary success attended the Muttuck

insurrection, the Prince failed in realizing his ambitious projects,

and hastened the extinction of the power of the Ahoom dynasty.

In no part of the world, perhaps, have such sanguinary customs and laws

prevailed as in Assam, under the Ahoom kings. Many of their punishments

were revolting to humanity. Criminals were whipped, put in the pillory,

impaled; their limbs amputated, the nose, ears, and lips mutilated;

the hair was torn out by the roots, eyes were plucked out of the

sockets, and sometimes offenders were ground between wooden rollers,

sawn asunder, or tortured with red-hot irons. A variety of other

cruelties were practised with a relentlessness that but too vividly

marked the barbarity of the rulers of those days, and rendered it a

matter of sincere congratulation that a merciful providence shortened

the period of their sovereignty, and placed the country in the hands

of the British Government, in 1824-25.

NAGAS.

The south-eastern hills of Assam are the abode of many tribes of

Nagas. They are a very uncivilized race, with dark complexions,

athletic sinewy frames, hideously wild and ugly visages: their faces

and bodies being tattooed in a most frightful manner by pricking

the juice of the bela nut into the skin in a variety of fantastic

figures. They are reckless of human life; treacherously murdering

their neighbours often without provocation, or at best for a trivial

cause of offence. The greater number of the Nagas are supposed to

be in a very destitute state, living almost without clothing of any

kind. Their poverty renders them remarkably free from any prejudices

in respect of diet: they will eat cows, dogs, cats, vermin, and even

reptiles, and are very fond of intoxicating liquors.

Amongst a people so thoroughly primitive, and so independent of

religious prepossessions, we might reasonably expect missionary

zeal would be most successful; for the last eight years, however,

two or three American Baptist missionaries have in vain endeavoured

to awake in them a sense of the saving virtues of Christianity. For a

considerable period the residence of the missionaries was at Suddeah;

where their labours, I believe, were unattended by any conversions

either of Assamese or Singphoos. On the station being deserted by the

troops for Saikwah, in 1839, the missionaries turned their attention

more particularly towards the Nagas; they took up their residence on

the Boree Dehing river, at Jeypore, established a school, and were

indefatigable in endeavouring to gain some correct knowledge of the

savage tribes in their vicinity. A few years' experience here proved

the futility of their plans. Instead of wandering amongst the savage

tribes scattered over an immense extent of country, in unhealthy,

dense jungles, it would have been prudent and politic to have afforded

instruction in the first instance to the populous villages in the

plains. One or more natives have been baptized at Jeypore, agreeably to

the rites of the Baptist persuasion, by immersion in the Boree Dehing

river, and this is the sum total of the missionary success. This has,

it is understood, induced them to change their abode to Seebsauger and

Nowgong, where they seem to think there is a greater chance of their

succeeding. The missionaries have a printing press, and many elementary

books of instruction in Assamese and English have been printed by them

for the use of the natives. Their exemplary conduct and exertions

merit the utmost commendation, and it is to be deplored that their

well-intentioned labours should not be crowned by felicitous results.

To this day little is known either of the country inhabited by

the Nagas, or of their habits and customs. Several officers have

penetrated a considerable distance into the hills occupied by the

Nagas; but always with marked and necessary caution, attended by a

military guard. Greater intercourse between the highland Nagas and the

people of the plains were much to be wished; but it is doubtful if

any advantage would accrue to the British Government from extending

its sway southward, over immense tracts of unprofitable wastes or

dense jungles thinly inhabited.

Naga Government.

Under the ancient Assam Government some of the tribes may have been

more dependent upon the Government than they are now, but the Naga

territory was never considered an integral portion of the sovereignty

of Assam. It is customary with the Naga tribe to offer trifling

presents to the British authorities, as a mark of submission, and

something is given in return, in token of amicable feeling; but the

Nagas have never been considered subject to our regular jurisdiction,

and nothing in the shape of an assessment has ever been imposed

upon them.

It is very difficult to arrive at anything like a correct understanding

of the nature of the feuds between neighbouring tribes; for the Nagas

have no written language, and their dialects vary considerably in

different parts of the country. No general government exists over the

whole tribe: they are divided into innumerable clans, independent

of each other, and possessing no power beyond the limits of their

respective territories. Each tribe seems ever jealous of its neighbour;

and cruel hostilities, ending in the most tragical manner--even

to the extermination of a tribe and the total destruction of its

cattle, stores, and property--are often the result of their mutual

animosity. The form of the Naga government is democratical; each clan

seems to be ruled by a president and two subordinates or deputies, who

form the executive. The president is called Khonbao, and the deputies

Sundekae and Khonsae: the one prime minister, and the latter a chief

over twenty houses. The chief magistrate or arbitrator, the Khonbao,

decides all disputes of a civil or criminal nature, and it is optional

with him either to direct or enforce his orders with his own sword;

but in all this he is merely the organ or agent of the people, for the

decisions are the results of the consultations of the whole Raj, or

populace, who discuss all matters of importance in the open Moorung,

or hall of justice, to be found in every Naga village. The Khonbao,

Sundekae, and Khonsae, on these occasions, summon all the community

to attend and assist with their counsel in disposing of any affairs

of moment: such as a war to be undertaken against a foe, or in

furtherance of revenge; or the punishment of crimes committed by any

of the members of the tribe in opposition to their established polity.

The dignity of Khonbao is hereditary: the eldest son of the incumbent

invariably succeeding to the title and authority. No junior brother

can assume the rank, under any pretensions founded on greater ability,

personal appearance, or reputation of valour. In the event of the

Khonbao leaving no progeny, his wife succeeds to his title and

authority; and the deputy Khonbao, Sundekae and Khonsae in council

enforce her commands, and report everything to her connected with

the welfare of the community.

No hospitality is shown to a stranger visiting the Naga country, unless

he visits the Khonbao in the first instance: he is unable, even under

the greatest distress, to obtain shelter or provision elsewhere. On the

arrival of an embassy it is conducted to the residence of the Khonbao,

who gives audience immediately, and returns a reply by the messengers

on his own responsibility, if the object of the visit is of no great

importance. But, on the other hand, should the embassy be for the

purpose of obtaining redress of wrongs committed by the clan of the

Khonbao, the embassy is retained and entertained hospitably till the

Sundekae, Khonsae, and principal elders of the people can be assembled

in the moorung; when the grievance is stated and inquiries made,

each member stating openly and candidly his opinion on the matter

at issue. The Khonbao propounds what is, in his opinion, expedient

and best for the public good; but if there appears any irregularity,

the people express their disapprobation to the Khonbao, and he is

constrained to abide by the will of the community, to give orders to

the embassy, and allow its departure to the place whence it came. In

this manner all affairs and discussions are regulated amongst the

Nagas. Any attempt to travel through their country, unaccompanied

by a person acquainted with the roads, villages, and Naga language,

would be the height of folly; as the traveller would not be supplied

with water, food, or fire, neither would any shelter be afforded him,

and his life would be in imminent danger.

Omens.

The superstition of the Nagas is strikingly exhibited in the great

attention paid by them to all signs of good and evil, before they

attempt the execution of any project: whether it be to prepare the

land to receive the seed, to proceed on hunting or fishing excursions,

or to enter upon any war expedition. On these occasions the Khonbao,

Sundekae, and Khonsae, assemble the people, and a grand consultation

is held between the chief ruler and the elders of the village,

in order to divine the most auspicious moment, and to ascertain

whether the affair under consideration will turn out favourably or

otherwise. To aid the deliberation, new-laid eggs are procured, which

they address in these terms:--"Oh eggs, you are enjoined to speak

the truth and not to mislead us by false representations." The eggs

are then perforated and roasted on a fire, and the yolk is minutely

examined: if it appears entire, the omen is considered good; if broken,

the reverse, and auspicious for their enemies. In this conclusion the

senate are likewise confirmed by a peculiar appearance of the white of

the egg. Another simple mode of divining the propriety or expediency of

carrying out certain plans is by burning the Bujjal bamboo. Should it

crackle and fall out of the fire on the left side, it is a good omen;

should it fly out on the right, the event is accepted as a warning

of failure and disaster. By these simple and strange proceedings are

the acts of these people guided.

Husbandry.

In their agricultural operations, the implements of the Nagas are

simple and rude in the extreme; but bullocks and buffaloes are used

as in Assam. At the commencement of the season, the Khonbao having

assembled the people after the usual ceremonies of consulting the

omens, the land is apportioned out to each clan, the jungle is cleared,

and sowing commences. Konee dhan, a small grain, and Indian corn,

or goom dhan, is sown in January and gathered in about June, when

the Behoo is celebrated with great festivities; resembling the old

English custom of harvest-home. After the goom dhan and konee dhan

is cut, ahoo dhan is sown; and after this crop, kuchoos, a kind of

root resembling the arrow root, are planted; so that in the course

of the year three crops are raised from the same land. This is done

for three successive years; when, the land being impoverished, new

land is broken up for the same period, until the usual time of fallow

admits of the old land being again resumed. Yet, with all the means of

avoiding famine, blessed with a fertile soil and a wonderful rapidity

of vegetation, so improvident are these savages, that in a few months

the whole produce of the land is consumed, and they are compelled to

subsist on roots and leaves of the forests till the return of harvest.

Salt Wells.

In different parts of the Naga territory many salt wells exist, and

being worked by some of the tribes an immense quantity of salt is

produced. This is sold or bartered to the people of Assam for rice,

and by this means, doubtless, the miseries attendant on a scanty

supply of food are greatly lessened. We have no means of judging

of the extent of the salt trade between the Assamese and Nagas,

but the commerce might doubtless be increased by greater vigilance,

to the mutual advantage of both parties.

Preparations for War.

