Forests and Grass Jungle--Tigers, Elephants, Buffaloes,
Rhinosceroses, Pigs and Deer--Field Sports by Europeans--Native
practice of destroying animals with poisoned arrows--Effects of
poison--Wild Elephants caught with a noose in Assam--Secured
in a Kheddah or Enclosure at Chittagong--Net Revenue of
Assam--Disbursements--Industry--Opium--Slavery--Conclusion.
The enormous extent of forest, and high, dense grass jungle in Assam,
exceeds perhaps that of any other country of the same area; and,
as a consequence, the herds of wild elephants, buffaloes, deer,
rhinosceroses, and tigers, are innumerable. Almost every military
officer in civil employ in Assam, having constantly to roam about
the country, becomes, if not from choice, at least in self-defence,
a keen and skilful sportsman. Herds of one hundred buffaloes each
are frequently met with; and though I have known twenty buffaloes
shot in one day's diversion, they are so prolific, and the season of
four months for sport is so short, that no actual progress appears
to be made in the diminution of their numbers. On some occasions,
when a buffalo is wounded and unable to escape into high jungle, he
furiously charges the elephant on which the sportsman is mounted in
a howdah, and often gores the elephant, or injures the feet or legs
of the driver seated on the animal's neck, before he can be stopped
in his career; for it frequently takes ten or twelve balls to destroy
a buffalo, unless an early shot inflicts a vital wound. The elephant,
if well trained, on being charged by a buffalo, merely turns round and
presents his stern to the repeated blows of the infuriated monster:
screaming out, however, in the utmost fright until the buffalo is shot
or scared off by the firing; but a timid or badly trained elephant,
on being charged instantly seeks safety in flight, to the imminent
peril of the sportsman, should any trees happen to come in contact
with the howdah. Buffaloes, however, that have been long undisturbed,
generally stand still, and with fierce looks and raised horns receive
the first few shots in utter astonishment, and then seek shelter
in the high jungles with the utmost speed. Rhinosceroses are very
numerous in many parts of Assam, and are to be found in very high
grass jungle, near inaccessible miry swamps, which preclude pursuit,
and having thick skins, they are not easily shot. Elephants dread the
charge of a rhinosceros as much as that of a tiger, and the grunting
noise of the former animal not unfrequently scares even a well-trained
elephant from the field. If the rhinosceros succeeds in overtaking the
elephant, he bites large pieces of flesh from the elephant's sides or
legs, and with the horn on the nose not unfrequently inflicts fearful
wounds. Rhinosceroses are tamed in a few months, and may be seen at
Gowahatty grazing on the plains as harmless as cows, attended by a
single man. When tamed in Assam they may be bought of the natives for
100 or 150 rupees (10l. or 15l.); many have been sent to Calcutta,
and sold for 500 rupees, or 50l.; but the expense of boat hire to the
metropolis, provender, and servants' wages, with the risk attendant on
the journey to so distant a market, renders the speculation anything
but profitable.
Deer shooting is a fine, healthy, exhilarating exercise for those who
are not partial to the dangerous and exciting scenes common to tiger,
rhinosceros, and buffalo shooting. It is a mistake, however, to suppose
it tame, easy sport. Deer shooting requires much practice: a steady
foot and arm in a howdah, and a quick sight are indispensable, if you
would shoot either pigs or deer while bounding rapidly over the plain.
A most deadly poison is extracted from a kind of root denominated
Mishmee Bih (or poison) brought from the Mishmee country, on the
north-east quarter of Assam. With this the natives in Upper Assam
generally cover the tips of their arrows, and destroy elephants for
the sake of the ivory tusks. So powerful, so deadly is the effect of
the poison, that the slightest scratch or puncture of an arrow smeared
with it proves fatal: if not instantaneously, at all events in a few
hours after an elephant has been stricken. Deer and buffaloes are also
killed in the same manner. Immediately the animal falls, the wounded
part is cut out, and the flesh is then eaten by the natives, without
apprehension of any ill effects arising from the inoculation of the
body by the poison: at least I have never heard of a single instance
of a person losing his life from having eaten of the flesh of animals
killed by poisoned arrows, common as is the practice of partaking of
such food. Safety appears to be secured by excising the wounded part.
Of all field sports in Assam, that of catching wild elephants with
the noose is the most exciting and dangerous. On a herd of wild
elephants being discovered, four tame elephants, called Koonkies,
with two men on each elephant--one sitting on the neck, and called a
Phundaet, from having to throw the noose, and the other seated on the
back, with a club, to urge the elephant into full speed--proceed to
join the herd; which generally at first sight of the tame elephants,
takes to immediate flight. A good sized wild elephant, however, being
quickly selected from the herd by the riders, by common consent, is
pursued till fairly run down, when the Phundaet throws over the wild
elephant's head a large rope noose, one end of which is attached to the
body of the tame elephant on which he is mounted, and the wild animal
is instantly pulled up and rendered helpless. The other three tame
elephants now joining, another noose is thrown over the wild elephant's
head on the other side; the ropes on both sides being extended to a
distance of ten paces. The entangled brute is then triumphantly led
off between the two tame elephants to a place of security, where,
his legs being bound with ropes to a large post in front and rear,
he is kept on low diet until he becomes tractable,--a state to which
he submits himself in an incredibly short space of time. The female
elephants may, in two months, be driven alone anywhere; but the male
elephants take four, six, and sometimes twelve months before they can
be trusted to walk alone, unhampered with ropes. When a male elephant,
with tusks, becomes entangled with the noose round his neck--which
noose, by the way, has a knot to prevent strangulation--the animal
frequently rushes down with the utmost ferocity on the tame elephants,
and with his tusks gores them in a most frightful manner. In such a
case it becomes necessary to quickly bind his legs with large ropes,
and no further resistance is then of any avail. The individuals
who throw the noose over the wild elephant's head are oftentimes
in the most imminent danger, but their agility in shifting their
position to any part of the body of the tame elephant, enables them to
elude injury. The tractability and sagacity of the tame elephant in
making every effort to secure the wild elephant by putting the ropes
round his legs, is very remarkable. Indeed, so cunning are the tame
elephants,--so intuitive is their apprehension of their duty--that
there is little difficulty in capturing the wild elephant.
It is calculated that not less than five hundred elephants are yearly
caught in Assam and sent to Western India for sale. At Chittagong,
in the south-eastern quarter of Bengal, the mode of catching wild
elephants is very different from that adopted in Assam. Herds of
fifty elephants are there surrounded by two or three hundred men,
the jungle is filled, and a regular barricade of trees, with a trench,
formed; the elephants are thus unable to break loose; tame elephants
are then sent into the enclosure, which is called a Keddah, and the
wild elephants are quickly secured with ropes.
The formation of these enclosures is a work of great labour and
considerable expense; but the Government are amply repaid by
the sale of about one hundred elephants annually, caught in this
manner. Chittagong elephants are considered very superior to those
caught in Assam, the former being stout, strong, short-legged beasts,
and the latter lanky and weak; but whether the prejudice be just,
may be doubted, as there are many noble elephants in Assam that
would prove most serviceable in any part of India, and the prices
they would fetch amply repay any charge incurred by Government for
an elephant-hunting establishment in Assam.
The annual sum expended for the support of civil and military
establishments in Assam cannot, I suspect (for I have no documents
to refer to), be less than 700,000 rupees, 70,000l. And the net
revenue derived from six districts exhibited in the following table
[1] is rupees 611,268 9 7, showing that the disbursements exceed the
receipts. This is to be regretted, for disinterested individuals
conclude that Assam might be made a source of profit instead of
expense to the Government, without the smallest possible risk of the
peace of the north-eastern frontier of India not being maintained in
security. But were it otherwise, the sum yearly expended in excess of
the net revenue for the management of Assam, it must be borne in mind,
is not thrown away, for Assam forms the best frontier protection for
Bengal that could be desired; and if troops were not located in that
province, a force would be required on the north eastern frontier,
involving much heavier expense than the Local Corps of Assam. Every
endeavour, therefore, to promote the advancement and civilization
of the people of Assam must be hailed as a favourable omen of future
prosperity.
The utter want of an industrious, enterprising spirit, and the
general degeneracy of the Assamese people, are greatly promoted by
the prevalent use of opium; they would rather consent to be deprived
of food than their accustomed dose of this deleterious drug, and so
emaciated and weakened have many become from indulging in its use,
that they are unequal to any great exertion, either mental or bodily,
until the usual stimulating dose has been imbibed. Government have
established no regulations against the growth of opium in Assam,
neither do they derive any greater revenue from its cultivation
than is yielded them by other lands. It cannot be doubted that, if
a heavy tax were levied on every acre of land producing opium, and
a high duty imposed on its sale, it would be beyond the means of the
people to purchase and consume such quantities of the drug, as is now
the practice of men, women, and even children. The consequence would
be that in a few years many would be weaned from their predilection
for the pernicious opiate, which at present is esteemed a sovereign
remedy for every evil in life. Notwithstanding the degraded state of
the Assamese population, we may yet regard Assam as a rising country;
the price of all commodities, as well as the wages of labour, having
been greatly enhanced under the British rule.
In concluding these brief notes on Assam, justice, gratitude, and
esteem, require that the personage holding the exalted dignity of the
Governor-General's agent in Assam, Major Francis Jenkins, should be
presented to the notice of the reader. It is to him the English public
are largely indebted for forming the grand scheme of supplying his
native country with tea from Assam. It is to his able and persevering
exertions, during a ten years' sojourn, that the affairs of Assam,
both in a political and financial view, have been retrieved from
almost inextricable disorder. Before Major Jenkins arrived, very few
officers were allowed to conduct the political duties of the province;
and these gentlemen being, moreover, overwhelmed with other business,
improvements could not be contemplated: the current routine of fiscal
and criminal duties was all that two or three individuals could be
expected to superintend. This state of affairs was remedied by Major
Jenkins, who pointed out to Government the indisputable advantages that
would accrue from a more liberal policy being pursued in aiding him
with a greater number of European assistants. His representations were
acceded to; the revenue has consequently increased, and the people,
as far as their vices will permit, have thriven in peace, security, and
comfort. The British Government has relieved Assam from the barbarous
mutilations, cruel impalements, and other outrages against humanity
which its inhabitants were subject to under their ancient rulers; and
distress, anarchy, or discontent amongst our own subjects in Assam is
unknown. A few petty aggressions of savage hill tribes occasionally
occur, demanding constant vigilance and prompt suppression, but with
this exception, peace and plenty prevail throughout the valley; and
when the day arrives for Major Jenkins's departure from Assam to his
native land, that liberal, benevolent, and highly-gifted man will be
much regretted by his European assistants, and by the native population
of the province, all of whom look up to him as a protector and friend.
STATISTICS OF ASSAM.
+-------+-----------+----------------------------------------------+
| | |Governor General's Agent North East |
| | |Frontier. Military Officer. |
| | | +------------------------------------------+
| | | |Deputy Commr. of Assam. Military Officer. |
| | | | +--------------------------------------+
| | | | |Principal Assistants to the Governor |
| | | | |General's Agent. Military Officers. |
| | | | | +----------------------------------+
| | | | | |Junior Assistants to the |
| | | | | |Governor General's Agent. |
| | | | | |Military Officers. |
| | | | | | +------------------------------+
|No. of | Names of | | | | |Sub-Assistants to the |
|Dis- | Districts | | | | |Governor General's Agent. |
|tricts.| in Assam. | | | | |Uncovenanted Officers. |
| | | | | | | +--------------------------|
| | | | | | | |Native Sudder Ameens or |
| | | | | | | |Judges to try cases not |
| | | | | | | |exceeding 1000 rupees. |
| | | | | | | | +----------------------+
| | | | | | | | |Native Moonsiffs or |
| | | | | | | | |Judges to try cases |
| | | | | | | | |under 300 rs. |
| | | | | | | | | +------------------+
| | | | | | | | | |Net Revenue |
| | | | | | | | | |of each District |
| | | | | | | | | |in Assam. |
+-------+-----------+---+---+---+---+---+---+---+------------------+
| | | | | | | | | | Co's. |
| | | | | | | | | |Rupees. Ans. Pice.|
| 1 | Kamroop |...|...| 1| 1| 1| 1| 6| 252991 3 6 |
| 2 | Durrung |...|...| 1| 1| 1| 1| 3| 142299 1 0 |
| 3 | Nowgong |...|...| 1|...| 2| 1| 1| 103925 2 5 |
| 4 | Seebsaugur|...|...| 1|...| 2| 1| 2| 70135 10 5 |
| 5 |{Luckimpoor|...|...| 1| 1| 1| 1| 1| 14131 12 0 |
| |{Muttuck |...|...|...|...|...|...|...| 16950 0 0 |
| 6 | Goalparah |...|...| 1|...| 1| 1| 1| 10835 12 3 |
+-------+-----------+---+---+---+---+---+---+---+------------------+
| 6 | | 1| 1| 6| 3| 8| 6| 14| 611268 9 7 |
+-------+-----------+---+---+---+---+---+---+---+------------------+
SOME ACCOUNT OF THE ASSAMESE TRIBES.