When the Nagas purpose taking vengeance on a neighbouring tribe,

the Khonbao assembles the elders of the village; and, in accordance

with established customs, the omens being consulted and proving

propitious, a plan to cut up their enemies by surprise is decided

on. Each man provides himself with a spear, sword, bamboo choong,

a hollow joint of the bamboo filled with water, and a small basket

of rice; and, the party being formed, set out in the day towards the

frontier of the enemy who is to be attacked. At night they cross

over and occupy a favourable position in ambush, surrounding the

enemy's village. There they take their repast, and when the cock first

crows on the following morning, they rush, with great shouting, into

the village, and cut up every body they meet with; sparing neither

old infirm men, nor helpless women, nor children: even the cows,

pigs, and poultry of the foe are slaughtered. Sometimes the victors

remain on the spot two or three days, but generally return to their

own village on the same day; taking with them the heads, hands,

and feet of those they have massacred: these they parade about from

house to house, accompanied with drums and gongs, throwing liquor and

rice on the heads, and uttering all manner of incantations: saying,

"Call your father, mother, and relations to come here and join you

in eating rice and drinking spirits, when we will kill them with the

same sword." They then sing, dance, and perform all manner of anticks;

pierce and mangle the heads of their enemies, and again with curses

enjoin them to summon their whole race to suffer the same ignominious

treatment. In the massacre, one of the Nagas may have, perhaps,

particularly distinguished himself by evincing great ferocity in

cutting off more heads than any of his party; which circumstance he

fails not to bring to the notice of his assembled friends. Stalking

out before them he challenges them to mark his deeds, and with many

songs of boisterous mirth and audacious boasting, he drags the heads

of his enemies about in the most contemptuous manner, proclaiming

his own triumph somewhat after this fashion:--

"In the world I am the most powerful and courageous; there is none

equal to me. I am the greatest of all men. No one" (pointing to the

skulls of his enemies) "can perform such deeds. Like to the clouds that

thunder and hurl down fire-balls into the water to the destruction of

the fish,--like to the tiger who leaps out to seize the deer,--like to

the hawk who pounces down on the chickens and carries them off, do I

cut up every one, and carry off their heads; and with these weapons"

(dashing them together, to produce a clashing noise) "I have killed

such and such persons: yes, I have killed them. You know my name. The

greatest beast of the forest, the elephant, I first destroy, and after

that all other animals too insignificant to mention. Such a hero am I,

there is no one equal to me," &c. &c.

The same scene is enacted for three or four successive days; when

the heads being hacked and sufficiently danced about to satiate Naga

revenge, they are suspended from the branches of Nahor trees. After

this, the ceremony of tattooing the body is performed, and a most

severe operation it is. The burnt ashes of a pot are pricked into the

skin with the thorns of the cane: a great quantity of blood exudes,

and the body swells to a great size. Being previously thrown into

a state of stupid intoxication, the patient is left to welter in the

dirt and blood for three days, unconscious of his condition. After this

operation, the young sprouts of the Bhat-teeta tree being well pounded,

are smeared over the wounds, and in the course of twenty-five days

the patient is able to resume his avocations; upon which a number of

pigs and fowls are killed, and a great feast is given; the heads of

the enemies being brought down from the trees and strewed out upon

a platform before the populace in the court, or Raj Moorung. For a

whole month from the day of the massacre, the Nagas daily sing the

war song quoted above, and dance and manifest the greatest excitement

and delight.

All villages are not entitled to the honour of retaining the heads

of their enemies; they must be kept in the village of the Khonbao.

In some Naga villages it is the custom, for a man who has committed

murder in cutting off the head of a foreigner, to be joined by ten or a

dozen Nagas in submitting to the operation of tattooing; which in such

cases is an indispensable ceremony. The tattooing is pricked round the

calves of the legs in ten or twelve rings or circles interspersed with

dots; the thighs, the breast, the neck, the fingers, the back of the

hand, the arms, the forehead, and nose, the vicinity of the eyes and

the ears being similarly decorated. The poorest Naga peasant deems

it an honour to have his body thus embellished with stripes, figures,

and dots; and the omission of the ceremony would entail on him eternal

disgrace and censure. Indeed, the tattooing determines the character

and consequence of the individual; for by certain marks on one arm

it is apparent that he has killed a man; when both arms and body

are scarred he is known to have murdered two individuals; and when

the face and eye-sockets are indelibly impressed with the tattoo,

he stands proclaimed the assassin of three of his fellow-creatures,

and is thenceforth esteemed a valiant warrior.

On the question being once put to the Nagas whether they would like

to become the subjects of the Company, they promptly replied,--"No: we

could not then cut off the heads of men and attain renown as warriors,

bearing the honourable marks of our valour on our bodies and faces."

If a Naga happens to be suddenly surprised, and cut off by the

inhabitants of a neighbouring village, his corpse is quickly taken

up by his friends and placed on a platform in the jungles near

the road. At the expiration of three or four days they perform some

ceremonies, and wait till a favourable opportunity occurs for avenging

his death. The purpose is never relinquished, though its execution

may unavoidably be tardy: by day and night they lie in ambush in the

jungle, or on the plains near the roads, till they can pounce upon

some unwary individual of the enemy. His murder is then communicated

to his friends in a singular way. Forty or fifty Nagas, armed with

wooden clubs, strike a large hollow piece of wood called a tomkhong,

from which a loud, terrific sound proceeds, which gives token to the

enemy that one of their tribe has died in acquittance of the debt

of revenge. To such an extent does this vindictive spirit prevail,

that the Nagas will wait for two or three generations devising plans

for decapitating a member of a tribe who has murdered one of their

clan; and when the opportunity of vengeance offers, they are sure to

take advantage of it, regardless of the personal innocence of the man

whom they select as the victim of their fury. The death of the victim

is hailed with dance and song, and the liveliest demonstrations of

joy: even the old men, women, and children seem in raptures at the

announcement of the joyful tidings that their tribe has succeeded in

taking revenge.

Naga Customs from Childhood until Marriage.

Ten days after the birth of a child the hair of the infant is shorn

off, and the parents perform several ceremonies, inviting all their

friends to a grand feast, on which occasion the child is named. On

proceeding to field work the mother ties the child to her back, and

whilst at work the infant is placed on the ground. When the child is

about a year old it is left at home in the village, and the parents

pursue their avocations unattended by their little charge. At the

age of five or six years, some of the Nagas wear a lungtee (a small

piece of cloth) round the waist. On attaining the age of nine or ten

years the boy is called a Moorungea, and from that time no longer

resides with his parents, but, with all the youths of the village,

takes up his abode at the Moorung, a large building set apart for

this especial purpose. The parents, however, still continue to

provide him with food, and he is obedient to their will, assisting

them in cultivating their fields. He carries a sword and spear,

and wears the Naga habiliments. At fifteen or sixteen years of age

he begins to be dissatisfied with his existence in the Moorung, and

makes arrangements for taking a wife; generally selecting a cousin,

the daughter of his mother's brother. On these occasions the parents

collect as much rice and liquor, and as many cows and buffaloes, as

their means will admit. The girls all live together, like the boys,

in a separate Moorung or house allotted for them; sometimes they

reside in a house in which a corpse is kept, probably from the greater

sanctity such an inmate would confer on their habitation. The youth is

not restricted from visiting the damsel of his choice, and he adopts

a well understood stratagem to ascertain her sentiments regarding

himself. Whilst he is talking to her companion, he carelessly puts down

his pipe, and narrowly watches her actions. If the damsel entertains

any regard for him she instantly takes up his pipe and smokes it;

from that moment the youth is satisfied of his conquest, and hastens

to communicate the result to his parents, who arrange matters with

the girl's relatives. Presents of ornaments are sent for the girl,

which she immediately wears; and an offering of liquor and tumbool

pan (or betel nut leaf) to chew, being accepted by her parents,

the marriage is decided on. After this, cows, buffaloes, rice, and

liquor are forwarded to the house of the intended bride, and all her

relations and friends are invited to a grand feast. An old Deodhunee

(or priestess) accompanies the youth to the party with a basket of

ginger, and the youth then addresses the chosen damsel, thus:--"This

day I take you to be my wife. I will not desert you, neither will I

take another; eat this ginger in pledge thereof--henceforth we are

husband and wife." The woman on this eats a bit of the ginger, and

then the youth sits down; whereupon the girl, in the same strain,

taking up a piece of ginger, says--"I am your wife, and you are

my husband, and I will obey you as such. I will not take another

husband, for we are husband and wife; in token of which you will

eat this ginger." The marriage ceremony being thus concluded, the

youth, after partaking of the feast, returns home to his parents,

and in the evening his wife joins him with baskets of food for her

husband's parents and his brothers' wives. She thenceforth resides

with her husband. From that day the husband ceases to abide at the

Moorung, and after the lapse of two or three days, according to the

village roll, takes his tour of guard duty at the Moorung. From the

day of his marriage he commences the preparation of a separate house,

upon the completion of which, in a few months, he quits the parental

roof. Some Nagas will, however, continue to cultivate the land,

and share the produce of their labour with those of their parents;

but on the birth of a child the families separate.

Amongst the Nagas, marriage is contracted with near relatives, such as

cousins, in preference to other women. A widow, having no children,

cannot marry a stranger, but must marry her late husband's brother;

and if he happens to be a mere boy, she will still live with him

as his wife; nor can the boy take another damsel: he must marry his

brother's widow. The custom is one of great antiquity, and apparently

cannot be infringed. If the widow has one or two children she cannot

marry again, but must remain in her own house. No Naga marries more

than one wife, and if she dies he is at liberty to marry again.

The crimes of adultery and seduction are treated with the utmost

severity: the offenders are brought before the Khonbao and the people

assembled to investigate the offence; on proof of which, the Khonbao,

or his Ticklah, decapitates the man in a conspicuous part of the

road, between two or three villages; or he is tied with cane cords

to a tree and there crucified. In some clans it is the practice to

deprive both the seducer and seduced of their lives; in others, the

former is placed in a basket, his hands and feet tied together, and he

is rolled many times from the summit of a hill until life be extinct.

Funeral Ceremonies.

The Nagas consider sudden death as particularly unfortunate: even if

a person dies after one or two months' sickness, the period is still

deemed too short to be lucky; and his corpse is instantly removed

and placed in the jungles on a platform four or five feet high,

where it is left to decay. For three or four days after a death,

the relatives do not leave the village; neither do other villagers

resort to the village in which death has occurred during the same

period. If a person dies who has been afflicted with a long illness,

a platform is raised within his house, and the corpse being folded in

clothes is placed thereon. By night and day the corpse is watched with

great care, and as soon as it begins to decompose, large quantities of

spirituous liquor are thrown over it; and whatever the deceased was

in the habit of eating and drinking in his lifetime (such as rice,

vegetables, and liquor) is placed once a month on the ground before

the body. The virtues of the deceased are frequently rehearsed;

the heirs and relatives throw themselves on the earth, and make

great lamentations for many months after the death has occurred. At

the expiration of the period of mourning, a great feast of liquor,

rice, buffaloes' and cows' flesh is prepared by the survivors; and

an immense number of people, armed with their swords and spears,

and dressed in the most fantastical garb, as if preparing for a war

expedition, are assembled to partake of it. They commence the festival

by repeating the name of the deceased, singing many kinds of songs,

dancing and cursing the deity or spirit in these words: "If to-day we

could see you, we would with these swords and spears kill you. Yes,

we would eat your flesh! yes, we would drink your blood! yes, we

would burn your bones in the fire! You have slain our relative. Where

have you fled to? Why did you kill our friend? Show yourself now,

and we shall see what your strength is. Come quickly,--to-day, and we

shall see you with our eyes, and with our swords cut you in pieces,

and eat you raw. Let us see how sharp your sword is, and with it we

will kill you. Look at our spears, see how sharp they are: with them

we will spear you. Whither now art thou fled? Than thou, spirit, who

destroyest our friends in our absence, we have no greater enemy. Where

are you now?--whither hast thou fled?"

With these and similar speeches and songs, they clash their swords and

weapons together, dance, and eat and drink throughout the night. On the

following day the corpse is folded up in a cloth and placed on a new

platform four or five feet high; and the whole of his weapons, swords,

spears, panjees choonga (hollow bamboo joint, for holding water),

rice-dish,--in fact everything used by the deceased in his lifetime,

is now arranged round his bier, which is held sacred: no one would

dare to touch a single thing thus consecrated. After this ceremony is

concluded, the whole of the party disperse to their respective homes.

On the death of the Namsungea Khonbao, who, it is said, was one hundred

and twenty years of age, his corpse was removed in December 1843,

and according to an ancient custom, a tusk elephant was purchased from

the Muttuck Bur Gohain, and killed, with three hundred buffaloes and

pigs; when the Nagas enjoyed a magnificent feast. The usual practice

of reviling the deity, while singing and dancing, was kept up with

uncommon fervor, and the bacchanalian scene has perhaps seldom been

exceeded. The heads of the slaughtered animals were suspended round

the platform within a large enclosure, and the corpse was strewed

over with an abundant supply of all kinds of forest flowers.

Theft is held in great abhorrence amongst the Nagas, and is

consequently so rare that they leave everything exposed in the open

fields. If any person is detected in committing the offence no mercy

is shown: the Khonbao pronounces sentence of decapitation without a

moment's hesitation. The Nagas are remarkable for simplicity, candour,

and integrity; even the comparatively small vice of lying, to which the

natives of British India are so seriously and universally addicted,

is unknown among them, and will probably continue so until they have

been corrupted by their more enlightened neighbours, the Assamese,

or by the advance of civilization, refined arts, and manners. The

Nagas have no names for the days of the week, and know not their

own ages. Summer and winter are the only divisions of the year they

recognise, distinguishing them as dry and wet seasons of six months'

each. Time is counted by the moon, or by the number of crops they can

recollect reaping. They believe in a God or Spirit called Rungkuttuck

Rung, who created the earth and all things, but they have no hope of

future rewards, nor any fear of punishment hereafter; neither do they

believe in a future state of existence.

For the above information we are indebted to Bhog Chund, who is the

son of a West Countryman of the Khetree caste, by an Assamese mother,

and having lived many years amongst the Nagas, is thoroughly acquainted

with them. He is now a resident and industrious cultivator in the

plains. He reads and writes Assamese, and is a most straightforward

character. He would be an invaluable companion and guide in travelling

through the Naga territory.

I do not vouch for the correctness of the list of the Naga tribe

inserted in a later page, but in the absence of more authentic

details, it may be deemed worthy of consideration. The present account

of the tribes is confined to the Nagas of Upper Assam; but it is

supposed that very similar customs and habits prevail amongst those

of central Assam. The Nagas bordering immediately on the plains are,

for the most part, amicably disposed towards the British Government;

and those on the Patkoe range have shown a desire for our protection

against the marauding Singphoos. The Nagas residing on the hills most

remote from the valley are said to be fine, stout, athletic men,

of fair complexions; and unencumbered with the smallest strip of

covering in the shape of clothing for any part of the body.

In 1842-43, the Namsangea, Bordoareah, and Borkhoormah Nagas invited

a party of the Khetree to visit them as friends, but when they got

them into their power they treacherously massacred twenty-four

persons. Thageng, one of the Khetree party, being only wounded,

fled and communicated the catastrophe to his tribe, who at the

sight of his wounds prepared for revenge; and in a short time they

were successful against the Nagas. The Khetrees, being ignorant of

the Assamese language, were unable to pass through the territory of

their enemies to report their grievances to the British authorities

at Jeypoor. They accordingly went to Tomkhoomana, and lying in ambush,

surprised and cut off the heads of twelve men of the Borkhoormah tribe,

in revenge for the murdered of their own tribe. Upon this the civil

authorities proceeded to the village of the Khetrees to endeavour

to put a stop to these atrocious assassinations, but unfortunately

the Namsangea and Bordoareah Nagas, contrary to strict injunctions,

persisted in following in the wake of the British embassy of peace. The

Khetrees perceiving the advance of their enemies, placed in the road a

small basket of ginger kuchoos and a spear, as a token of submission

to the British Government, but loudly protested from the summit of

their hills against a visit being made to their village; dreading,

as they did, the vengeance of the Namsangea and Bordoareah Nagas. The

interpreter, Bhog Chund, who accompanied the party, entreated the

Khetrees to remain quiet in their village, and to listen to terms of

peace; but they indignantly rejected the offer, and threw down stones,

and discharged a volley of spears, upon the advancing embassy. This

being returned by a few rounds of musketry in self-defence, the

Khetrees fled from their village to the neighbouring inaccessible

hill fastnesses. The Namsangea and Bordoareah Nagas perceiving this,

instantly rushed into the deserted village, slaughtered all the cows,

pigs, and fowls, and burnt every house to the ground. After this

untoward event a retreat was necessary, for the Khetrees came upon the

party, throwing down stones and spears from their hills. A Sepahee

having loitered in the rear, was speared to death, and his head and

hands cut off and triumphantly stuck up on bamboos: the head in the

village of Najoo, and the hands in Khoekting. After some difficulty

the little detachment was extricated from its perilous position,

and retreated in safety. Shortly after this lamentable affair,

a larger military detachment was sent out; but to the present time

an amicable settlement has been impracticable. Almost immediately

after the last expedition, the Khetrees cut off the heads of eight

men of the village of Bulatin; from which we may infer that their

animosity continues unappeased, and that there is little hope of these

savages being speedily brought to a sense of the advantages attending

a reconciliation. Our intercession might be effectual for a time;

but it is more than probable that it would be incompatible with a

Naga's sense of honour to forego his greatest delight--revenge.

From the figured statement obtained from native authority, it would

appear that there are one hundred and four Naga villages in Upper

Assam, containing eleven thousand and ninety-five houses, with a

population of forty-eight thousand five hundred and eighty-eight

persons; but this estimate is probably erroneous. We shall perhaps be

nearer the truth, if, assuming the number of houses to be correctly

stated, we allow three persons for every dwelling: this gives a census

of thirty-three thousand two hundred and eighty-five souls--a closer

approximation to the apparent population.

LIST OF THE NAGA TRIBE.

---------+------------------+-------+--------+------------------

No. of |Names of Villages.|No. of |No. of | Remarks.