Observations on the Khamtees--Surprise and
Conflagration of the Station of Suddeah by the
Khamtees, in January 1839--Singphoos--Muttucks--State
of Assam Tea Company--Bor Abors--Abors and
Merees--Mishmees--Dooaneahs--Assamese--Nagas--American Baptist
Missionaries in Assam--Garrows--Their present and eventual
condition--Cosseahs--Traits of the people of Bootan--Attachment
of the Bootan Dooars in Assam by the British Government--Defeat
of the Booteahs, in 1836--Sath Booteah Rajahs of Kooreahparah
Dooar, in Durrung--Thebingeah Booteah Rajahs--Sath Rajahs of
Char Dooar--Hazaree Khawa Akhas--Kuppah Choor Akhas--Meechees,
and Dufflahs of Now Dooar.
KHAMTEES.
In the reign of Rajeswur Sing, Rajah of Assam, about 1751 A.D., on
the north-eastern frontier of Assam, the Khamtees, it is traditionally
reported, emigrated from a range of mountains bordering on the sources
of the Irawaddy river to the valley of Assam, and settled a small
colony of fifteen houses in the vicinity of the Tengapanee river. But
between the years 1780 and 1794 A.D., Goureenath Sing, the reigning
Rajah of Assam, was compelled to abandon Upper Assam after repeated
battles with the rebellious Moamareahs of Muttuck, and in the anarchy
that prevailed throughout the country, the Khamtees were emboldened to
take up a more advanced position. For that purpose, being joined by
another band of 400 Khamtees with some few muskets, they fearlessly
located themselves at Suddeah; and, though nominally subordinate to
the Assam Government, they arrogantly exercised considerable power
over the people of the Suddeah and Saikwah districts: which were
exceedingly populous at that period, and had been placed under the
direct authority of an Assamese nobleman, styled Suddeah Khawa, an
Ahoom by birth. Not content with this usurpation, they proceeded to
reduce the whole of the Assamese population to the utmost verge of
degradation; considering them as slaves, only worthy to be spared
so long as they continued obedient to the will, and were useful to
their masters in cultivating the land, and contributing to their
comforts. In the height of their success, promoted by the weakness of
the Assam Government, the Khamtees commenced kidnapping the Merees,
and other inhabitants settled in the neighbourhood of the Dehong
and Debong rivers, whom the Abors looked on as their dependants and
slaves, entitled to their special protection. This treatment being less
endurable than that of the Abors, towards whom a friendly feeling had
been created by long intercourse, the Merees were induced to implore
the protection of the latter to save them from being cruelly taken
away from their homes to serve as slaves amongst a strange tribe. The
Abors, on their side, perceiving that they were about to lose the
greater portion of their slaves by the aggressions of a formidable
foe, lost no time in preparing for war; and descending from their
mountain fastnesses to the plains bordering on the Dehong river,
a furious battle was fought between them, and, it is said, two or
three hundred Khamtees. The contest terminated in the Khamtees being
defeated and dispersed with great slaughter, upwards of one hundred
men being left on the field of battle. This trial of strength and
courage with their warlike neighbours, rendered the Khamtees ever
afterwards more circumspect in their demeanour towards the Abors,
and the people subject to them.
During the reign of Kumleswur Sing Rajah, from 1794 to 1809,
frequent battles were fought between the royal troops and Khamtees,
and generally to the discomfiture of the latter. In fact so disastrous
to the Khamtees were the results, that the whole tribe was dispersed;
many were detained prisoners, and the remainder were compelled to quit
Suddeah and return to the country whence they had issued. In 1810,
Chunderkant Rajah ascended the throne, and in the commencement of his
reign the Khamtees endeavoured to regain their lost position. Joining
the Singphoos at Suddeah, they attacked one of the forts situated at
the foot of the northern hills above Suddeah, commanded by Bihitea
Burrah and Kooch Burrah, and were successful in a night assault, having
destroyed the fortress by fire and massacred 150 soldiers. They were,
however, speedily repulsed by the Assam troops, and the whole clan
was thenceforth expelled the province.
In 1816-17, Chunderkant Rajah was treacherously invited by the
Borax Gohain to visit Jorehath, where he was formally deposed, and
ignominiously treated: having one of his ears slit, which disqualified
him for regal dignities; and Poorunder Sing, the great grandson of
Rajeswur Sing Rajah, was duly installed in his seat. This arrangement,
however, was of short duration, for in 1818 a Burmese army of 30,000
men invaded Assam and replaced Chunderkant on his throne. The ex-Rajah,
Poorunder Sing, on this sudden and unlooked for change of affairs,
prudently retired to Chilmary, in Bengal,
Under the Burmese Government, the Assamese at Suddeah were placed
under a Khamtee Gohain, or chief; and when the province was conquered
in 1824-25, Captain Neufville sanctioned the innovation, bestowing
on a Khamtee chief the title of Suddeah Khawa. But the rights of
the Assam régime had devolved on the British Government, with whom
it rested to revert to the former rule wherever it might be deemed
expedient: and that without any injustice to the Khamtees, as they
had no claim whatever to the title in question. The assumption of the
title of Suddeah Khawah, by the Khamtees is variously described. It is
currently believed that Chunderkant Rajah--feeling himself insecure
on the throne whilst he had to contend with the Boora Gohain and the
ex-Rajah Poorunder Sing--invited the Khamtees to return to Suddeah, and
bestowed on one of the Khamtee chiefs the title of Suddeah Khawa; in
order, by this arrangement, to secure, through their means, a retreat
for himself, if unfortunate at a future day. But in 1820 A.D., the
Burphokun having been murdered, with the connivance, it was supposed,
of Rajah Chunderkant, the Burmese became his enemies, and returned
and dethroned him, shortly afterwards, placing on the throne Jugesur
Sing, who was the last prince of the Assam dynasty. In this interval
of anarchy, the Khamtees had re-established their influence and
power to such an extent as to overawe almost the whole of the tribes
of the frontier; and their authority at Suddeah was paramount. The
Assamese, though greatly reduced in numbers by oppression and deaths,
and from being carried off and sold into slavery by the Singphoos and
Burmese, were all now permanently under the control of the Khamtees;
but on the submission of the latter to the British Government, a
settlement was made with them, leaving the internal management of
the tribes to their own chiefs, who were exempt from taxation, but
under the obligation of performing military service to the state when
required. Revenue, however, was to be paid for the Assamese subjects
under their management, and cases of murder, wounding, arson, and
petty thefts above fifty rupees were disposed of by British officers.
The military population of the Suddeah district, on the north bank of
the Burrampooter, was estimated at this period to be--Assamese, 691,
Khamtees, 428, men capable of bearing arms: multiply these numbers by
three, for old men, women, and children, we shall reach a census of
4476 souls. On the south bank, in the district of Saikwah, according to
the same calculation, there were,--Assamese, 616, Khamtees, 248, which,
with old men, women, and children, amounted in all to 3456 persons;
thus making the united population on the north and south banks of the
Burrampooter, in the districts of Suddeah and Saikwah, 7,932 persons.
In the year 1829, notwithstanding the Khamtees were bound by treaty
to pay allegiance to the British Government, such was the intriguing
character of the Khamtee Suddeah Khawa Gohain, that the strongest
ground existed for believing him to be engaged in a traitorous
combination against us. He was the first person who invited the Burmese
into the country, and having a relative residing at Ava, he maintained
not only with that court, but throughout the frontier, a general
correspondence. In the absence of a European military officer, or
Political Agent at Suddeah, a native manager or Suznatee, was generally
the channel of all communications between the chiefs and the British
Government. But in the years 1834-35, Captain Charlton was placed in
charge of the Khamtee chiefs, and the Suddeah and Saikwah districts;
and by the measures he adopted to check the traffic in slaves, and
protect the Assam population from the oppressive exactions of the
Khamtees, he created the utmost dissatisfaction among the latter,
and caused them to be highly incensed. Moreover, in December 1834,
instructions were issued requiring a census of the population to
be taken; with the view of levying a capitation tax, to be renewed
every five years, in lieu of military service to the state. When
this innovation was proposed, it was urged that the state of society
among these tribes was such, that the materials for direct taxation
were not available; that the introduction of our rule would cause
too violent a shock to the habits and usages of the rude people; and
that the result, in all probability, would be a harassing rebellion,
which would retard the progress of improvement. Concurring in these
views, the Government deemed it unsafe fully to enforce the plan
of assessment. The Assamese residing within the Suddeah territory
were taxed at the rate of one rupee per head; but the Khamtee tribes
were exempted from this imposition, on condition of their performing
military service as they had hitherto done under the Assamese and
British Governments.
Notwithstanding this concession, however, an insubordinate spirit was
immediately manifested by the tribes, and it thus became necessary
to deprive them of the muskets given them by Captain Neufville,
and to depose the Khamtee Suddeah Khawa Gohain. The loss of this
title and usurped sovereignty over the Assamese was grievously
felt by the Khamtees, and from that period their estrangement
from the British Government may fairly be dated. About this time,
also, the Khamtee Suddeah Khawa Gohain was arraigned on a charge of
slave-dealing,--an unfortunate occurrence, which rendered the Khamtee
chiefs still more indisposed to our rule. Serious apprehensions
were thenceforth entertained of an open revolt, and combination
with our enemies. Nevertheless, not to appear distrustful of their
intentions, they were invited to accompany Lieut. Charlton, in the
rainy season of 1835, in the expedition against the Duffa Gaum's force
at the stockade of Gackwah; in storming which place the Runowa, the
Tow Gohain of Derack (who was wounded in the neck), and the Captain
Gohain accompanied him, and were said to have behaved bravely, and been
present when Lieut. Charlton was wounded. It was confidently asserted,
however, that though these chiefs did accompany Lieut. Charlton when
he took the advanced stockade or guard-house, there were not more than
five or six men in it, who ran away immediately; and it is probable
that the Khamtee chiefs were aware of there being so few men, as they
afterwards completely abandoned Lieut. Charlton when he so gallantly
attacked the large stockade. Indeed, from the whole of their conduct
subsequently, there is every reason to conclude that they were in
league with the enemy, for they made no attempt to obstruct his
retreat, and said openly that they could not be expected to fight
now that a census was taking of their subjects for the purpose of
assessing them; and that they got no presents as was formerly the
custom. In the cold season of 1835, the Political Agent led another
expedition against the Duffa Gaum, and accepted the voluntary offer of
the Khamtee chiefs to accompany him: not in a well-grounded belief in
the sincerity of the proposal, but as a matter of policy, with the
view of rendering the Duffa Gaum doubtful of their intentions; and
thinking it safer to keep an eye upon them, whilst close at hand,
rather than to leave them in the rear. In these operations, all
previous suspicions of their disaffection were completely confirmed,
for in no one instance did the principal chiefs afford any support,
and they even took care not to place their contingents within fire
on the first day. Subsequently, when placed on the line of the Duffa
Gaum's retreat, they made no effort to obstruct it, otherwise the
chief would have been captured; and there is every reason to believe
that the negotiation was entirely defeated through their efforts,
in concert with others.
The difficulty, however, of substantiating matters of this kind in
this frontier, amongst these wild tribes, is exceedingly great, for a
great deal of correspondence on such subjects is carried on by symbols
and tokens: such as pieces of buffalo flesh, short swords, muskets,
ball, powder, &c.; but at the very time the Khamtees were posted to
cut off the Duffa Gaum's retreat, one of their chiefs deserted to
him, and doubtless gave the intelligence the enemy stood in need of;
and it is currently reported that they fired on the British troops,
with whom they were co-operating, more than on the enemy. It is even
believed that the Khamtees were aware of the Duffa Gaum's irruption
from the first, and promoted it, with the view of finding us occupation
on the frontier, and thereby preventing the realization of our plans
for assessing them, as they were firmly impressed with the belief that
it was our intention to reduce them to a level with the Assamese. It
is true that they offered to pay taxes at one rupee per head, on
condition of being exempted from military service, but that they were
sincere in this offer was not credited: had the measure been enforced,
they would probably have resisted it, or moved out of our territory.