Villages.| |Houses.|Persons.|

---------+------------------+-------+--------+------------------

1 | Bur Dovar | 250 | 1000 |

2 | Namsang | 160 | 520 |

3 | Kea Mae | 140 | 500 |

4 | Poolung | 120 | 420 | Three villages of

5 | Panee Dooar | 160 | 520 | this name

6 | Choongpon | 140 | 500 |

7 | Khamgin | 120 | 420 |

8 | Kokil | 100 | 400 |

9 | Gophcha | 70 | 280 |

10 | Topee | 50 | 200 |

11 | Hungkal | 80 | 320 |

12 | Dadum | 250 | 1000 |

13 | Nerung | 200 | 800 |

14 | Bako | 300 | 1200 |

15 | Kekhyah | 200 | 800 |

16 | Nahoah | 180 | 720 |

17 | Nahoo | 220 | 880 |

18 | Khoncha | 50 | 200 |

19 | Lootong | 50 | 200 |

20 | Kotong | 70 | 280 |

21 | Nokphan | 80 | 167 |

22 | Choupcha | 120 | 480 |

23 | Choupnon | 180 | 567 |

24 | Runow | 200 | 800 |

25 | Rucha | 60 | 140 |

26 | Changnee | 220 | 880 |

27 | Changeha | 160 | 567 |

28 | Pokum | 80 | 167 |

29 | Loknean | 80 | 167 |

30 | Changnoege | 360 | 1340 |

31 | Changcha | 120 | 480 |

32 | Mangnoe | 120 | 480 |

33 | Mangcha | 60 | 167 |

34 | Picktoo | 80 | 320 |

35 | Pickta | 55 | 220 |

36 | Nakma | 70 | 200 |

37 | Moolong | 90 | 263 |

38 | Bhetur Namsang | 120 | 480 | Entirely naked

39 | Now Gawn | 160 | 540 |

40 | Kangchang | 100 | 415 |

41 | Dekahnoe Moong | 140 | 520 |

42 | Borachaemoong | 150 | 540 |

43 | Chamcha | 60 | 180 |

44 | Achuringea | 70 | 220 |

45 | Toormoong | 120 | 480 |

46 | Jamee | 100 | 400 |

47 | Moloo Thopea | 500 | 4000 |

48 | Akhoea | 270 | 2020 |

49 | Pocho | 120 | 480 |

50 | Bor Langee | 150 | 550 |

51 | Soro Langee | 100 | 400 |

52 | Bhuga Langee | 120 | 480 |

53 | Chenajow | 150 | 560 |

54 | Boora Gaea | 150 | 550 |

55 | Bur Dorea | 150 | 540 |

56 | Kula Barea | 200 | 800 |

57 | Soroo Durea1 | 20 | 470 |

---------+------------------+-------+--------+------------------

Nagas east of the Namsang River subject to the Political Agent,

Upper Assam.

---------+------------------+-------+--------+------------------

No. of |Names of Villages.|No. of |No. of | Remarks.

Villages.| |Houses.|Persons.|

---------+------------------+-------+--------+------------------

1 | Khetree Gawn | 110 | 440 |

2 | Khena | 80 | 180 |

3 | Bottin | 60 | 120 |

4 | Namcha | 70 | 140 |

5 | Mooktong | 90 | 240 |

6 | Hakhoom | 80 | 280 |

7 | Konagaun | 150 | 550 |

8 | Khatung | 40 | 190 |

9 | Jankung | 60 | 420 |

10 | Ken Noean | 50 | 200 |

11 | Naktung | 60 | 240 |

12 | Lalrung | 60 | 240 |

13 | Koonum | 80 | 330 |

14 | Kootung | 70 | 340 |

15 | Mooaloo | 120 | 480 |

16 | Moacha | 80 | 320 |

17 | Tejhon | 80 | 280 |

18 | Chomjoo | 90 | 320 |

19 | Somcha | 60 | 240 |

20 | Kambao | 100 | 400 |

21 | Langchang | 100 | 400 |

22 | Sooroomungchang | 60 | 240 |

23 | Noanangchang | 50 | 200 |

24 | Tikhak | 50 | 200 |

25 | Gudie | 60 | 240 |

26 | Manbao | 110 | 440 |

27 | Eahung | 110 | 400 |

28 | Mookkhoop | 110 | 400 |

29 | Mookpe | 120 | 480 |

30 | Mookcha | 90 | 360 |

31 | Loongke | 100 | 400 |

32 | Namnie | 220 | 880 | On or near the

33 | Namcha | 130 | 520 | Patkoe range.

34 | Keme, No. 1 | 120 | 440 | ditto.

35 | Keme, No. 2 | 120 | 480 | ditto.

36 | Kintoonie | 100 | 400 | ditto.

37 | Mookrung | 120 | 480 |

38 | Joopee | 50 | 200 |

39 | Doedam | 70 | 280 |

40 | Noakhoorma | 50 | 200 |

41 | Chobang | 50 | 200 |

42 | Chilim | 40 | 160 |

43 | Bachowuk | 50 | 200 |

44 | Moung | 60 | 240 |

45 | Hadoot | 80 | 260 |

46 | Kaeah | 90 | 300 |

47 | Kaejou | 110 | 440 |

+-------+--------+

Total | 3,000 | 15,398 |

Total of Statement No. 1 | 8,095 | 33,190 |

+-------+--------+

Grand Total |11,095 | 48,588 |

+-------+--------+

GARROWS.

Of all the hill tribes bordering on the Assam valley, north or south,

the Garrows near Goalparah, though not lofty in stature, are endowed

with the most powerful herculean frames. The expression of their

countenances is savage, and their complexion exceedingly black. In

conversation they are loud, and remarkable for asperity. Passing

through Lookee Dooar to the Jeypore stockade, at the foot of the Garrow

hills, I met with many Garrows who reside on the low hills bordering

Assam, and learned that they were frequently in great danger from the

highland Garrows; who, feeling secure in their mountain fastnesses,

made occasional incursions into the territory of the former, and

committed acts of violence upon the British subjects located in

the plains.

A savage custom exists amongst the Garrows, of commemorating the death

of their relatives by massacring our inoffensive subjects whenever

they can do so with impunity; whether in open day, in ambush, or

by a sudden night attack in overwhelming numbers. In this respect

they resemble other tribes of which we have already treated. At

their festive meetings it is said the Garrows are guilty of great

excesses in imbibing spirituous liquors. A dried excavated gourd,

which does duty for a bottle, and holds about one quart and a half, is

filled with an intoxicating liquor distilled from rice: this, at their

jovial parties, is presented to each person, whose nose being seized,

the gourd is applied to the mouth till the individual is perfectly

satiated, or falls prostrate in a fit of intoxication. After this,

the toper is immersed in a pool of water, or the river, that the

temperature of the body may be cooled. In the choice of food few

things come amiss to a Garrow palate. For example, a dog fed with

rice and then roasted alive, is esteemed one of the most exquisite

dainties. Every description of meat is consumed, even when perfectly

putrid. Singularly enough, however, milk is considered unwholesome,

and is never drank.

The Garrow women are remarkably coarse and ugly, with very dark

complexions. They wear scarcely any articles of cloth covering, but,

in common with most savages, they are particularly fond of showy

ornaments. Their necks are adorned with a profusion of coloured

glass beads; and if the lobe of the ear can only be distended to

the shoulders by the weight of ear-rings, they consider that they

have succeeded in rendering themselves peculiarly attractive. The

Garrows to this day are independent of our rule, and are, therefore,

free from any tax on their cultivation.

An immense quantity of cotton is grown on their hills. This, until

1843, was subject to a tax paid by the purchaser to Government,

at the market, where the Garrows bring down their cotton for sale;

but, owing to the mal-practices of the native collectors appointed to

receive the customs, little profit accrued to Government after the

expenses of the establishment had been paid. For the encouragement

of trade and a freer intercourse with our people, the customs have

lately been entirely abolished; but it is supposed that a plan

for the assessment of the whole of the Garrow cultivation will,

if possible, shortly be adopted. The climate of the Garrow hills,

however, offers a serious obstacle to this measure; for, according

to our present information, no European constitution could endure a

lengthened residence amongst them; and without the constant presence

of a British officer, armed with authority to arrange their affairs,

neither the advancement of civilization, nor the realization of a

revenue sufficient to defray the expense of retaining and settling the

country, could be accomplished. It is supposed that a lac of rupees,

or ten thousand pounds sterling, might annually be raised from the

land; but our knowledge of the country and the resources of the people

is so limited, that this estimate cannot be relied on. Moreover,

from the known aversion of the Garrows to any sort of taxation,

the undertaking can only be rendered successful by the presence of a

large body of British troops; to whom the sword, spear, and poisoned

arrows of the savages could offer but little effectual resistance.

COSSEAHS.

This tribe, although near neighbours of the Garrows, are unlike them in

personal appearance. They are an athletic race, but by no means fond of

more occupation than will suffice to give them a bare subsistence. This

gained, their lives are passed in fishing, bird catching, and hunting,

merely by way of pastime. Like all savages, they are untrustworthy.

In the year 1829 at Nuncklow, Lieutenants Beddingfield and Burlton

were, by the Cosseah Rajah's order, barbarously massacred. A regular

war ensued; consequent on which Rajah Teeruth Singh was deprived of

the district of Bur Dooar, and the Rajah of Pantam having joined

the Cosseahs, his district was also sequestrated. At this period,

no protecting force being at hand, the Garrows joined the Cosseahs

and invaded the districts of Bur Dooar and Pantam, accompanied by the

people, who were compelled to join the insurrection. The movement,

however, was quickly suppressed by military detachments. Since then

the Cosseahs have been vigilantly watched by the Sylhet Light Infantry,

stationed at Chirrapoonjie.

In the Cosseah hills a large supply of potatoes is annually raised

and sold in the Gowahatty market, realizing to the Cosseahs no

inconsiderable profit. The effect of this traffic being to promote a

more frequent intercourse with the people of the plains, it is hoped

that in course of time the Cosseahs may learn the value of peaceable

commercial pursuits, and become a prosperous and civilized race.

BOOTEAHS.

The hills of Bootan, about two hundred and twenty miles long by

ninety broad, form the northern boundary of Assam. The population of

the country, including the Dooars, is assumed at 145,200 souls, the

Bootan hills 79,200, and the Dooars or low lands at 66,000; but this

calculation, made by the late Captain Pemberton, has been proved to

be greatly in excess of the truth, as regards the population of the

Dooars. In 1842 a census was taken of five Dooars: namely, Ghurkola,

Banska, Chapagorie, Chapakhamar, and Bijnee, in the Kamroop district;

when it appeared there were about 10,000 inhabitants, and the net

revenue of the tracts amounted to 17,544 rupees 7 ans. 4 pice,

or 1,754l. 8s. 11d. It may, therefore, justly be inferred that

the population of the whole of the Dooars would not exceed 40,000

souls. Captain Pemberton, the British Envoy deputed to Bootan in 1838,

describes the Booteah to be "in disposition naturally excellent;

he possesses an equanimity of temper almost bordering on apathy,

and he is seldom sufficiently roused to give vent to his feelings in

any exclamations of pleasure or surprise; on the other hand, they are

indolent to an extreme degree, totally wanting in energy, illiterate,

immoral, and victims of the most unqualified superstition. The

punishment of the most heinous offences may be evaded by the payment

of a fine, which for murder varies from eighty to two hundred Deba

rupees, or 40 to 100 Company's rupees, or from 4l. to 10l."