In the beginning of 1837, a marked spirit of disaffection existed
amongst the Khamtee chiefs, and it was generally understood that
they had combined with the Abors and Mishmees to subvert our power;
and they had probably encouraged the Abors to attack us, in the
hope of making themselves of consequence and thereby recovering
their former power over the Assamese. Or it might have been with a
view of preventing the extension of taxation to themselves, which,
notwithstanding our promises to the contrary, they expected would
be enforced when necessary or convenient. In the latter end of
1837, the Khamtees made an inroad on the Mishmees, averring that
the Mishmees had taken away their slaves some years ago; but there
is no record of the existence of any real pretext for violence. On
the contrary, it appears that the Khamtees sold the subjects of the
British Government to the Mishmees. The real motive for the incursion
is supposed to have been that the Runoah and Tawah Gohains intended
proceeding to a particular spot in the Mishmee hills, with the view
of expelling a portion of that tribe and of ultimately withdrawing
themselves from the authority of the British Government, to which
they had evinced no cordial feeling of attachment. In fact, both in
1835 and 1837 it was recommended to the Government that the Khamtees
should be located elsewhere than at Suddeah, in order that unpleasant
collisions might be avoided, and our peaceable Assamese subjects be
induced more cheerfully to submit to taxation.
The only incident that transpired worthy of notice in 1838 was that,
without any permission, the Khamtees commenced preparing some lands
for cultivation about a day's journey from Suddeah; alleging as their
reason the scarcity of good land at Suddeah. This plea was, however,
untenable: the real cause was that the paucity of the population at
Suddeah had rendered it necessary for the Government officers to make
requisitions for coolies to work on the roads, although considerably
higher wages had been paid than in other parts of the country, and
the dread of these requisitions had induced the Khamtees to think
of removing.
Thus passed the years 1836, 37 and 38: rumours of an insurrection
being about to break out were occasionally prevalent, but it was
supposed that the Khamtees had too much good sense to league with
other lawless and disaffected tribes and hazard a rebellion, unless
supported by a large Burmese army. In the following year, however,
the deceitful calm was suddenly disturbed. About half past 2 o'clock
on the morning of the 28th January, 1839, the clouds that had long
been gathering, burst on the doomed post of Suddeah. The Khamtees,
including a few Moolooks and Singphoos and others, in number about
six hundred fighting men, divided into four parties--impressed with
their own importance and strength, and perhaps stimulated to greater
daring by opium--insidiously set fire to the houses of the officers
and huts of the soldiers and camp followers, at different points;
at the same time furiously attacking with short swords, spears,
&c., the stockade and Assam Light Infantry in their lines, and the
quarters of the artillery. Notwithstanding that the attack was totally
unlooked for, and the greatest confusion prevailed from the extensive
conflagration and uproar throughout the station--the Sipahees being
surrounded by their wives and families, and knowing that the enemy
cut up men, women, and children, indiscriminately--the panic was
of short duration. Discipline soon came into play; a few men got
together, headed by their officers, and retook the stockade in fifteen
minutes. The enemy then confined their remaining exertions to cutting
up a few helpless individuals in the bazaar; but after a few rounds
of grape and round shot from a carronade and a six-pounder which had
been fired, at the commencement of the attack, they fled from the
cantonment of Suddeah in three bodies, leaving behind them twenty-one
men killed on the spot. The loss of killed and wounded on our side,
including men, women, and children, amounted to eighty persons. The
political agent, Lieutenant-Colonel White, who had only arrived at
Suddeah a few days before the attack, placing too much confidence
in the illusive permanence of Khamtee allegiance, did not deem it
necessary to have for his protection a guard of Sipahees at his house;
and on this eventful night he had left his bungalow on the first alarm,
and was proceeding by the nearest route to the lines, when he was met
by a party of the enemy, who instantly attacked him. He fell, pierced
with nine spear wounds. It is a matter of great regret that this
officer should have lost his life from the want of proper precaution,
for, had a guard been placed at his house, there is little doubt but
that he would have fought his way in safety to the troops in the lines,
as other officers did. Being a benevolent, brave, talented officer,
his death was deeply lamented by the corps; more particularly as he was
the only European who met an untimely end on this memorable morning.
The Khamtees, it is reported, had long endeavoured to persuade the
Singphoos to join them in their intended outbreak and massacre of our
troops, and some had assented to share in the promised plunder of the
district; but whether they hesitated from fear of the consequences,
or that the Khamtees anticipated the day of attack from a sanguine
expectation of accomplishing their design through their own prowess,
unassisted by other tribes, we had no means of ascertaining: further
than that the Singphoos, excepting a few in the neighbourhood of
Suddeah, on this occasion showed their foresight and prudence in not
being implicated in the reckless rebellion. But as the Singphoos,
immediately after the Suddeah catastrophe, attacked and burnt several
villages in the Saikwah district, it is evident they were prepared
to take advantage of the surprise of the post had our troops been
defeated or annihilated.
The Moolooks engaged in this conspiracy were well affected to
the British Government, and at first refused to join the Khamtees
in attacking our troops; but the Moolook Gaum, or chief, having
been instantly barbarously murdered by the Khamtees for declining
to act against us, his little band was intimidated and compelled
reluctantly to follow the dreaded Khamtee leaders. A few Mishmees,
who were also at this time on a visit to Suddeah for trading purposes,
were unfortunately induced to join in the treacherous affray, and many
that were fighting for their lives were slain by the troops. Some of
the Suddeah Assamese population were likewise implicated, and punished
by the law with the severity their temerity and ingratitude deserved:
for they had received no provocation, neither had they any grievances
to resent or redress.
In a few months the Khamtee tribe (excepting the Khamtees of Palangpan,
who were not implicated) were driven by the Assam Light Infantry beyond
the frontier; and the Assam valley was, for the third time within a
century, freed from the presence of this inimical tribe. Shortly after
the return of the troops from this expedition, however, the Khamtees
again located themselves at the foot of the Mishmee hills, close to a
pass leading into the Burkhamtee country. In 1843, the Runoah Gohain
and Tow Gohain, chief actors in the dire disaster of 1839, being
dead, their sons and many Khamtees, sent in a petition for pardon,
and for permission to return and place themselves under the protection
of the British Government. Their prayer was generously acceded to,
and a treaty was at once drawn up offering them free pardon for the
past rebellion: on condition of their coming down with their wives and
families and locating themselves at Choonpoorah, a short distance above
Suddeah, where they should be permitted to cultivate the land rent free
for five years. They were further bound to abstain from the trafficking
in slaves, and to arrange all petty disputes amongst themselves;
but all heinous offences, murder, gang robbery, serious wounding and
thefts, were to be settled by the political agent. Finally, after
ten years they were to abide by any other arrangement the British
Government might deem expedient. Previous to this settlement, and
shortly after the insurrection of 1839, a small body of Khamtees were
sent down to the district of Luckimpore, and by their own industry
cleared and brought into a beautiful state of cultivation a fine tract
of country. They, however, live most secludedly from their neighbours,
retaining their own habits and customs; and it is to be feared that a
long period of time will elapse before they amalgamate or assimilate
themselves with the Assamese population. Eventually, should the whole
body of this discontented, restless, intriguing tribe return to their
allegiance under the British Government, their past history would
not warrant the most sanguine mind to expect from them, permanently,
either a cheerful submission to our rule or a readiness to pay revenue,
without an exhibition of force. Neither can we confidently anticipate
that they will adopt peaceable, agricultural, industrious habits in the
present generation; being addicted to opium and habitual indolence,
and preferring the precarious gain derivable from bartering ivory,
gold, and impure silver, to the drudgery of regular industry. But it
is impossible to calculate on the benefits and changes that might be
effected in their feelings and character, could they be prevailed on
to have their children educated in our schools; and this scheme for
their amelioration has long been contemplated.
In stature the Khamtees are middle sized, in countenance resembling the
Chinese more than any other tribe on the frontier, and possessing the
same kind of complexion: perhaps a shade darker. They are an active,
intelligent, shrewd, warlike looking race of men, but there is a
sinister expression, mixed with a peculiar severity, pervading their
countenances, that leaves anything but a favourable impression of the
benevolence of their dispositions. Vindictive and cruel natures would
infallibly be imputed to them by the physiognomist, and experience
has shown that this would prove a just estimate of their general
character. The chiefs of this tribe are fond of mechanical employments,
and with rude instruments most ingeniously work up iron and silver
into a variety of forms for arms, ornaments, and pipes. With a little
European instruction they would probably become skilful workmen
in this art. Their wearing apparel consists of a simple dhotee or
sheet folded round the waist and falling below the knee; this, with
a dyed blue cotton jacket extending below the waist and well fitted
to the body, gives them a smart, tidy appearance. Their long hair
is bound up in a high knot on the crown of the head, and sometimes
a white cotton cloth is used as a turban. The principal food of the
Khamtees consists of rice and vegetables; but meat, when procurable,
is never refused. They also enjoy spirituous liquors; and their creed,
Boodhism, seems to have imbued them with few prejudices debarring
them from the unrestrained indulgence of their natural inclinations.
SINGPHOOS.
"'Tis ours by craft and by surprise to gain:--
'Tis theirs to meet in arms and battle on the plain."
Prior.
The Singphoo tribes occupy the country between the twenty-eighth
and twenty-ninth degrees of north latitude, bounded on the north by
the Burrampooter, on the east by the Mishmee mountains, on the south
by the Patkoe range, and on the west by the space from the mouth of
the Now Dehing river, debouching into the Burrampooter in a direct
line to Ningroo, terminating at the foot of the hills south of the
Boree Dehing river. Half of this tract, of about 1,400 square miles,
may be considered hilly, and the remainder undulating. The soil
is rich and fertile, and abundant crops of rice are easily raised
both on the high and low lands. Sugar-cane grows luxuriantly; tea is
likewise found, and every part of the country is intersected by fine
clear streams. The most productive corn tracts are the valleys of the
Teerap, Namroop, Boree Dehing, Now Dehing, Mudhoopanee, Tengapanee,
and Kurempanee. Almost the whole of this country, at the present time,
may be said to be one immense forest, but about sixty years ago,
or previous to the arrival and settlement of the Singphoos within
the Assam frontier, it was considered, from the great extent of
cultivation, a fertile, salubrious region. The Singphoo population
was estimated in 1838 at about 6000 persons; but in the absence
of a regular census, we can form no accurate estimate of their real
numbers. At the present day their communities are very small: probably
6000 persons would not be found scattered over the whole frontier north
of the Patkoe range. In the vicinity of the Tengapanee, the following
Singphoo chiefs reside:--Niphoonnong, Tangsangtau, Jowbongsang, Nidong,
Koonkie, Phoop, Oompheedor, Luttora, Ong, Keemingdoo, Niyang, Lajee,
Mannong, Nakinchong, Nisah, Koomiyunglah, Ninayong, Jooloo, Nisah
Doboon, Jowna, Wakhut. On the Now Dehing; Komonjong, Wakhut, Soanjang,
Kamchowjow. On the Mudhoo and Jengloo-Panee; Luthaon-Jowbong, Simaen,
Moolan, Jowken, Nisam, Phoinchee, Seerolasein, Mokhoh, Nidhen Lekhala,
Nizen Chowkhen. On the Boree Dhing; Kinglong, Chamsong, Ningroola,
Beesa, Lakhoom, Noobrong, Lajong, Seong, Bathamgam, Moongong, Jowkeem.
Each of the different Singphoo tribes is governed by a chief,
designated a Gaum, whose authority over his clan is nearly despotic,
and entirely independent of the other chiefs. The general body of clans
seldom combine, except for purposes of plunder. Occasionally, however,
some chiefs, endowed with superior energy, acquire influence over the
rest; and this would appear to have been the case with the Beesa Gaum,
when the late Mr. Scott, agent to the Governor-General, entered into a
treaty with the Singphoo chiefs. At that time the Beesa Gaum was the
most intelligent and influential of the chieftains, and was publicly
recognised as the agent through whom the sentiments of the British
Government should be made known to the different tribes. In other
respects he had no controlling authority, and was regarded by his
brother chieftains as merely their equal. On the invasion of Assam
by the Burmese, the Singphoos joined the force, and partook of their
plunder; in fact, they had no alternative: their only option was to
plunder others or to be plundered.
Prior to the conquest of Assam by the British power, the Singphoo
tribes had been accustomed to make annual incursions into the
province, for the purpose of obtaining slaves and plunder; but on
the establishment of a British force at Suddeah, this practice was
effectually restrained. From this circumstance arose their dislike
to our power, which readily disposes them to listen to any adventurer
who holds out to them the prospect of driving us out of the country;
for with the reckless and short-sighted policy of barbarians, they
never calculate the consequences of a revolt, but think that if
the British troops were defeated, and our influence annihilated,
all their desires would be accomplished.
The Burmese having been driven from the province, in 1824-25, by our
troops, and the Singphoos completely subdued, it became necessary to
adopt measures for the establishment of our future intercourse with
the latter; and for this purpose, on the 3rd of May, 1826, a treaty
was entered into with them, granting them terms they had no reason
to expect. The following is a copy of the compact:
"Whereas we, the Singphoo chiefs named Bam, Komjoy, Meejong, Jow,
Chowkhen, Jowrah, Chow, Chumun, Neenjun, Tangrang, Chowbal, Chumta,
Chowrah, Chowdoo, Chowkam, Koomring, &c., are under the subjection of
the British Government. We execute this agreement to Mr. David Scott,
the agent to the Governor General, and hereby engage to adhere to the
following terms, viz: 1st. Assam being under the sway of the British
Government, we and our dependent Singphoos, who were subjects of the
Assam state, acknowledge subjection to that Government. We agree not to
side with the Burmese, or any other king, nor to commit any aggressions
whatever; but we will obey the orders of the British Government.
"2dly. Whenever a British force may march to Assam, to protect it
from foreign aggression, we will supply that force with grain, &c.;
make and repair roads for it, and execute any order that may be issued
to us; and we shall, on our doing so, be protected by that force.
"3rd. If we abide by the terms of this agreement, no tribute shall
be paid by us; but if any Assam Paicks, of their own accord, reside
in our villages, the tax on such Paicks shall be paid to the British
Government.
"4th. We will set at large, or cause to be liberated any Assam people
whom we may have seized, and they shall have the option to reside
wherever they please.
"5th. If any of the Singphoos rob any of the Assam people residing
in our country, we will apprehend the former, and surrender him to
the British Government; but if we fail to do so, we will make good
the loss thus sustained by the latter.
"6th. We will govern and protect the Singphoos under us, as heretofore,
and adjust their differences; and if any boundary dispute occur
amongst us, we will not take up arms without the knowledge of the
British Government.
"7th. We will adhere to the terms of this agreement, and never depart
from them. This agreement shall be binding upon our brothers, sons,
nephews and relatives in such way as the Agent to the Governor-General
may deem proper. We have executed this agreement in the presence of
many. Written at Suddeah, 5th May, 1826, A.D."
The Singphoo country remained undisturbed until the year 1830, when
the invasion of Wakim Koomjoon, from the province of Hookong, on
the Burmese side, took place, and was promptly repelled by Captain
Neufville. On this occasion, the Luttora and Tengapanee Singphoos
took part with the invader, and the Beesa Gaum with the British
authorities. The assistance of the Beesa Gaum does not appear to
have been of a very active nature, but his conduct was nevertheless
approved by the Political Agent, and rewarded by Government. He was,
however, shortly afterwards dismissed from the situation of Sunzatee,
and Zalim Sing, a Soobadar of the Assam Light Infantry, who had greatly
distinguished himself under Captain Neufville, was appointed to the
office. Bijee Nath Sing, a Soobadar of the Assam Light Infantry,
succeeded him in 1839.
In 1835, the attack of the Duffa Gaum upon the Beesa took place. This
compelled the British Government to interfere for his protection,
and to avenge the massacre of its subjects; but although the attacking
party came from Hookong, the contest was in reality between the Khakoo
Singphoos, under the Luttoora chief (who espoused the Duffa's cause),
and the Now Dehing and Booree Dehing Singphoos, on the side of the
Beesa; for the Duffa only brought fifty muskets with him and one
hundred followers, the remainder of his force being collected within
the British boundary.
The feud between the two rival chieftains, the Duffa and the
Beesa, arose in 1823 A.D., two years before the assumption of the
sovereignty of Assam by the British Government. A Singphoo chief of
rank, named Likhee Khandoo, who had lately come over from Hookong,
had proposed to the Beesa Gaum that the Singphoos, in conjunction,
should attack the Bursenaputty, or chief of the Muttucks. The
Beesa chief replied that he would willingly join provided the Duffa
Gaum was of the party; the latter was applied to, but refused to
engage in the enterprise; nevertheless the attack was made by the
Singphoos, but was repulsed with severe loss to them, the Muttucks
having received secret information which enabled them to prepare to
receive the assailants. The prior intelligence of the attack which the
Bursenaputty had received, was ascribed, whether justly or unjustly,
to the Duffa chief's agency. Accordingly, in a spirit of revenge, the
remaining Singphoos attacked his house, wounded his wife (who died
from the effects of her wounds), and killed some of his people. It
is not certain that the Beesa chief was present at this outrage,
but as the party went from his house, there can be little doubt
of his connivance at the transaction. After this the Duffa chief
withdrew into the district of Hookong, under Burmese control; and
although repeatedly invited by the British authorities to return and
resume his territory, he never could be prevailed on to do so. Nor
did he ever make application to obtain redress for the injuries he
had sustained from the Beesa chief prior to the conquest of Assam by
the British Government, and it was evidently never his intention to
apply. Indeed, it would have been incompatible with Singphoo notions
of honour that a chieftain should have obtained redress in this manner
without retaliating upon his enemy. With this latter view, ever since
his retreat from Assam, he had been gradually labouring to extend his
influence amongst the Singphoos, across both the Burmese and Assam
sides of the boundary line; and possessing the advantage of birth,
superior connections, and a reputation for liberality, he at length
succeeded in establishing an ascendancy paramount to that of the Beesa
chief: which had latterly declined, owing to his connection with the
British Government. The Beesa chief, and those dependent upon him,
had been compelled to give up the Assamese who returned from slavery
in Burmah--a measure extremely repugnant to the Singphoos, dependant
as they were upon the Assamese for the means of subsistence.
Matters stood in this position up to July 1835, when the Duffa Gaum,
having obtained decided influence, planned an expedition into the
Beesa's territory, and appearing there unexpectedly, surprised and
plundered his village, murdered his wife, his son's wife, and ninety
of his people: thus retaliating in a far greater degree the injury he
had sustained. On hearing of this outrage, Lieutenant Charlton ordered
out a company, and instructed the Soobadar to inform the Duffa Gaum
that he must forthwith quit the Assam boundary, and that, on reaching
the frontier, any complaint he had to prefer against the Beesa chief
would be promptly attended to. The Duffa chief refusing to comply
with the mandate, Lieutenant Charlton was obliged to employ force
against him; but the troops under Lieutenant Charlton's command being
insufficient for the purpose, three months afterwards (in November
1835) the political agent in person moved to his assistance with two
hundred and fifty men of the Assam Light Infantry.
The Duffa Gaum, anticipating an attack, had taken up a strong
position in the stockades on the Menaboom hills. Prior to resorting
to hostilities, every exertion was made to induce the chief to come
to terms, and a three days' truce was granted for this purpose. The
Khamtee chiefs and the Bursenaputtee of Muttuck, who accompanied the
political agent as auxiliaries on this occasion, were required to
escort the Duffa Gaum to the camp of the Political Agent as a security
that his person would be respected, and that he would be permitted to
return unmolested should no satisfactory result follow the meeting. The
Duffa Gaum, however, being still apprehensive of treachery, could
not be prevailed upon to attend the conference, until the Political
Agent consented to meet him at a spot one hundred and fifty yards
distant from his fort, with an escort of only a havildar and twelve
soldiers. The escort having been scrupulously counted, the chief at
last came out with a similar number of armed followers. His demeanour
was most abject: he and his whole escort sunk down upon their knees,
and taking a handful of the earth, he kissed it and said that the
Company was Lord and Master thereof. He then proceeded to speak of
the injuries he had sustained from the Beesa Gaum. In reply, he was
told that he had no reason to complain of the British Government, as
he had never represented the conduct of the Beesa chief to any of the
functionaries, and that it could not be expected that the Government
should take cognizance of acts which had occurred in 1823, prior to
its assumption of the sovereignty of Assam. The injuries which the
British Government had sustained from him were then recapitulated:
the murder of its subjects, the plunder of their property, and the
Duffa Gaum's stubborn persistence in retaining his position in the
face of repeated injunctions that he should withdraw from the territory
within the Assam boundary. It was further brought to his recollection
that the British Government had repeatedly offered him repossession
of his territory, provided he came in a peaceable manner, but that it
was incompatible with its dignity to allow him to attempt to extort by
force that which had been given spontaneously. He was then required,
First, to make good, by an annual instalment in money, elephants'
teeth, or gold dust, the loss of 8000 rupees that our merchants had
sustained by his treacherous attack on Beesa: furnishing security,
or a hostage, for the fulfilment of his engagement; and, Secondly, to
dismiss the auxiliary Singphoos whom he had brought from the Burmese
territory: and as a security for their not returning he was to give
up their arms. The Duffa Gaum agreed to both these propositions,
apparently in the most joyful manner, and promised faithfully to come
in the following morning; but the next day he sent a letter into camp
referring entirely to his ancient dispute with the Beesa chief, and
making no allusion whatever to the terms proposed to him. Upon this,
the British force took up a position within five hundred yards of his
stockade; but the Duffa Gaum's agent immediately came out and said,
that if the Political Agent would advance alone to a place within
one hundred and fifty yards of the fort, the chief would come out and
accompany him to camp. The Political Agent complied with the request,
remained at the appointed spot half an hour at considerable personal
risk, and called upon the Duffa Gaum to fulfil to his promise. The
answer given was, that the Duffa Gaum had no confidence in the
sincerity of the Political Agent, as Wakutchangnang had sent him a
flint, powder and ball, the evening before: which was equivalent to an
intimation that his intentions were warlike whilst proposing peace. The
Agent urged in the strongest manner that no such message had been sent;
but finding the Duffa Gaum immovable, hostilities were reluctantly
resorted to. A signal was given to the battery, and the fire commenced;
the stockade was carried, and the Duffa chief fled beyond the frontier.
Not the slightest doubt was entertained of the individual desire of
the Duffa chief for peace; but the Khamtee chiefs, being irritated
by certain proposed innovations in 1834--such as taking a census and
taxing them--were the first, it is believed, to call in the Duffa
chief, with a view of exciting troubles and obstructing the maturity
of our plans; and thus was the negotiation marred.
In the year 1838 public tranquillity was again disturbed by a feud
between the Peshee and Let chiefs, which compelled the British
Government to interfere and punish the former: who, contrary to
his agreement, persisted in attacking the latter. The Luttora chief
likewise violated his compact, by giving aid to the Peshee chief,
and was driven from the Company's territory.
Though the Tengapanee Singphoos did not arrive in time to join in
a body with the Khamtee chiefs, in the attack made on the post of
Suddeah in January 1839, their disaffection was apparent in their
unprovoked attack upon, and plunder of, the villages in the Saikwah
district, when they carried off many Dooaneahs. In consequence of this
outrage, a detachment of troops visited in November 1839, the principal
villages of Inshaw, Dobom, Inban, Luttora, Koomkie, and Tang Sang Tang;
situated at the foot of the Mishmee hills, between the Kerempanee
north, and Mena Boom hills south, in the vicinity of the Tengapanee,
which takes its rise in the Mena Boom hills south. On this occasion the
whole of the chiefs were assembled, and the heinousness of their late
conduct explained: fines were imposed in proportion to their means,
and their submission and pledges required to an extent never before
obtained, besides the restitution of most of the Dooaneahs carried
away from Saikwah. The confederacy between the Singphoos and Kamtees
was broken up, and the expulsion of the Deerack Tawah Gohain effected,
with the loss of his village and a quantity of grain.
In November 1841, considerable alarm pervaded the north-east
frontier, owing to a report that the Tippum Rajah, aided by the
Burmese and Singphoos from both sides of the border, meditated an
incursion into Assam. To remove this impression, a tour was made
by the Political Agent with a company of the Assam Light Infantry,
a body of Golundaz, and two three pounders carried on elephants,
through the greater portion of the Singphoo territory. The route
pursued was from Saikwah up the Burrampooter river to the Tengapanee;
and on passing the villages of Kinglong, Dohing Koomkee, the principal
chiefs, Neesaka of Jusha, Ong of Luttora, Labing of Dobom, Tang Sang
Tang, Koomong of Koomkee, and Samnong, son of the Wakhet chief, paid
their respects. From thence the party proceeded up the bed of the
Tengapanee, by the site of the former village of Luttora, on to Naing
and Meerappanee, and commenced the ascent over the Mena Boom hills:
a most trying undertaking for elephants, as they had to travel along
a narrow ridge in some places only a few paces wide, and entirely
composed of loose stones; the sides frequently presenting dangerous
precipices. It was in descending this ridge that the laden elephants
encountered the greatest difficulty; yet they managed to get down
without the necessity of dismounting the guns, and reached Beesa and
Ningroo in perfect safety. The Singphoos thus learned the folly of
trusting to their stockades in their fastnesses, when guns could be
brought against them by moderate exertion and ingenuity. It was hoped
that this tour would also tend to repress the feuds so constantly
arising amongst themselves; seeing that justice could be administered
even in retreats the most secluded and difficult of access. But this
expectation was not realized; for in the year 1842 the Tippum Rajah
(brother of Jegessur Sing, the last rajah of Assam, said to be now
governor of Hookong and Mogong) sent the Beesa chief six pounds of
needles, half of which were broken, to be distributed by him amongst
the Singphoos: a token or signal of alliance and preparation for
war. This intimation was followed up in January 1843 by an attack
on a party consisting of one Jemadar, one Havildar, one Naick, and
twenty Sipahees located in a small stockade at Beesa. Some previous
altercation had occurred between the Jemadar and the Beesa chief
regarding the repair of the stockade, which not having been effected,
the Jemadar had contemptuously called the Beesa chief an old cow, and
in return vengeance was vowed in intelligible terms. After holding out
for some days, three Sipahees being killed and three wounded in the
defence, the Jemadar was unfortunately induced to surrender himself
and party prisoners of war; the treacherous Singphoos having assured
him that the posts of Ningroo and Koojoo had fallen into their hands,
and our troops been totally defeated. Trusting to their mercy and
honour, he caused his men to cease firing; and oaths were freely
taken in support of promises of good and honourable treatment; but
the instant the Singphoos gained admittance into the stockade, the
Jemadar and the whole party were disarmed and bound. The next morning
the Jemadar and Havildar were led out by the Singphoos and tied up to
a tree, and fired at; after this they were hewn to pieces with a short
sword, on the same spot where one of the Singphoos had been shot by
the Jemadar when in possession of the stockade. Nine of the Sipahees
were sold into slavery, some to Hookong and Burkhamtee. Thus signally
did the Singphoos gratify their revenge, at the commencement of the
irruption or attempt to break through the line of outposts and lay
waste the whole country.