Polyandry, or plurality of husbands, prevails throughout Thibet

and the northern parts of Bootan; and on the death of the head of a

family his property becomes escheated to the Deba or Dhurma Rajahs,

without the slightest reference to the distress entailed on the

afflicted survivors. "The highest officers of state in Bootan are

shameless beggars, liars of the first magnitude, whose most solemnly

pledged words are violated without the slightest hesitation; who enter

into engagements which they have not the most distant intention of

fulfilling; who play the bully and sycophant with equal readiness, and

are apparently totally void of gratitude, exhibiting in their conduct

a rare compound of official pride and presumption with the low cunning

of needy mediocrity; and yet preserving, at the same time, a mild

deportment, and speaking generally in a remarkably low tone of voice."

Amongst the officers of the Deba or Dhurma Rajahs of Bootan, not one

appears to have been entitled to the confidence of the Envoy. The

habits of all classes are most disgustingly filthy, and in the mode of

preparing their food little attention is paid to cleanliness, and still

less to the quality of the meat they consume. On festive occasions they

imbibe large draughts of the liquor called chong, which is procured by

fermentation from rice. "The diet of the great body of the people is

restricted to the refuse of wretched crops of unripe wheat and barley,

and their food consists generally of cakes made from these grains very

imperfectly ground; but the food of the Government officers and priests

consists of the flesh of goats, swine, cattle, and rice, imported

from the Dooars." The Dooars are large tracts of country leading up to

the passes into the Bootan mountains. In January, 1842, they were all

appropriated by our Government as a permanent measure; in consequence

of the non-payment of tribute by the Booteahs, their "repeated acts

of aggression in the murder and seizure of British subjects, and

likewise for assisting to organize bands of robbers and sharing in the

profits of their plunder." Whether the Bootan hills will furnish a

sufficient support for their scanty population seems problematical;

and if pressed by hunger it is not improbable the Booteahs will

rush down and ravage the fertile plains of Assam. The measure was,

however, indispensably necessary to prevent the frequent recurrence of

oppression and systematic plunder of the people located at the foot

of the Bootan mountains. The extensive territory denominated Dooars

has always belonged to the Assam kings, and the Booteahs invariably

paid tribute for the same. Their exactions and malpractices having

imposed on the Government the necessity of depriving the Booteahs of

a charge they were unworthy of retaining, this cannot be viewed as

a harsh proceeding: it was most reluctantly adopted, and only when

it became evident that the finest land in Assam had been converted

into a desolate waste, overgrown with jungle and nearly depopulated,

owing to the arbitrary severity of the Bootan rulers.

In December, 1842, a friendly meeting took place at Banska Dooar

between the highest officers of the Bootan Government and the

Governor-General's Agent. The Booteahs were attended by about two

hundred followers; and during their few days' stay their complaints

were fully entertained, and will probably be satisfied by the grant

of a small annual sum as compensation for the loss they have sustained

in the annexation of the Dooars to Assam.

During the interview the Booteahs were plentifully supplied with

swine, the most acceptable gifts that can be offered to a Booteah;

and an officer who was present on the occasion assured me that

the incessant squeaking of the pigs, when roasting alive by these

heartless barbarians, was most distressing, and the sight of the

culinary process excessively disgusting. As soon as the animals had

been partially roasted they were cut up, and, without any further

preparation, re-toasted and speedily consumed.

The Booteah is a large, athletic man, of a dark complexion, with

an unpleasant, heavy, but cunning countenance. Compared with other

hill tribes in their neighbourhood, they are deficient in spirit and

bravery. For example, in March 1836, A.D., a party of seventy-five

Assam Sebundy Sipahees proceeded against six hundred Booteahs, who

were posted in five masses, with a few men extended between each,

at Soobunkatta, in Banska Dooar. When the Dewangerie Rajah was

requested to retire with his troops; they answered the requisition

with shouts of defiance and a simultaneous advance. Lieut. Matthews,

perceiving the critical situation in which his little band was placed,

instantly advanced to the contest, and, firing a volley and then

gallantly charging with the bayonet, caused the immediate dispersion

of the whole force, leaving on the field twenty-five killed and fifty

wounded. The Dewangerie Rajah himself was closely pursued, and only

escaped through the swiftness of the elephant on which he was mounted;

his tent, baggage, robes of state, and standards, fell into the hands

of the victorious Sebundies.

This trial of strength with our disciplined troops has taught the

Booteahs to pay more respect to our power; and they are not likely to

have recourse to arms again, unless greatly distressed for provisions,

or urged by vain arrogance to imagine that a show of resistance may

conduce to our resigning the Dooars to their rule.

SATH BOOTEAH RAJAHS OF KOOREAHPARAH DOOAH, IN DURRUNG.

Having given a brief outline of the Booteahs of Banska Dooar in

Kamroop, we propose now to detail a few authenticated facts and

incidents connected with the remaining tribes noted above; who are

located in the northern mountains between the Bur Nuddee west and

the Kochoojan east, bordering on the Luckimpore district, north of

the Burrampooter river.

And first commencing from the Bur Nuddee west, we find the Kalling and

Booree Goorma Dooars belonged, for eight months in the year, to the

Booteahs subject to the Tongso Pilo, under the Deba and Dhurma Rajahs

of Bootan; during which time they levied upon the people contributions,

or black mail, in the shape of rice, Erea cloths, and cattle. During

the remaining portion of the year, from the 15th of June to the 15th of

October, the people of the Dooars reverted to the jurisdiction of the

British Government; and for the protection granted to them they paid an

annual revenue, at a certain rate per plough. A hearth tax was likewise

realized. But this double rule was attended with the most disastrous

results. No man under the tyrannical Booteah Government dared evince

signs of affluence, or even of comfort: the people were compelled,

for their self-preservation, to dress in the miserable garb of the

lowest Hindoo peasantry; for the mere suspicion of a person being

possessed of any wealth, entailed on him the strictest espionage,

and not unfrequently the seizure of the whole of his property. Not

satisfied with this, if the slightest idea were entertained that there

was money or other valuable property concealed (for it is the custom of

the Assamese to bury their wealth underground), torture was resorted

to without the slightest compunction, until the unfortunate sufferer

confessed to having a hoard, and surrendered the little savings of

a whole life to his merciless persecutors.

Such was the condition of the inhabitants of the Dooars till 1838:

hundreds annually retreated to the Pergunnahs (districts) of Assam

under British rule, to enjoy the fruit of their labours in peace and

safety. The beautiful, fertile Dooars were then rapidly reverting

to a barren wilderness: fearful exactions and cruel oppressions

rendering the existence of the few remaining communities precarious and

unendurable; until an unlooked for incident occurred to deliver the

people from the thraldom of their demi-savage rulers. Gumbhur Wuzeer

having long been suspected by the Booteahs of disaffection towards

them, and of possessing great wealth, the Tongso Pilo of Bootan,

through the Soobah Rajah, gave orders for his destruction; and in

December, 1838, he was barbarously murdered. The whole of his property,

amounting to 50,000 rupees, was confiscated, and his wives, children,

and adherents, in all twelve persons, were carried away into the hills.

This outrage justly aroused the British Government to redress the

grievances of a long oppressed people. The Dooar was immediately

attached to Assam; and the Booteahs have never, to this day, sought

pecuniary compensation for the loss of their territory. The son of

the late Gumbheer Wuzeer was permitted to return to Assam in 1844,

and resume the fiscal charge of his father's villages; and ere long,

probably, the Booteahs of this tract will see the folly of their past

conduct, and be glad to accept such compensation as the Government

may be disposed to make them for the privation of their power to

levy black mail from the people. The annual tribute realized from

Kalling Dooar previous to its annexation, amounted to 390 rupees,

and was collected in the following articles:--

Rupees.

5 ponies valued at 60 rupees each 300

5 tolas weight of gold, at 12 rupees per tola 60

4 pods of musk, at 3 rupees each 12

4 cows' tails, at 1 rupee 4

4 blankets at 3 rupees each 12

4 daggers, at 8 annas each 2

---

Total rs. 390

From Booree Gooma Dooar the tribute of 232 rs. 10 ans. 8 pice was

also paid in kind, viz:--

Rupees.

3 ponies, at 6 rupees each 180

3 tolas of gold 36

2 pods of musk 6

2 cows' tails 2

2 blankets 6

2 daggers 1

Bags 1

At the present day the net revenue of Kalling Dooar amounts to 2080

rs. 0 ans. 4 pice, with a population of 1634 persons. Booree Gooma

Dooar is estimated to contain 7785 souls, with a net revenue of 5348

rs. 5 ans. 3 pice.

Proceeding eastwards from Booree Gooma Dooar, the next Dooar, called

Kooreahparah, is under the Sath Booteah Rajahs of Naregooma, subject

to the Towung Rajah, who is a tributary of the Deba and Dhurma Rajahs

of Lassah.