Their second and third attacks on the Koojoo and Ningroo stockades,
defended by European officers, were completely frustrated. The Koojoo
stockade was besieged for some days, but a sally being made on the
enemy whilst the Singphoos were at dinner, they were defeated and
fled in the utmost consternation. The Ningroo stockade was likewise
at night suddenly attacked and taken by surprise, but after a short,
sharp struggle, in which several lives were lost, the Singphoos left
the stockade in greater haste than they entered it.
The Tippum Rajah's sister was married to the late king of Ava, and
she is supposed to be in favour with the present king. It may be
owing to her influence that the Tippum Rajah is reported to be now
Governor of Hookong, to take advantage of any opportunity to invade
Assam. Scarcely a year passes without some such reports being spread
throughout the province, and there is great reason to believe that
the Singphoo insurrection of 1843 was raised at the suggestion, or at
least through the connivance of the Rajah; as many Burmese or Shans
under his jurisdiction crossed the frontier and joined the insurgents
in the hope of plundering the province. Had success attended their
first attempts, it cannot be doubted but that many more would have
soon followed their example, in the speedy removal of slaves and
property from Assam. But the real origin of the insurrection was
the occupation of the Koojoo tea garden and other tea tracts. The
constant desertion of the Dooaneah slaves and dependants, who are
the people chiefly employed in cultivation under the Singphoos,
besides the advance of civilization consequent on the establishment
of a considerable village at Jeypore with European residents, was the
source of much heart-burning. The occupation of Muttuck, formerly
under native management, must also have proved distasteful to a
savage people possessing a wild country and delighting in extensive
hunting-grounds. These circumstances, aggravated by frequent quarrels
with the Sipahees at Ningroo, the unauthorized apprehension of two Let
Singphoos by the Jemadar, and a desire of revenge for the execution,
many years ago, of Ningroola Gaum's kinsman, certainly contributed
to produce the insurrection of 1843.
Viewing the nature of our connection with the Singphoos generally, it
must be acknowledged that the balance of advantage had been decidedly
in their favour; for while we have been called upon to fight their
battles, little or no assistance has, comparatively, been afforded us
by them. Being a rude, treacherous people, little faith can be placed
in them; neither can we expect they will be influenced or bound by
any treaties not in accordance with their own views: in fact they have
in no respect fulfilled their obligations to the British Government.
The Singphoo country is eminently unfavourable to the operations of
regular troops, owing to its mountainous character, unrelieved by
plains or table lands, the want of roads, the extreme scarcity of
provisions, the absence of local means of transport, and above all
the unhealthiness of the climate. The Government is likewise put to
a great expense without commensurate benefit, for in such a rude and
barbarous state of society revenue cannot be collected without the
employment of military force; and this is not always adequate to
the success of hostile operations, because of its paucity and the
advantage afforded to the natives by the natural defences of the
country: of which they are not slow to avail themselves.
In reviewing the different tribes of Assam, it may not be out of
place to offer a brief sketch of one or two of the chieftains.
Wakut-chang-nang is the son of a Singphoo chief who submitted to
Captain Neufville in 1825, and received a present of a gun and other
articles from him, which he requited by firing upon the captain a day
or two afterwards. The ball missed Captain Neufville and went through
Lieutenant Kerr's hat without doing him any injury. Subsequent to this,
Wakut-chang-nang absconded to Hookong within the Burmese boundary,
and only returned in 1835 to the Assam territory. During his sojourn
within the Hookong territory he is stated to have committed several
murders; and with the money accumulated by crime and robbery, he has
been enabled to marry the Beesa Gaum's daughter. From his having
been the principal agent in breaking off the negotiation with the
Duffa chief, and consequently the cause of the subsequent bloodshed,
he was imprisoned during 1836-37 at Bishnath. He is now residing at
Beesa, and is considered, as heretofore, an intriguing, dangerous
character. The Beesa Gaum, having been implicated in the rebellion
of 1843, is now a state prisoner for life; he is nearly blind,
and his career may be said to have closed, as it is not probable he
will survive many years. He was supposed to be a man of good sense
and to possess considerable information regarding border politics,
but of no enlarged capacity or superior energy of character, and
totally incapable of forming those comprehensive designs which have
been attributed to him. He is not of a warlike character. Most of
his battles have been fought by others: for a Singphoo chief is not
expected to head his troops in action. Nevertheless his disposition
is sanguinary, and it is said his career has been marked by blood and
treachery in a greater degree than usual, even amongst the Singphoos.
The Shan is the written character used by the Singphoos, and their
language is distinct from any of the neighbouring tribes: they
write on leaves and a peculiar kind of paper. As yet no European
has sufficiently studied the language to appreciate justly the
Singphoo literature, or to prepare elementary works for the
guidance of others. Nor are we aware of there being any written
works in the language either historical or theological. As civil
members of society they are anything but good subjects, from their
excessive laziness, immoderate addiction to opium, and general
uncertainty of character. They are so indolent and improvident,
that notwithstanding they have the most fertile soil in Assam,
which yields fruit with little labour, and might be made to produce
an abundant crop--notwithstanding, too, their freedom from taxation,
grain is always so extravagantly dear, that during several months in
the year the people are reduced to subsist on yams and other roots
found in the jungles. Almost the whole of the field work is performed
by the women and slaves, while the men delight in lounging about the
villages, and basking in the sun, when not engaged in hunting or war.
The religion of the Singphoos appears to be a mixture of all the
various idolatries and superstitions of the natives with whom they
have intercourse. They seem to have no fixed principles common to the
whole tribe. Their ostensible worship is that of Guduma, whose temples
and priests are to be found in all their principal villages. They
are also in the habit of deifying any Singphoos who may chance to
be killed in action during a foray upon some other tribe or village,
and of sacrificing to them as to their penates. On emergencies, such
as famine, pestilence, or danger, they make offerings to the "Ning
Deota," God of the Elements, called also "Ningschees;" sacrificing
buffaloes, hogs, and cocks. The skulls of the buffaloes so offered
are afterwards hung up in their houses as mementos of their own piety.
Their funeral ceremonies are simple. The poorer classes burn or bury
the body, according to the previously expressed wish of the deceased,
and invariably make to the deity an offering of a pig, fowl, or
fish, through their Deodhies or priests. On the death of a chief,
numerous ceremonies are performed: the body is detained until all
the friends of the deceased can be assembled, when buffaloes, pigs,
and deer are sacrificed, a grand feast is given, and spirituous
liquor distributed to the company. The corpse is then committed to
the earth, the priest chants a prayer for the deceased, a clay tomb
is raised over the remains, and the grave is encircled with a bamboo
fence. Sacrifices are always offered up on the death of every Singphoo,
according to the means of the surviving relatives; no matter whether
death be caused by accident or war, or in the course of nature.
Polygamy, without restriction, prevails among the Singphoos, and they
make no distinction between the children born of Singphoo women and
those born of foreign or Assamese women. They reject with horror
the idea of infanticide, under any shape or pretext. Marriage is
only forbidden with a mother or sister: they may marry stepmothers,
brothers' widows, or any other relative. In the marriage ceremony the
bridegroom has to present the parents of the bride with a Khamtee Dhao,
or short sword, a velvet jacket, a silk Dhota, and a slave; the rich
give gold and silver, buffaloes, and as many slaves as the wealth
of the bridegroom will permit. The bridegroom has also to furnish a
marriage feast to the friends and relations of the bride; and after
the Deodhies or priests have performed a certain religious ceremony,
the bride is delivered over to the bridegroom, and the jewels, &c.,
which are on her person, are returned to her parents.
If a man commits adultery, he is obliged to pay damages according to
the demand of the injured husband, in slaves, buffaloes, dhoties,
swords, money, or beads; and if he cannot pay the damages, he pays
the penalty of his crime in confinement. No damages are demanded for
the violation of an unmarried woman or virgin; but in the event of
her being found pregnant, the ravisher has to give the parents three
slaves and one buffalo, and the issue is claimed by the man. It is
optional with himself to marry his victim, or not. Theft is punished
by exacting from the thief double the value of the property stolen.
The Singphoos entertain strange ideas of honour and revenge. Compatibly
with their customs and rude notions of religion, a Singphoo chief
could not ever abandon, without dishonour, the application of the
lex talionis to one who had murdered his relative; although, from
circumstances of policy, or deficiency of means, he might postpone
the gratification of his vengeance to an indefinite period. A mistaken
feeling of religion, combined with private affection for the deceased,
fully accounts for this perverted state of mind. The Singphoos imagine
that the soul of the murdered individual will torment them until his
manes are appeased by the death of one of his enemies; and further,
that the anger of their deity would be roused should an opportunity of
retaliation be neglected. Nor is the retribution to be limited to the
actual perpetrator of the homicide. If death be occasioned by violence
committed, or supposed to be committed by any one, the relations are
never appeased until they have murdered one of the family to which
the murderer belonged. An innocent person is thus often murdered,
who is quite ignorant of the injury committed by his tribe or family.
The houses of the Singphoos are generally nothing but long sheds,
roofed in with grass or bamboo leaves, and the walls composed of split
bamboo. The floor of the dwelling part is raised about four feet from
the ground; and the entrance forms an extensive porch, in which are
congregated pigs, fowls, household and agricultural implements, and
where women may generally be seen pounding rice. These buildings are
sometimes one hundred feet long, and divided into compartments allotted
to several families. Occasionally immense houses may be seen, which
are occupied by powerful chiefs; the timbers of these buildings being
of such enormous size and length as to render it a matter of surprise
that they could have been erected by mere manual labour. At the
burning of the Ningrang chief's house, when the village was surprised
by our troops in 1843, the officers remarked that the posts were of
prodigious diameter and length; and it was regretted that war rendered
it necessary to destroy such a magnificent residence. The mansion
was entered by a flight of several steps leading up to the floor,
and was divided into numerous rooms by partitions of split bamboo.
The Singphoos have nothing approaching to what we call government: each
chief is independent, collecting no revenue, nor directing in person
any force, although he may influence the movements of others. The
Singphoos are of a tawny complexion, and a cunning expression,
with long bodies and short legs. They are implacable, cruel, and
treacherous; stealing upon and murdering with the short sword at
night those who have offended or injured them; and are ever ready to
coalesce for a foray, if there is a prospect of success. Casualties
that occur from the contentions of one tribe with another, murders
resulting from private jealousy, the difficulty of procuring food, and
exposure to the inclemency of the weather, help to keep the population
scanty all over the north-east frontier. In fact, the great cause of
the thinness of the population is the want of food, arising from the
absence of productive industry. The unsettled and lawless state of
society among the Burmese and Singphoos appears likewise to operate in
retarding the extension of trade; and this evil cannot be rectified
until these tribes are brought more completely under subjection to
the British Government. That once effected, a mart might be formed
at our extreme boundary; though the scantiness of the population in
these regions would probably for some time prevent the establishment
of a very brisk trade.
Hookoom is distant from Suddeah about 200 miles; a miserable, desolate,
backward country intervening: in fact, almost an entire jungle
throughout. At Moonkoom there would be a larger field for commerce,
as water communication by the Irawaddy is facile. Broad cloths, &c.,
could probably be conveyed thither cheaper, viâ Rangoon, than from
the Burrampooter. The same obstacles exist to opening a trade between
Assam and the provinces of Yunan, owing to the greater proximity of
Yunan to the Burmese empire. By all accounts a considerable trade
is carried on between the two countries, viâ Bamow: a Burmese town
within twenty miles of the confines of Yunan; and from the facility
of transport which the Irawaddy affords, we may infer that British
goods could be supplied at a cheaper rate, and with greater safety,
from Rangoon or from Moulmein through the Sangha, than could be
effected from Assam. The poverty of the people on this part of our
frontier is such that scarcely any one can afford to buy woollens,
excepting the chiefs, and even those persons generally receive them
as presents from the officers of Government. It would therefore be
desirable to send up articles of less value. The articles chiefly in
demand are salt, cloths, tobacco, opium, knives, needles, cups and
saucers, basons and plates.
In 1828, by way of experiment, and to test the possibility of reviving
trade, a Government investment of woollen goods to the amount of 4000
rupees, was sent up to Suddeah; but it actually took eight years before
the whole stock was sold off, and it would not then, probably, have
been disposed of, had not the price been reduced thirty per cent. below
prime cost. It was sold during the first and second years of its
appearance in the market, at prime cost; afterwards at a reduction of
ten, twenty, and thirty per cent. Since then, a trade, such as it is,
has been established at Suddeah by native merchants, at considerable
risk; for the Government will not undertake to give compensation
for any losses the traders may sustain, either from sudden attacks,
or in their transactions with these wild tribes. Notwithstanding the
apparently hopeless prospect of any immediate commercial intercourse
taking place between Assam and any portion of western China, there
can be no doubt that as civilization advances, the intervening tracts
will be traversed, and a lucrative trade may then connect districts
now separated by dense forests.
It remains only to mention that, some difference of opinion existing
as to the boundary line between Assam and the Burmese territory,
it was deemed expedient to define the limits of both countries
by a special mission to the disputed point; and for this purpose,
in 1837, Dr. Bayfield was deputed to proceed from Ava and join the
Burmese Governor of Mogaum, and in the presence of Major White,
Political Agent of Upper Assam, to settle the question. Major White,
accompanied by Dr. Griffiths, Captain Hannay, and Lieut. Bigge, and
the neighbouring native chiefs, with ninety followers, accordingly
set out from Namroop Pathar, on the 19th February; and on the 25th of
the same month they reached Yaoung Sang Nullah, on the north face of
the Patkoe boundary, or range, where the Burmese governor had agreed
that the conference should take place.
In this dreary wilderness of hills and jungle, the impossibility of
obtaining an adequate supply of provisions for ninety persons (the
commissariat being carried from the plains of Assam) presented an
insuperable obstacle to the prolonged stay of the party with Major
White. Having therefore waited till the 5th March, daily expecting
the arrival of the Burmese Governor and Dr. Bayfield; and the whole
of their provisions being consumed, with the exception of a bare
sufficiency for the wants of the party on their return, the Major was
constrained to retrace his steps to Suddeah. Captain Hannay, however,
pushed on unencumbered, in company with Dr. Griffiths (deputed for
scientific purposes to Ava), hoping to meet the Burmese Governor and
accomplish the object of the mission: which he did.
On the 9th March, Captain Hannay and Dr. Bayfield pointed out to the
Burmese Governor of Mogaum the boundary line on the summit of the
Patkoe Mountains, and read to him an extract of the treaty between the
Rajahs of Mogaum and Assam, establishing the boundary in 1323, A.S.,
or 1402, A.D. The purport of this extract was that, in the year 1145,
A.S., equivalent to 1224 of the Christian era, Sookhapah, the founder
of the Ahoom Dynasty, having taken his departure from Moonkhoom,
invaded Assam; and, taking possession of the country on the other side
of the Patkoe range, he established Khanjang, or Nunyangpanee, as the
boundary: appointing the Bor Gohain to the government of the district,
and directing that the customary tribute should be remitted to him
in Assam. This settlement continued until the year 1323, equivalent
to 1402, A.D., during the reign of Soodangpha, the eighth Rajah of
the Ahoon dynasty; when a brother of his, named Towsoolie, having
quarrelled with him, went to Moonkhoom and instigated the Rajah to
invade Assam. The attack being, however, repulsed, an accommodation
afterwards took place between the two Rajahs, and the Patkoe range of
hills was established as the boundary. On this occasion a stone image
was put up to indicate the limits; and both the Rajahs, dipping their
hands in the water, vowed personal friendship, and swore reciprocally
to respect each other's territory. This compact remained unviolated for
a period of 400 years up to the period when the Burmese invaded Assam.
MUTTUCKS.
The Muttucks were originally a rude tribe settled in a district called
Mooran or Muttuck, who prior to the Ahoom invasion of 1224, A.D., had
learned the doctrines of the Hindoo religion from two Gosains named
respectively Madho Deo, and Sunkur Deo. The Gosains were followers of
Krishen, and their doctrine particularly differed from that of the
other Hindoos of Assam, in their refusing to worship the images of
Doorga. The appellation of Moa Mureyas arose from its being the name
of the place where a Shuster was founded, and from which the doctrines
of the Muttucks emanated. They were allowed to exercise their religion
unmolested, until the reign of Seba Sing, between 1714 and 1744, A.D.;
when, animated by a spirit of sectarian zeal, the Queen, Phoolsuree,
inflicted a sore wound upon their religious feelings by compelling them
to worship the images of Doorga, and to put the distinguishing marks
of the followers of that deity on their foreheads. But persecution,
as usual, failed in checking this sectarian spirit; and the numbers
of the Muttucks having greatly increased in the reign of Luckmi Sing,
1769, A.D., they revolted from his authority. The immediate cause
of the first insurrection is attributable to two circumstances,--a
bigoted religious persecution, and a haughty, inconsiderate, oppressive
demeanour towards the Muttuck chiefs, and their adherents.
Soon after the succession of Luckmi Sing to the throne of his brother,
Rajeswur Sing, Rajhan Mooran, a Muttuck chief, was commissioned to
procure a thousand elephants for Luckmi Sing, who was a great admirer
of these animals. The chief obeyed, and from time to time he presented
many elephants to the king. On one occasion, having been unusually
fortunate in capturing two hundred and fifty elephants, he took them
to the capital to show them to his Majesty; but as it was customary to
apprize the Bor Borowa of his intended visit, that the circumstance
might be previously announced to the King, he was proceeding to the
residence of that functionary, when he met the Bor Borowa's son going
on business to the King. Unfortunately he was persuaded to accompany
the young man, unmindful of the indiscretion of deviating from the
established rules of respect and courtesy to the Bor Borowa.
On Rajhan's arrival at the palace, the King ordered his servants to
prepare to attend him during the inspection of the elephants. The Bor
Borowa being obliged to be present on all such occasions, and hearing
that Rajhan Mooran had ventured to approach the Rajah without the usual
formality of an introduction, determined to wreak his vengeance on the
insolent Muttuck. Luckmi Sing inspected the elephants, and was highly
pleased with Rajhan Mooran's promptitude and assiduity in the execution
of his orders. He warmly expressed his royal approbation of the conduct
of the chief, and, handsomely rewarding him, retired to the palace.
The Bor Borowa now took the opportunity of sending for Rajhan Mooran
to learn his reasons for not having apprized him of his arrival before
he had sought an interview with the king. The excuse pleaded by Rajhan
Mooran was unheeded; the Bor Borowa was implacable, and directed the
infliction of a severe corporal punishment with the cane. So strictly
was this order executed, that Rajhan Mooran was cast into the road
in a lifeless state. Here he was recognised by his countrymen, and
conveyed away; and with good treatment, but not without difficulty,
he recovered.
The undeserved insult and chastisement he had received from the Bor
Borowa, however, rankled deeply in his breast; and he lost no time,
when able to move, in proceeding to the Muttuck Gosain Ushtobhoj, [2]
to claim his intercession in obtaining redress for the insufferable
dishonour he had been subjected to.
The Moa Mureya Gosain Ushtobhoj, commiserating the ill-treatment Rajhan
Mooran had met with, resolved, a short time afterwards, on visiting the
Rajah to obtain reparation. He accordingly set out with his Bhukuts,
or religious disciples, and meeting the Rajah's fleet on the river,
he paid his respects to the Rajah, contrary to the wishes of the Bor
Borowa Keerteerchund, Prime Minister. This conduct greatly incensed the
Bor Borowa, who immediately sent for the Gosain and treated him with
great harshness and abuse, for the temerity he had evinced in presuming
to visit the Rajah without being announced by himself. The Bhukuts who
had accompanied him to the interview were likewise ill-treated. This
indignity highly offended the Gosain, and he determined to take an
early opportunity of retaliating the outrage. With this view, he
took measures for ascertaining the number of disciples and adherents
he might rely on, and found, to his satisfaction, that the census
returned one hundred thousand persons.
The feelings of the Muttucks being now exasperated to the highest
degree by the degradations and insults to which they were subjected by
the Assam nobles; the present appeared to them a fitting opportunity to
rise and avenge their wrongs. The Bor Deka, son of the Muttuck Gosain,
having long entertained ambitious views, encouraged Rajhan Mooran to
assemble all the Muttuck chiefs and followers willing to co-operate
with them; expressing his belief that with their united forces,
success would attend their efforts. In the mean time he remained
quiet, the better to conceal his designs, and commenced building
a large mound near Jorehath, on which he intimated his intention
to found a Shuster, to be denominated the Bor Bhatee. Each man who
was willing to join in the insurrection was enjoined to bring in one
hand a lump of earth and in the other a reed. By this device the Bor
Deka's designs passed unobserved, and a multitude of followers were
ascertained to be ripe for the approaching contest.
Mohun Bor Jona Gohain, eldest brother of Luckmi Sing, being marked
with the smallpox, and a slit in the ear, was, by the Assamese
customs, disqualified from ascending the throne. Notwithstanding
this, however, with a view of concealing their real designs, the
Muttucks proposed to the prince to join the insurrectionary force;
promising to place him on the throne in the event of the success of
the insurrection. Tempted by the promise, the prince joined the rebels,
who immediately marched towards the capital at Rungpore, on the banks
of the Dikho river. Luckme Sing having been informed of the movement,
ordered the Assam chiefs to proceed and punish the insolent Muttucks,
and bring him the ringleaders of the insurrection. The rival forces
met near the Thowra Dole Temple, on the banks of the Dehing river, and
after a slight skirmish, in which their commander, the Doabyah Phokun,
was killed, the Assamese were defeated, and fled. Bhectorial Phokun
then succeeded to the command, and perceiving that Mohun Bor Jona
Gohain, the elder brother of the reigning king was at the head of the
rebel force, not only refused to oppose the prince and the invaders,
but went and paid homage to the Gosain. The Muttucks, thus meeting
with no opposition, marched in and took possession of the capital;
and with such promptitude that Rajah Luckme Sing and all his court were
taken prisoners. Luckme Sing was then incarcerated and harshly treated:
food scarcely sufficient for his subsistence being allowed him. The Bor
Borowa Keerteerchund was seized and put to death, with all his family,
relations, and friends; and many nobles also shared the same fate.
Ramakant Bor Deka now took possession of the throne, and Rajhan
Mooran became Bor Borowa; while the prince, Bor Jona Gohain, who thus
traitorously acted against his family and country, was put off with
the plea that he was incapacitated to reign as king by reason of the
personal mutilation already adverted to.
A few months after this, a reaction took place. The Assamese hearing
of the indignities their king had suffered, and that Chunder Deka,
a younger brother of the Bor Deka, had actually struck the king three
blows with a cane for sitting in his presence when he visited him in
his confinement, they determined on expelling the Muttucks from their
country, either by force or stratagem. Numerous chiefs and others
readily entered into the spirit of the conspiracy. A grand fete was to
be given at the Bihoo festival in March 1769-70 A.D.; Rajhan Mooran and
the Muttuck chiefs were to be invited; and the Assamese were to attend
with arms concealed under their dress. Mogolee Jiekee Muneeporee,
[3] Queen both of Rajeswar Sing and Luckme Sing, whom Rajhan Mooran
had taken unto himself, was to preside and be the principal agent in
the accomplishment of the project. She was to persuade Rajhan Mooran
to accompany her to the dance, and when there, she was, if possible by
some subterfuge, to obtain possession of his sword, which he constantly
wore; and if his attention could be attracted to the dance she was to
cut him down, which would be the signal for the Assamese to fall upon
and slaughter the Muttucks. This diabolical plot, from the unanimity
and secresy of the conspirators, was executed with the most perfect
success. The Queen, who had obtained considerable influence over
Rajhan Mooran, without difficulty induced him to place his sword in
her hand, that he might, as she said, more easily arrange his dress,
which she had artfully managed somewhat to displace. While in the act
of stooping down, the Queen dexterously stepped behind him, and with
one blow on the hinder part of the thigh completely disabled him. The
conspirators, anxiously expecting the signal, instantly came up and
put an end to his existence. The Assamese then fell on the remaining
unarmed Muttucks, and a dreadful massacre ensued.