The country of Towung being in Kumpa or Thibet, quite distinct from

Bootan, south of the Sampoo river, it appears that a portion of the

Thibet territory, or more properly the Chinese and British frontiers,

are actually in immediate contact in the Kooreahparah Dooar, about

twenty miles from the Burrampooter river. This Dooar, as we have said,

was governed by these chiefs eight months in every year. During this

period, the seven Rajahs paid periodical visits to the Dooar, and let

loose many hundreds of their followers to range throughout the Dooars,

and quarter themselves gratuitously upon the people: changing from

house to house until they had consumed all the food the poor Ryots had

to give them. The Sath Rajahs had usually a caravan of large herds of

ponies, mules, &c., as far as Umerathal, one march from Oodalgorie. On

their arrival there, the inhabitants of the Dooar were compelled to

take care of the cattle, and be in constant attendance on the Rajahs,

furnishing them with supplies of rice, cloths, spirits, pigs, &c.;

and at the approach of the hot months, the ponies, mules, and donkeys

were laden with the whole of the collections levied from the people

of the Dooar, and the chiefs retreated to the mountains at Nareegooma.

Such was the annual visitation to which the people were subjected the

moment the four months of British rule expired. A gradual decrease of

the population of the Dooar was the natural result of this tyranny; but

the grasping oppression of the Booteahs underwent no diminution. They

made no remission on account of the decay of the population: the same

amount of collections was still drawn from the remaining Ryots. The

country became overgrown with jungle, and the malaria of these plains

was so injurious to the constitutions of Bengalees or Europeans, that

the tract could not be visited with impunity for above a few weeks

in the year. The fevers were most fatal, and life was frequently

extinguished in four or five days. Thieves, highway robbers, and

murderers here sought and found a safe asylum under the shadow of

Booteah rule, by administering to the rapacity of the chiefs. They

surrendered a portion of their ill-gotten wealth in the shape of

fines for the protection given them, in opposition to treaties and

the laws of civilized nations.

Such was the state of affairs, when, to the unspeakable delight of

the inhabitants, the Dooar was attached by the British Government in

1839. A police thannah was established at Oodalgorie, British law was

enforced, marauders and disturbers of society were quickly suppressed,

and at the present day a prosperous population has again sprung up;

only too thankful that they can enjoy the produce of the land in

peace and safety, under a powerful Government capable of protecting

them from the aggressions and exactions of the wild mountaineers. The

contributions taken in kind from each house by the Booteahs consisted

of five pieces of Moonjah silk, sar cloth, one piece of Erea cloth,

one gumcha or handkerchief, Moonjah thread, and metal bracelets,

worth altogether about one rupee and a half. Such, at least, was

the estimate made by the late Mr. David Scott, the Agent to the

Governor-General. But there can be no doubt that the Booteahs were

in the habit of exacting as much as possible from the most wealthy in

the Dooar, though from the poorest peasant they might have collected

their black mail upon some settled principle. In this manner the sum

annually collected would vary; but we have reason to believe that 5,499

rs. 15 ans. was the average sum levied on the Ryots in the shape of

contributions in kind, and 411 rs. 13 ans. in black mail or ready cash.

The Booteahs, it is affirmed, yearly brought down presents of

various articles, such as salt, blankets, &c., which they gave to

the Ryots. These presents were valued at 966 rs. 15 ans., which being

deducted from the supposed amount of the value of the contributions

above noticed, the Sath Rajahs, it would appear, received 4944 rs. 13

ans. Upon this data, in 1844, a permanent settlement was made with

these chiefs. They agreed to resign all claim or title to collect

black mail in the said Dooar for the future, on condition of receiving

5000 rs. from the British Government as compensation for the sacrifice

they made. The tribute paid in kind from this Dooar, previous to its

attachment in 1839, amounted to 397 rs. 8 ans., namely:--

Rs. Ans.

4 ponies at 60 rs. each 240 0

5 pucka tolahs of gold 60 0

4 kucha tolahs 40 0

3 pods of musk 9 0

Cows' tails 3 0

9 blankets 27 0

Bags 2 8

3 red striped Erea cloths 3 0

Honey 3 12

Contingencies for the care of the ponies 7 8

The principal persons who subscribed to the treaty of February, 1844,

at Tezpore, were Sanjiee, chief of the Sath Rajahs, Sering, Tangjing,

Changdundoo, and two Bramee agents from the Towung Rajah. The latter

had no credentials empowering them to execute any deed or to agree

to any particular terms; but, as the Towung Rajah had never deigned

to reply to the communications hitherto made to him, the apparent

informality was deemed of no consequence; and, from the very liberal

terms proposed, no difficulty was experienced in effecting so desirable

a settlement.

The population of the Dooar is estimated to be 22,577 persons, and

the net revenue 12,455 rs. 7 ans.

CHAR DOOAR, OR SHEERGAWN AND ROOPRAE BOOTEAH SATH RAJAHS.

The appellation of Sath Rajahs, or Seven Chiefs, appears to be commonly

in vogue amongst the Booteahs; but we have yet to learn the origin of

its adoption, as the number of chiefs, both in the Kooreahparah and

Char Dooars, is by no means confined to seven. The Sath Rajahs of the

Char Dooar levied black mail from the people precisely in the same

manner as their brethren in the Kooreahparah Dooar. The principal

chiefs are the Durjee Rajah Tangpoor, Jyphoo, Dakpah, Sankandoo

Sangjaa of Roopre, Chang Wangdundoo, son of the late Rajah Tangjung

of Sheergawn. They reside at Sheergawn and Rooprae, about three days'

journey from Dymara pass, by which they descend into Char Dooar. They

are quite distinct from the Booteahs of Kooreahparah Dooar, and do

not admit that they are subordinate to the Towung Rajah.

These chiefs, until 1839, yearly realised 2526 rs. 7 ans. black mail,

exclusive of 416 rs. 8 ans. which was deducted for collecting the

contributions from the Ryots in the shape of food, clothing, &c.; but

in April, 1839, Moodhoo Sykeah, the Patyhery of Ooorung, having been

barbarously murdered by some Booteahs of the above-named clan, they

were from that date a proscribed tribe, and prevented from deriving

any benefit from the Dooar in collecting black mail. Refusing to give

up the murderers, all access to the Dooars was strictly denied them,

and they were justly regarded as unworthy of any consideration. They

frequently denied having any authority over the murderers, pleaded

the hardship of the whole body being made to suffer for the faults

of a few individuals, and expressed their extreme regret at having

incurred the displeasure of the British Government.

Moodhoo Sykeah's fate is supposed to have arisen from his attachment

to the British Government, and the energy displayed by him in causing

the land to be measured, to effect a regular assessment thereof,

in lieu of a plough and capitation tax. Such an arrangement was

particularly repugnant to the Booteahs, as they imagined it would

interfere with the Ryots paying them their black mail; they therefore

took vengeance on the promoters of this measure, and Moodhoo Sykeah

was cruelly cut to pieces in his own house by Booteahs partaking of

his hospitality. Gumbheer Wuzeer had been similarly treated the year

before, under suspicion of too great an attachment to the British

Government, and a desire to carry out their views. In 1844 the chiefs

were permitted to visit Tezpore, and in consideration of the contrition

evinced by them, and the uncertainty as to whether the murderers were

still in existence, and really belonged to that tribe, Government was

pleased to overlook the past, and again to receive them into favour. In

lieu of all right or title to collect black mail, compensation to

the amount of 1740 rupees per annum was settled upon them.

THEBINGEAH BOOTEAHS.

Of all the tribes of Booteahs inhabiting the interior or most northern

mountains, the Thebingeahs appear to be the most easterly. About forty

years ago a quarrel arose between them and the Rooprae Booteahs of

Char Dooar, regarding the right to collect contributions or black mail

from certain Bohoteahs, or slaves. Being defeated, the Thebingeahs were

for eleven years denied all access to the plains by their unrelenting

foes. Previous to this feud, the former had the right to collect the

whole of the Booteah dues from Majbat; but after this, their black

mail was appropriated by their opponents.

Having, about twenty-nine years ago, partially made up matters

with their enemies, the Rooprae Booteahs, the Thebingeahs again

visited Assam, and have since that time made collections in Majbat in

conjunction with them. Formerly, as they aver, they were the channel

through which the Char Dooar Booteahs sent tribute to Towung. Before

the quarrel, their route to Assam lay through the Char Dooar Booteahs'

country; but since then it has been abandoned, and they now enter by

that of Kooreahparah Dooar. At the present day their numbers are very

small, and they appear to be a peaceable, inoffensive race.

The town of Tibbung is stated to be sixteen days' journey from the

plains of Assam. For the first twelve days the route lies through the

country belonging to the Kooreahparah Booteahs. The next march brings

the Thebingeah Booteahs to their own frontier village of Sangtie. The

Thebingeahs are tributary to the Towung Rajah, who is subordinate

to the Deba and Dhurma Rajahs of Lassah. In speaking of Lassah, they

make the distance from their country much greater than there is reason

to believe it to be. They aver that in going to Lassah they cross a

great river (probably the Sampoo) which is the Lohit or Burrampooter,

that traverses the whole valley of Assam. Towung is said to be twenty

days' journey from Tibbung, in a westerly direction. From the little

information we have hitherto been able to gather, it is evident

the Thebingeah Booteahs were once a powerful tribe; but feuds and

exterminating wars with other neighbouring tribes have reduced them

to an insignificant state. The British Government generously bestows

on this clan 141 rs. 13 ans. 6 pice per annum, in lieu of the black

mail they formerly extorted from the Ryots of the village of Majbat

in Char Dooar.

HUZAREE KHAWA AKHAS.

These tribes reside eastward of the Rooprae and Sheergawn Booteahs,

in the mountains north of Burgong, called the Jumara Guyah hills,

distant from Burgong, viâ the Dymarahhat or market, about six difficult

marches. The whole of the Akha tribe is reported to consist of two

hundred families; the Kuppah Choor Akhas, of sixty or seventy families;

and the Meeches (who are also, like the Kuppah Choor Akhas, a tribe of

Akhas residing far in the interior, north of the whole) are estimated

at three or four hundred families. The whole are armed with bows and

arrows, and long swords, but they have no fire-arms of any kind. The

Huzaree Khawa Akhas were formerly the most formidable of the two clans,

but through the energy and daring of Kuppah Choor Akha chief, Taggee,

they have been obliged to acknowledge him supreme. His will at the

present day may be said to be paramount; for though his contemporary

chiefs profess to look on him as their friend and equal they fear

to incur his resentment, and submit to his dictation with concealed

feelings of dissatisfaction.

Previous to the massacre of a detachment of the 1st Assam Light

Infantry at Baleeparah, the Huzaree Khawa Akhas had always collected

Pocha or black mail to the yearly amount of 175 rupees; but after the

above catastrophe they were looked on as outlaws, and were denied all

intercourse with the people of the plains. In February, 1844, however,

the following chiefs of this tribe were summoned to Tezpore, and an

annual sum of 148 rupees was settled upon them; on the condition of

their abstaining from committing further depredations on our subjects

or joining with other disaffected tribes:--

Rs.

Nizam Rajah 60

Changja 32

Changtoang 32

Kebelon 24

---

Rs. 148

KUPPAH CHOOR AKHAS.

From all the information obtainable regarding this tribe, they appear

to have been always looked upon by their neighbours, the Booteahs and

Dufflahs, as a ferocious band of Dacoits or banditti, living entirely

upon plunder, and never scrupling to shed blood for the successful

prosecution of any unprovoked aggressions, whether on the Booteahs,

Dufflahs, or British subjects. In this light the late Mr. David Scott,

Agent to the Governor-General, on his first visit to the Char Dooar,

regarded this clan. Considering that they had no right or title to

collect pocha, or black mail, he verbally directed that they should be

treated as enemies, and not allowed to enter the British territory:

if they attempted it, the guards were to fire upon them. This was

absolutely necessary; as the Taggee Rajah, just prior to our conquest

of Assam, and during the Burmese government, had frequently committed

serious depredations on the people; and on one occasion he ransacked

several villages, and attacked the estate of Pond Borowa of Char Dooar,

who was barbarously murdered with twenty-five of his followers. In

1829, the Taggee Rajah and his Kuppah Choor Akhas had a quarrel with

the Akhas of Somgsong Rajah. Many lives were lost in the prosecution

of this feud, and the Taggee Rajah was at last obliged to take refuge

at Burgong, in Char Dooar. Brijnath Hazaree had the courage instantly

to apprehend him at Gorahgong; and, putting him in irons, sent him

down to Mr. D. Scott, then at Gowahatty. Here he was incarcerated

in the common gaol for four years; at the expiration of which period

(in 1832-33) Mr. Robertson, the then Agent to the Governor-General,

directed his release and allowed him to return to his native hills, in

the hope that this act of clemency would secure his future fidelity

and attachment to the British Government. But Mr. Robertson was

deceived. No sooner did this child of the forest and the mountain

find himself again at liberty, than, regardless of his engagements,

he immediately collected together a few of his old followers, and, by

the mere influence of his savage character, he soon rendered himself

independent of the Towung Rajah, and took tribute from the Rooprae and

Sheergawn Booteahs. He then resorted to his former lawless practices

of rapine and destruction; declaring that, now he was released from

the Gowahatty gaol, he would not rest until he had sacrificed every

man who had aided in apprehending him. Such was the terror his name

inspired, that the slightest report of his approach alarmed the

inhabitants of the plains, and they deserted their villages in the

utmost consternation. It was well known that no quarter was given

or mercy shown by the freebooter: men, women, and children were

indiscriminately butchered; neither life nor property was respected;

and safety was only attainable by timely flight.

At one time it was the practice in Assam to locate small bodies of

troops in stockades along the frontier, north and south of the valley

at the foot of the hills; or in the immediate vicinity of hostile

tribes, so as to overawe them and prevent predatory incursions into

our plains for the capture of slaves and plunder. These posts, being

far distant from the support of the head quarters of the respective

regiments, and away from the immediate control of European officers,

discipline and vigilance were perhaps too little regarded; and the

consequence was, that detachments were not unfrequently surprised and

massacred in the most savage manner. In 1835, there was a stockade

at Baleeparah in Char Dooar, garrisoned by one havildar, one naick,

and six sipahees of the 1st Assam Light Infantry. About 10 o'clock

A.M. of the 3rd of February of the same year, the Kuppah Choor and

Akha chiefs, Taggee, Nizam, and Somgsong, accompanied by a few daring

followers, proceeded to the stockade: the havildar, unsuspicious

of any treachery, went outside to converse with the Taggee Rajah,

and told him that he must not enter the stockade. After a short

conversation the Taggee Rajah--as a signal understood by the Akhas,

drew his sword and inflicted a wound on the havildar's left leg. Nazim

Rajah then cut down the Naick with his own hand, and the whole of

the Akhas instantly rushed on the havildar, entered the stockade,

and murdered every person they could seize; slaughtering in all

sixteen persons: the havildar, naick and four sipahees, and the

wives and families of the Goorkha sipahees. Two sipahees of the guard

happened to be bathing in a tank close by at the time of the attack,

and saved their lives by running into the jungles. After the massacre,

the Taggee Rajah set fire to all the houses inside the stockade, and

retired with his followers to the fastnesses in the neighbouring hills.

Intelligence of this disaster reaching the civil authorities, a

proclamation was immediately issued, offering a reward of five hundred

rupees to any person who would bring the Taggee Rajah, dead or alive,

and two hundred rupees for any information that would lead to his

apprehension. This proclamation, however, was in 1837-38 modified by

the express order of the Honourable Court of Directors, who intimated

that the proceeding was most exceptionable, and that rewards should

only be given for the apprehension of offenders, and not for slaying

them. From that day until 1842, the whole tribe of Akhas and Kuppah

Choor Akhas were treated as outlaws. Our outposts were strengthened,

and all British subjects prohibited from furnishing them with grain

or any other necessaries of life.

In 1842, the Taggee Rajah, of his own free will, came down from the

hills and surrendered himself to the British Government. The excuse

pleaded by him for the massacre of the guard was the tyranny and

insolence of the sipahees towards his tribe; but it does not appear

that the sipahees had any quarrel with the Akhas or Kuppah Choor Akhas,

and it is therefore reasonable to conclude that the latter destroyed

the guard because they were posted there to prevent depredations on

the plains. Notwithstanding the crimes committed by the Taggee Rajah,

Government directed his release, on his swearing future allegiance on

his own behalf and that of his tribe. This was a matter of necessity:

there were no means at hand of summarily punishing the outrage that

had been committed, and the influence of the Rajah was requisite

to curb the future irregularities of his people. As an inducement

to him to restrain a rapacious banditti from future aggressions,

a pension of twenty rupees per mensem was bestowed upon him for

life. The Taggee Rajah, it might have been supposed, returned to

his native hills somewhat appeased and gratified; but here again the

British authorities were erroneous in their calculations. Incapable of

comprehending our motives, and distrustful of our purposes, the Rajah,

for two years, never resorted to the station of Tezpore to receive

his pension. In 1844, however, an interview with himself and other

chiefs took place, and an amicable and satisfactory arrangement was

made. The Taggee Rajah received his pension of 240 rupees per annum

granted in 1842; Nechoo received 24 rupees; Sankhandoo, 32 rupees;

Seerkoolee, 32 rupees; Sorsoo, 32 rupees: in all five chiefs, their

pensions amounting to 360 rupees per annum.

Thus terminated a desultory, harassing war of twenty years with

one of the most restless tribes on the frontier. The manner in

which the forbearance of these savages has been purchased will,

we are persuaded, not be misconstrued into fear or weakness, but be

productive of future peace and security and a freer intercourse with

the people of the plains.

DUFFLAHS.

The Dufflah tribes are divided into innumerable petty clans, and reside

in Char Dooar, Now Dooar, and Chuh Dooar. They are a very uncivilized

race of beings, and formerly were extremely troublesome: committing

atrocities, attacking and kidnapping the people of the plains, and

extorting a large amount of black mail in kind annually. To enumerate

the several petty robberies, disturbances, and murders committed at

different times by these wild mountaineers, would, at the present day,

be neither interesting nor profitable: it will suffice to remark that

the people are all disunited, living under independent chiefs with

separate interests, and have never leagued together in large bodies to

ravage the plains for plunder or the capture of slaves. No union seems

to prevail amongst them as with the Singphoos, Abors, and Khamtees;

their irruptions and depredations, therefore, are always on a small

scale. Almost every clan seems suspicious of its neighbour, and the

sanguinary feuds amongst themselves are frequent. Of their religion,

manners, customs, and habits, we regret to say little is known, and

that little of a character not to be relied on: the same may be said

of our information respecting the Akha tribes.

In 1836-37, an agreement was entered into with the Dufflahs to forego

their extortions on receiving from the British Government a fixed sum

in lieu of all demands. Unlike the Booteahs, who cannot live in the

plains, the Dufflahs seem disposed to adopt agricultural habits; and

considerable numbers have deserted their hills and located themselves

in the plains, paying revenue for the land they cultivate at the

same rate as our Ryots. From these symptoms of industry, we are led

to hope that in the course of time others will follow their example,

and descend from their hills to enjoy the protection of the British

Government; when their condition will be greatly ameliorated.