The conspirators, having successfully carried through their plot
against Rajhan Mooran and the principal Muttuck chief, proceeded
to the residence of the Bor Deka Ramakant, the usurper; his father,
brothers, women, and children, were, with all the principal parties,
captured; but Ramakant, on hearing of the death of Rajhan Mooran,
had made his escape from the capital. He was, however, seized near
Bet-barree and brought back to pay the forfeit of his ambition and
rebellion. Luckme Sing was immediately released from imprisonment
and again placed on his throne. The first order issued by the king
after his restoration, was for the extermination of the Muttucks. The
usurper Ramakant Bor Deka, and his brother Chunder Deka, as well as
the Muttuck Gosain their father, were tied to the legs of fierce,
newly caught elephants, and ignominiously dragged round the city,
assailed with mud and filth and every kind of indignity that an
infuriated, relentless mob, intoxicated with triumph, could inflict;
and to close the scene they suffered the cruel and disgraceful death
of impalement. The Muttuck chiefs and their followers were everywhere
hunted down like wild beasts, and put to death: neither men, women,
nor children were spared. In fact, such was the animosity of the
Assamese against the Muttucks, for the time, that they seemed bereft
of all feelings of mercy or compassion. Vast numbers of the Muttucks
died of hunger in the jungles, and an incalculable number perished
by the sword of the insatiate populace.
Luckme Sing, being now under no farther apprehensions for the safety
of himself or throne, richly rewarded the actors in the late tragedy
with rank and wealth: and thus terminated the first rebellion of
the Muttucks.
In 1784 the Moa Mareyas again rebelled, and having expelled the Rajah
Goureenath they proceeded to place two others upon the Guddee, or
throne, one named Bhurt Sing as Rajah of Rungpore or Upper Assam, the
other Surbamend (the father of Malebar Bursenaputtee, who died in 1839)
as Rajah of Mooran or Muttuck. Both these chiefs marked their rule
by establishing a mint, and some of their coins are to be met with at
the present day. Being driven from Upper Assam, the Rajah Goureenath
solicited the aid of the British Government; and his request being
acceded to, Captain Welsh was sent with one or two battalions, in 1794,
A.D. Having taken Rungpore, Goureenath was replaced on the Guddee;
but Captain Welsh did not penetrate into the Muttuck country. The
next Rajah, Kumalepur, raised two corps of Hindoostanees, armed and
disciplined in the English fashion, and ordered them to undertake the
conquest of Muttuck; but although successful in some degree, they
were unable to obtain permanent possession, owing to the harassing
mode of warfare pursued by the Bursenaputtee, who retired to his
fastnesses. However, the struggle was at length terminated by his
agreeing to pay an annual tribute in the shape of elephants, Moongah
silk, &c. It is asserted by the Assamese at Rungpore and Jorehath that,
at this period, the Bursenaputtee agreed to pay a tribute of 10,000
rupees; but that chief positively denied this to the Political Agent,
and it is believed there is no record in existence of such a sum, or
even part of it, being paid: though the acknowledgment of the Rajah
of Assam is undeniable. As regards the Muttucks, the statements of
the people connected with the late Court of Assam, and the followers
of Doorga throughout the province, ought to be received with a great
deal of caution; for both classes are animated by a bitter spirit
of hatred, occasioned by the twofold conquest and plunder of their
capital; and the temporary triumph of a rival sectarian party still
rankles in their minds.
It is difficult to ascertain what was the precise status of the
Bursenaputtee in the distracted reigns of Chunderkant and Poorunder
Sing. It is said that the usual tribute was paid, but this is denied by
the other party; we presume, therefore, that in these weak and divided
times the Muttucks were nearly independent. When the Burmese invaded
the country, the Bursenaputtee, at their requisition, afforded them
supplies in labour and provisions, but no aid in troops or money;
and they, therefore, made no attempt to seize his possessions. On
the conquest of Assam by the British Government, the Bursenaputtee
acknowledged its supremacy, and bound himself to obey its orders;
he further engaged to supply three hundred soldiers in time of war,
no tribute having been demanded of him. The interior management of his
territory was left in his own hands, excepting as regarded cases of
murder and other capital offences, which were to be made over for
trial to the Agent of the Governor-General or Political Agent in
Upper Assam. This arrangement had evidently in view the impressing
a rude people with a greater regard for human life, which the more
rigid investigation and sanctity of British forms of justice might be
expected to create. This state of things subsisted until January 1835,
when, under the instructions of the Agent to the Governor-General,
the obligation to supply troops was commuted into an annual payment
of 1800 rupees. No census has been taken of the population, but from
the best information it is estimated at sixty thousand or seventy
thousand persons. It yields a revenue of 20,000 rupees per annum.
In his personal manners the late Bursenaputtee Malebur was plain and
straightforward, and accustomed to think and act for himself. In his
political character, his fidelity was much doubted a few years back,
but he was always found ready to answer every call; as evinced in
the expedition against the Duffa Guam in 1835, and the Singphoo
Luttora chief in 1838, which proved that he was faithful to his
engagement. But his communications with British officers were not
always carried on in the smoothest manner. Accustomed to act as an
independent chief for forty or fifty years, and his territory being
unoccupied by troops, either Burmese or British, he was naturally
independent and blunt in his manners; which bearing, combining with
the testiness of age and dislike of innovation natural to that period
of life, occasionally gave rise to improprieties of expression and
seeming acts of disobedience. He departed this life in January 1839,
leaving ten sons, five daughters, and three widows; and, pending the
final orders of Government, Muttuck was placed under Bhageerut Majoo
Gohain, the second son of the late chief: the Bor Gohain, or eldest
son, having waved his claim of birth in compliance with the wishes
of his father.
On the 4th of August 1839, the Political Agent was directed to confer
on the Majoo Gohain the title of Bursenaputtee, and the management
of Lower Muttuck, on his agreeing to the conditions offered for his
acceptance. These were based on the settlement entered into with his
late father, but a new census was required to determine the amount of
tribute to be paid. These terms also withheld Upper Muttuck, until
an amicable understanding could be come to between the chiefs of
that part of the country; who, with their spiritual head, the Tiphook
Muhunt, were averse to the rule of the family of the late chief. This
party being only 1000, or 1500, out of a population of 60,000, it
seemed hard to sever them from the jurisdiction of the Bursenaputtee,
without any specific acts of oppression having been committed by the
late chief or his family. The real objection rested on religious
grounds: they are the disciples of a Gosain or priest professing
different religious tenets from those of the Bursenaputtee's family;
consequently they preferred a ruler of their own persuasion, although
they had not experienced any persecution from the late Bursenaputtee.
In November 1839, the Political Agent arrived at Rungagora, the capital
of Muttuck, and having assembled the principal members of the late
chief's family, and head men of the district, made known to them the
resolution of Government. The Majoo Gohain Bhagerut and his brothers,
finding that Upper Muttuck was not at once to be included in the
settlement, peremptorily refused to accept of the management of the
country; the whole of Muttuck was therefore annexed to the district
of Luckimpoor, and pensions in money and land, to the amount of 7637
rupees per annum, were granted for the support of the members of the
late chief's family.
Thus terminated the independence of the Muttucks, a rude, fanatical,
stiff-necked people. Accustomed to a very slight assessment, tendered
to their chief in the shape of presents for settling their disputes,
and exercising a considerable share in their own government, it was
feared they would not readily submit to the heavier rate of taxation
for the purposes of good government under British rule; but these
apprehensions, it seems, were unfounded, since, for the last four
years, no resort to force has been found necessary to compel taxation,
or to further any other measures for their general welfare.
Husbandry is the chief occupation of the Muttucks; and their district
possessing a fine fertile soil and abounding in extensive rice plains,
intersected by large tracts of tree and grass jungle, expectations
are entertained that, in the course of time, this country will prove a
prosperous and valuable acquisition; if improvements are not impeded by
the inroads of border tribes. Two corps of local Assam Light Infantry,
and a company of local Artillery are ever vigilantly occupied in
promptly suppressing combinations or insurrections raised with a view
to the acquisition of plunder and slaves from our subjects; and there
is, therefore, little fear of any organized obstruction to improvement.
The tea plant is indigenous in Muttuck, and the Assam Tea Company
have cultivated many gardens, greatly to the benefit of Upper Assam;
and if the company steadily prosecute the speculation, thousands of
labourers will, in the course of time, resort thither for employment,
and become permanent settlers. Tea, it is believed, may be grown
in sufficient quantity to supply the English market, and afford a
handsome remuneration to the speculators. An inconsiderate expenditure
of capital placed the Assam Tea Company in great jeopardy, and at
one time it was feared the scheme would be abandoned. The number of
managers and assistants appointed by the Assam Company to carry on
their affairs, and superintend their tea gardens on large salaries,
was quite unnecessary: one or two experienced European superintendents
to direct the native establishment would have answered every purpose. A
vast number of Coolies (or labourers) were induced to proceed to Upper
Assam, on high wages, to cultivate the gardens; but bad arrangements
having been made to supply them with proper wholesome food, many were
seized with sickness. On their arrival at the tea-plantations, in the
midst of high and dense tree jungle, numbers absconded, and others met
an untimely end. The rice served out to the Coolies from the Assam
Tea Company's store rooms, was so bad as not to be fit to be given
to elephants, much less to human beings. The loss of these labourers,
who had been conveyed to Upper Assam at a great expense, deprived the
company of the means of cultivating so great an extent of country as
would otherwise have been ensured; for the scanty population of Upper
Assam offered no means of replacing the deficiency of hands. Another
importation of labourers seems desirable, to facilitate and accomplish
an undertaking formed under most auspicious circumstances. Nor was
the improvidence of the Company in respect to labourers the only
instance of their mismanagement. Although the Company must have
known that they had no real use or necessity for a steamer, a huge
vessel was nevertheless purchased, and frequently sent up and down
the Burrampooter river from Calcutta; carrying little else than a
few thousand rupees for the payment of their establishment in Upper
Assam, which might have been transmitted through native bankers,
and have saved the Company a most lavish and unprofitable expenditure
of capital.
It is generally understood that too little attention had been paid
to the advice of Major Jenkins, the Governor-General's Agent; or
more vigilant supervision, better economy, and greater success might
not unreasonably have been expected. The cultivation of tea in Assam,
with a view of supplying the English market, was, it must be admitted,
first contemplated by Major Jenkins; and for his exertions in having
been the main cause of the Assam plant being proved to be the genuine
tea of China, the Agricultural Society of Calcutta presented him with
a gold medal; but the Assam tea was first discovered by Mr. Bruce in
1826, A.D.
The tea of Assam is now becoming better known in the English market,
and its quality more generally appreciated; and as the chief
difficulties have been surmounted, every well-wisher of England
and India must hope the directors will, in future, pursue a more
scrutinizing and economical course: extending the cultivation of tea,
and thereby, while enhancing the profits derivable from the concern,
contribute to render England independent of China as far as tea is
concerned. If Assam tea can be grown equal to the produce of China,
there is little doubt but that, at the rate of one and sixpence the
pound, a remunerating profit will accrue to the Company: a handsome,
but not a too ample compensation for an enterprise involving such
highly important considerations.
BOR ABORS, ABORS [4] AND MEREES.
The first of these three classes reside on the loftiest and most
remote mountains north of the valley of Assam. The second class
on a lower range, and the third at the foot of, or on the plains
immediately leading up to, the hills. Several parties of Abors visited
me frequently at Saikwah to barter a few fowls, eggs, ginger, chillies,
yams, &c., for salt, and other necessaries of life. They appear to
be descendants of the Tartar race; and are large, uncouth, athletic,
fierce-looking, dirty fellows. The hair of the women is cut short,
like that of the men: in a circle round the crown of the head it is two
inches long, but the hair in front and behind, below the upper circle,
is only about half an inch long. The ears of the men and women are
perforated, the aperture, one inch in diameter, being distended by a
piece of wood, worn as an ornament; and the necks of the Abor women are
loaded with innumerable glass bead necklaces of all colours. Their arms
are likewise adorned, from the wrist to the elbow with brass rings;
the legs are exposed from the knee downwards, the calf of the leg
being bandaged with cane rings to the ankle. The Abors are feared and
respected by all the neighbouring tribes for their martial spirit;
nevertheless they are in great dread of the highland or Bor Abors,
who are said to be as brave as they are savage. Like all the hill
tribes of Assam, the Abors are void of beards: invariably plucking
them, and leaving only scanty moustaches. They can neither read
nor write, and their language sounds extremely harsh. The dress of
the Abor chiefs consists of Thibetian woollen cloaks, and a simple
piece of cotton cloth, about a foot square, which is passed between
the legs and suspended by a string round the waist: but not so
effectually as to screen their persons from exposure every time they
sit down. Of delicacy, however, the Abors are as void as they are of
cleanliness. They wear three kinds of helmets, one of plain cane,
and others trimmed with an edging of bear's skin, or covered with
a thick yellow skin of a species of deer. A more formidable looking
covering for the head could scarcely be worn.
In December, 1835, an Abor chief, with two hundred followers,
descended from the hills, and begged permission to locate on the
Dehing, within a day's journey of Suddeah. The Political Agent
asked the chief whether he was aware that the land in that quarter
was within the Company's jurisdiction, and that settlers necessarily
became subject to our police administration? He replied he was aware of
that, and would readily give up any of his people guilty of criminal
offences, but demurred to the introduction of our police officers for
the apprehension of offenders. He was then asked whether he and his
people would agree to pay taxes? His answer was that they had never
been accustomed to do so, and could not submit to it.