In Char Dooar there are no less than one hundred and eighty Dufflah

chiefs, belonging to twelve distinct clans, who receive 1,020

rupees per annum in lieu of the black mail formerly extorted from

the Ryots. In the Now Dooar, there are nine dooars (passes or tracts

of country leading into the northern hills) occupied by fifty-eight

Dufflah chiefs, who receive compensation or a pension from Government

of 1,523 rupees 9 ans. annually in lieu of black mail; making a grand

total for both Dooars of 2,543 rupees 9 ans. 8 pice. It remains only

to notice the amount supposed to have been collected as black mail by

the Dufflahs from the people in Now Dooar previous to the year 1836-37,

when a pecuniary compensation was given to the Dufflahs in lieu of this

objectionable exaction. The contributions levied as black mail were

nearly all given in kind. On the arrival of the Dufflahs once a year,

from their mountains in the Now Dooar, it was their custom to take from

the Sahoorea Ryots Government free pykes (or men), from each house:--

Rs. Ans. Pice.

1 seer of salt, valued at 0 4 0

5 seers of rice 0 1 0

Ready cash 0 1 0

-----------

0 6 0

and if the ready money of one anna was not paid, a Moonga,

or Erea Gumcha, or handkerchief valued at three annas was taken

instead. On their return to the hills, another cess or contribution,

amounting to 7 rs. 10 ans. was levied from each village or community,

fixed originally at twenty houses; and whether they had decreased

or increased in numbers the Dufflahs neither reduced nor augmented

their demand. The articles taken from each village consisted on this

occasion generally of--

Rs. Ans. Pice.

1 Erea cloth, valued at 3 0 0

1 Moonga Gumcha handkerchief 0 4 0

1 cow 2 8 0

Cash, as a present 1 0 0

Rice, 1 bhar 0 4 0

1 duck 0 2 0

1 seer of salt 0 4 0

1 seer of oil 0 4 0

-----------

7 10 0

Besides the Sahoorea, or free population, there were four villages

(Baghmarra, Bihalle, Sakomata, Bakola) wholly inhabited by Cacharees,

who were denominated Bohoteahs, or slaves; being free men bestowed

originally by the Assam kings for a particular purpose or service. This

caste or tribe the Dufflahs especially considered as their slaves,

from whom they claimed the right to collect two-thirds of the produce

of their labours. Each Bohoteah received from the British Government

two poorahs of land, and one rupee only was taken from him as revenue,

or capitation tax; being two rupees less than that paid by the

Government Pykes. The remission of two rupees granted in his favour,

was to enable him to meet the demands of the Dufflahs against him,

in addition to the following amount of black mail, viz:--

Rs. Ans. Pice.

1 Erea small cloth 1 0 0

1 Moonga gumcha 0 4 0

1 chunam (or lime box) 0 8 0

1 kuttaree, or knife 0 2 0

1 jappee hat or umbrella 0 4 0

1 bhar of rice 0 4 0

1 duck 0 2 0

1 seer of salt 0 4 0

1 seer of oil 0 4 0

-----------

3 0 0

From this it would appear that the Bohoteahs paid to the Dufflahs

five rupees each in produce; while the free population was assessed

at the rate of about eight rupees per village of twenty houses, which

would average about six annas four pice per house. From the free and

slave population united, as far as we have means for determining,

the sum realized in kind from the inhabitants of the whole Dooar,

amounted to 2,503 rs. 10 ans. 6 pice; so that in reality the Dufflahs

have gained by the money substituted for black mail.

In the palmy days of the Ahoom Government it is not certain that this

system existed; but on the Ahoom Rajahs becoming proselytes to the

Hindoo creed, they and their followers degenerated; and being unable

to check by force of arms, the inroads of the numerous hill tribes

both on the north and south frontiers of the valley--a space of 400

miles, accessible by innumerable passes--they readily permitted the

tribes to levy black mail once a year on certain portions of land

called Dooars. Thus were continual hostilities averted, and the Ahoom

Rajahs had leisure to pay attention to their own affairs. Intestine

commotion, however, worked the destruction which foreign aggression

was restrained from accomplishing.

CHAR DOOAR DUFFLAHS.

--------+--------+----------------------------------+----------------

No. of | No. | |

Chiefs | of | | Amount of

in each | Khels | Name of Khel or Clan. | Pension.

Khel or | or | |

Clan. | Clans. | |

--------+--------+----------------------------------+----------------

| | | Rs. Ans. Pice.

23 | 1 | Phering Ooela | 97 8 5

20 | 2 | Oopur Takoolea | 108 5 2

21 | 3 | Nam Takoolea | 196 14 1

21 | 4 | Rapo Oolea | 76 11 4

46 | 5 | Paee Olea | 234 12 2

7 | 6 | Oopur Taolea | 17 1 11

2 | 7 | Nam Taolea | 3 10 7

3 | 8 | Chana Oolea | 23 6 7

37 | 9 | Oopur Tabungolea | 106 2 9

| 10 | Purbutea village, Mekla Gaum, |

| | Deka and Bur Gaum extinct | 4 8 4

,, | 11 | Jeynath Hya Babang Gaum, of |

| | Kuchla Barru, extinct | 0 8 3

,, | 12 | Names of chiefs unknown, extinct | 150 0 0

--------+ | +----------------

180 | | Total |1020 0 0

--------+--------+----------------------------------+----------------

DUFFLAHS OF NOW DOOAR.

--------+-------------+--------+------------------------+----------------

No. of | Name of | No. of | Name of Chiefs | Amount of

Dooars. | Dooars. | Chiefs | | Pension

--------+-------------+--------+------------------------+----------------

| | | | Rs. Ans. Pice.

1 | Bihalee | | |

| Dooar. | 1 | Tamoo Gaum |

| | 2 | Tetae |

| | 3 | Ruma |

| | 4 | Nerbow |

| | 5 | Tumes |

| | 6 | Emakolee Gaumnee |

| | 7 | Hollee Gaum |

| | 8 | Hathemorea Huraporah | 58 9 7

2 | Gong | | |

| Dooar. | 1 | Bhoot Gaum |

| | 2 | Ruma and Gamoo |

| | 3 | Akho Chalee Gaumnee |

| | 4 | Changdur Gaum |

| | 5 | Rao |

| | 6 | Nizboo and Burkmal |

| | 7 | Rungoa and his son } | 82 2 8

| | | Byragee } |

3 | Bagmara | | |

| Dooar. | 1 | Gopee Gaum |

| | 2 | Papoong and Kadoo |

| | 3 | Sedae Gaum |

| | 4 | Teeta Gaum |

| | 5 | Lalloo |

| | 6 | Kowa |

| | 7 | Baboo |

| | 8 | Madoo and Paree | 29 5 11

4 | Sakhoo Mata | | |

| Dooar. | 1 | Deka Gaum, Bogle, |

| | | and Rumgka |

| | 2 | Chale Gaema, Gotoa |

| | | Gaum |

| | 3 | Kena Gaum | 262 8 5

5 | Chooteah | | |

| Dooar. | 1 | Babung Gaum |

| | 2 | Bengala Gaum |

| | 3 | Bengakoe Gaum |

| | 4 | Chengolee Gaum |

| | 5 | Hanoo Gaum |

| | 6 | Tadung Gaum |

| | 7 | Hanoo Gaum |

| | 8 | Peroo Gaum |

| | 9 | Durpur Gaum |

| | 10 | Taggee for Talee |

| | 11 | Teloa Gaum |

| | 12 | Tamar |

| | 13 | Durrung | 234 0 3

6 | Kuchlahbaree| | |

| Dooar. | 1 | Phedula, Bhedo } |

| | | Jey, Nizae Bulae } |

| | | Jey Gaums } |

| | 2 | Ladoom |

| | 3 | Onee |

| | 4 | Rungoma |

| | 5 | Tajur | 66 1 3

7 | Chandhur | | |

| Dooar. | 1 | Jeyram Gaum |

| | 2 | Ketula Haree |

| | 3 | Bogee Gaum |

| | 4 | Hetoo Gaumnee | 137 12 8

8 | Gurea Dooar.| 1 | Beroo Gaum, Seram |

| | | Nirboo Keah Gaum |

| | 2 | Dhunae Darkeh | 46 11 10

9 | Bakula | | |

| Dooar. | 1 | Neema Gaum |

| | 2 | Gobind Gaum |

| | 3 | Peroo Gaum |

| | 4 | Tama, Jagura, Nerum |

| | | Lekejoo Luchoo, |

| | | Begora, Oozeer, |

| | | and others |

| | 5 | Chengalee and others |

| | 6 | Khakung Gaum |

| | 7 | Halee |

| | 8 | Chedar | 606 5 1

| | | Total paid to Now |

| | | Dooar, Dufflah |

| | | Chiefs |1523 9 8

| | | Total paid to Char |

| | | Dooar Dufflah |

| | | Chiefs |1020 0 0

| +--------+ +----------------

| | 58 | Total |2543 9 8

| +--------+ +----------------

NOTES

[1] Page 38.

[2] The name of the Moa Mareya Muttuck Gosain is Nahor; he is called

Ushtobhoj, the eight handed priest, or an incarnation of the Deity:

a title which he assumed in order to receive greater adoration from

the people. He established his claim to the title by a device or

deception. Making three men stand behind him, from under a covering

they presented their hands in front of his body, and these, with

his own, made his credulous disciples believe he really had eight

hands. Having also some defect in his legs, he was known by the

appellation of the Lame Moa Mareya Priest Nahor.

[3] This princess was the daughter of the Munepore Rajah; she was

first married to Rajeswur Sing, and afterwards to his brother, Luckme

Sing. The Muneepories are called Mogolies, and a tank, temple and

an estate is to this day called the Mogolie Princess's Pokhuree and

Khat. In the Assam annals, she is called Koorung Neyune.

[4] Abor is derived from the Assamese word boree, friendly; aboree,

unfriendly. Thus we understand the term Abor Nagas, Abor Dufflahs,

independent or hostile tribes; and this designation seems common to

all rude tribes in Assam.

[5] In many parts of Assam there are many fine temples and old forts

built of stone and bricks; but, the art of making such firm and durable

bricks as were used in former days seems now to be entirely lost.

Assam is noted for the abundance of gold found in many of its rivers;