From various reports, the Abors are deemed a very rude, barbarous
people, but of open manners and warlike habits; their bluntness of
expression is more manly and pleasing than the base servility and
sycophancy of the Assamese. As they have been accustomed to levy
contributions from the inhabitants of Seesee, and other districts in
Assam, they would be dangerous neighbours, if located in the immediate
vicinity of the Suddeah people.
Not acceding to the terms on which we were disposed to acquiesce
in their application, the Abors returned to their hills. Scarcity
of the means of subsistence was, it is supposed, the cause of their
visit; and they evidently meditated replacing the Merees, who formerly
laboured for the Abors on the Dehong quarter, but have since emigrated
to Upper and Lower Assam, to escape the exactions of that tribe.
It appears that the Abors are not allowed to emigrate to Assam;
for in 1844 two young men having eloped with two damsels to Saikwah,
and the latter claiming protection from the British authorities, an
inquiry was made as to the cause of their deserting their own country;
when one freely confessed that her father had given her in marriage
to an old man, but preferring a young Abor, she had determined on
living with him in the Company's territory and disobeying her father's
commands. The other stated that she had been given in marriage to a
young man, who died, and she was retained for his younger brother,
a mere boy; but not being disposed to wait until he had reached
the age of puberty, she had fallen in love with an Abor youth, and
trusted they might be permitted to pass their days in peace in the
forests adjoining Saikwah. If their prayer was not granted, the girls
affirmed, in the most earnest manner, that they should be tortured and
sold to another tribe; while their young husbands would be cast into
the Dehong river with their hands bound, to suffer death by drowning.
To the present day, little is known of the Abor country, Europeans
never having been permitted to penetrate any very great distance into
the interior. The eminent astronomer and adventurous traveller,
Lieutenant Wilcox, in 1827, endeavoured to ascend the Dehong
river, with the view of proving that this stream was the celebrated
Sampoo river; but after a few days' journey he met with insuperable
difficulties, from the rapidity of the current, the closeness of
the country, and the absolute prohibition of the Abors against
his proceeding farther. Since that period, no strenuous endeavours
have been made to acquire further information regarding these rude
barbarians. The Merees speak the Abor language, and a friendly
intercourse exists between the tribes; though the Merees have ceased
to bear the yoke of slavery or be subordinate to the Abors. Their
chief occupation is husbandry, and they are generally considered a
quiet and tolerably industrious race.
MISHMEES.
The Mishmee tribe reside in the hills on the north-east extremity of
the valley of Assam. They are divided into several distinct clans. The
Dibong Mishmees are called Chool Kutta or Crop-haired, and the others
are known by the appellation of Tains and Mezhoos. They are a very
wild, roaming race of people, constantly engaged in petty wars amongst
themselves and their neighbours, the Abors and Singphoos, when the
most remorseless reprisals and massacres are committed. They have
no written language, and appear to belong to the Tartar race. They
are of diminutive stature, but stout, active, and hardy; very dirty
in their persons, and little encumbered with clothing. The chiefs
wear the coarse red coloured woollens of Thibet, and the dress of the
lower orders is extremely scanty. The women, however, are more decently
attired; wearing a striped or coloured petticoat, or cloth folded round
the waist, extending to the knees, and a kind of jacket or bodice,
with a profusion of necklaces of several pounds weight, composed of
porcelain, glass, and pieces of cornelian. The hair is bound up in
a knot on the crown of the head, with a thin band of silver passing
round the forehead. The lobe of the ears is hideously distended to
an inch in diameter, to admit of the silver ear-ring being inserted:
this mutilation of the ear evidently having been gradually effected
from early youth. The Mishmees are not restricted in their number of
wives; each man taking as many as he can afford to support. A curious
custom is said to prevail as a preventive to the constant bickerings
and jealousies natural to this system; each wife either has a separate
house or store room, or she lives with her relations.
The Mishmees, women and children, as well as men, are inordinately
fond of smoking; and use a roughly-made Singphoo bamboo pipe, or a
brass China-made bowl, with a bamboo tube. A bag made of monkey's
skin is suspended from a belt for the express purpose of carrying
the tobacco pipe, flint and steel, with a leather case containing
tinder. The men wear a long, straight sword, of China manufacture,
ornamented with a tuft of coloured hair; and a lance, manufactured
by themselves, is constantly carried. They also use the cross-bow and
poisoned arrows. Their head dresses are composed of dog skin, fastened
under the chin by strings. Like all savages, they are superstitious;
invoking an unknown spirit supposed to reside in the inaccessible
mountains or dense forests; and on being afflicted by famine, sickness,
or other misfortunes, they invariably sacrifice fowls and pigs, that
the evil may be removed, and the wrath of the invisible spirit appeased
by their offerings and submission. We are led to believe that the
authority of the chiefs, though respected, is not absolute: they are
obliged to abide by the decisions of the people, duly assembled for the
purpose of settling disputes and arranging the amount of amercements
to be imposed for offences committed. For all heinous crimes remission
is said to be procurable by the liquidation of a fine; but adultery,
if the husband be not privy to the offence, is punished by death,
which is inflicted by the people purposely assembled for the trial.
The Mishmees, like the Abors, are most skilful in the construction
of cane bridges; which they throw across rivers of eighty yards
breadth. Three large cane ropes are sufficient to pass a person over in
safety; but the transit, to any but a Mishmee, would be impracticable:
for few would hazard the risk of falling into a rapid river below,
or of being suspended midway on these ropes, unable to retire or
advance. Accidents, however, rarely occur, and the Mishmees cross
over their rivers in this manner without difficulty or apprehension.
In the year 1836, it was said that the Mezhoo and Tain, or Digaroo
Mishmees had a serious quarrel about a marriage: for though at enmity
often times with each other, and speaking a different dialect, they
have not been debarred from intermarrying. Blows having been exchanged,
the Mezhoo chief Rooling determined on speedily overcoming his enemies
by an overwhelming force, and for this purpose he invited the Lamas
to come to his assistance; which they did, and entered the Mishmee
country with a force of seventy men, armed with matchlocks. The Tain
Mishmees were totally defeated by the Lamas and Mezhoo Mishmees,
and lost about twenty men. After this success, the Lamas returned to
their own country about September 1836, and from that day we have had
no similar invasion of this portion of Assam in favour of the Mezhoo
Mishmees. No precise information is obtainable as to where these
hostile operations occurred; but the conflict evidently took place
several days' journey in advance of the villages visited by Lieutenant
Wilcox in 1826-27, and by Dr. Griffiths in 1836-37. However, such was
the heart-burning or feud between the Tains and the Mezhoos in 1836-37,
that the late Dr. Griffiths, in his visit to the Mishmee country, could
not by promises or bribes induce the Tains to furnish him with guides,
even to the nearest village of the Mezhoos, or there can be little
doubt that he would have succeeded in making good his way into the
Lama country. In justification of their conduct, the Tains remarked,
"If we give you guides, who is to protect us from the vengeance of
the Mezhoos when you are gone? and who is to insure us from a second
invasion of the Lamas?"
The Mishmee tribes were formerly obedient to the Assam Governors,
the Suddeah Khawa Gohains: if they were not totally dependent, they
at least gave small presents as tokens of submission, and attended
to the orders of the Khamtees and Singphoos. In 1835, for example,
the Duffa Gaum received considerable assistance from gangs of Mishmees
sent down to erect his stockades. If under any pretence, therefore, the
Thibetians, being a branch of the Chinese empire, should be permitted
to establish their supremacy over the hill tribes in allegiance to
the British Government in this quarter of the valley, our interests
would be affected; but in the present rude state of society in this
region there is little to be apprehended on this score. An immense,
desolate, almost impassable tract, intervenes, so as to render
ingress or egress from Assam to Thibet impracticable, excepting at
certain seasons of the year. Traversing such a country, when the
route follows the course of rivers, must naturally be difficult in
the extreme. The hills are invariably characterized by excessive
steepness, and as the greater portion of the route winds round them
at some height above their bases, marching is excessively fatiguing,
difficult, and dangerous. In many places a false step would be attended
with fatal consequences: precipices must be crossed at a height of
a hundred feet above the foaming bed of a river, the only support
of the traveller being derived from the roots and stumps of trees
and shrubs, and the angular character of the face of the rock. The
paths are of the very worst description; always excessively narrow
and overgrown by jungle in all directions. In very steep places the
descent is often assisted by hanging canes, which afford good support,
but no attempt is ever made to clear the paths of any obstruction:
in fact, the natives seem to think the more difficult they are,
the greater is their security against foreign invasions.
Notwithstanding these impediments to a free intercourse, some little
trade, it is supposed, is carried on between the Mishmees and Lamas;
the Mishmees exchanging their Bih (poison), Gathewan (an odoriferous
root), Manjeet (madder), and Teetah (a bitter root, greatly esteemed
for its medicinal qualities) for Lama cattle, brass pipes, gongs,
and copper vessels; and if a friendly feeling of confidence could be
established between the people of the plains of Assam and the Lamas,
it is impossible to calculate to what extent the commerce between
the two nations might attain. Once every year in the cold weather,
that is between November and March, the Mishmees visit Suddeah for
the purpose of bartering the only export produce of their country:
namely, bih, teetah, manjeet, gathewan, gongs, brass pipes, and copper
vessels; in exchange for which they invariably take, in preference
to English merchandize, cows, buffaloes, and a quantity of small,
coloured beads. Their cultivation is scanty: apparently not sufficient
to supply their wants, and is, moreover, carried on in a very rude
way. The ground selected as most favourable for cultivation lies
on the slopes of hills, or on the more level patches occasionally
bordering rivers. Some villages produce a good sort of hill rice, but
their chief cultivation is ghoom dhan (or Indian corn), konee dhan,
and two or three other inferior grains. The villages situated at low
elevations produce excellent yams and aloos of several kinds. They
are not acquainted with wheat, barley, &c., nor have they taken
the trouble to grow potatoes, but that esculent is obtainable at
Suddeah in great abundance. Of opium, a small quantity is cultivated,
chiefly for sale to the Singphoos; though many of the natives are great
opium-eaters. A small quantity of inferior cotton is also cultivated
for the manufacture of their own clothing, and tobacco is in great
request among them; they are likewise very fond of spirituous liquors.
We have no authentic data whereby to judge of the amount of the
population, but from the following rough census of the followers of
a few chiefs, it would not appear to be extensive.
+--------+------------------------+-------------------+
|No. of | Names of the different | No. of followers. |
|Chiefs. | Chiefs. | |
+--------+------------------------+-------------------+
| 1 | Jengsha | 50 |
| 2 | Japan | 80 |
| 3 | Deeling and Yeu | 80 |
| 4 | Galooms | 80 |
| 5 | Khoshas | 100 |
| 6 | Primsong | 70 |
+--------+------------------------+-------------------+
| | | 460 |
+--------+------------------------+-------------------+
The number of villages among which the above population is distributed,
is seven; but there are two other villages, Muresas and Roolings,
close to Khoshas. By far the greater number of villages appear to
be located near the banks of the Lohit; one only has been observed
on the Lung. The villages of Jengsha, Japan, Deeling, and Yeu,
consist of several houses each; neither, however, exceeding ten
in number. Ghalooms, Khoshas, and Primsong, consist each of a
single house, capable of containing from eighty to one hundred and
sixty persons. These comprehensive residences are divided by bamboo
partitions into twenty or more rooms, all opening into a passage, in
which the skulls of animals killed during the possessors' lifetime are
duly arranged. The houses are all built on raised platforms, and the
roofs are formed of the leaf of the arrow-root plant, or the leaves of
cane, which are found in great abundance in all the forests. Khosha's
house is one hundred and sixty feet in length; each room possessing
a fire hearth; but as there are no chimneys, or any outlet for the
smoke, excepting the door, a Mishmee dwelling is scarcely endurable.
Of Mishmee habits and customs little is known; feuds and
misunderstandings having hitherto obstructed a freedom of intercourse
indispensable to the acquirement of correct information. Several
European officers have visited the Mishmee country for a few days,
and have been desirous of proceeding by this route over the mountains
north into the Lama country, or Thibet; to ascertain whether the
celebrated Sampoo river flows into the Burrampooter from this quarter,
or debouches into the Dehong, below Suddeah, or takes its course, as
has been surmised, through China. This interesting inquiry, however,
has not yet been solved; though little or no doubt appears to exist
that the Sampoo joins the Burrampooter at one of these points. The
British Government have hitherto, from prudential motives, abstained
from giving offence to or exciting the jealousy of the Chinese,
by permitting any of our officers to attempt to enter Thibet from
the extreme north-eastern quarter of the valley of Assam. This is a
sacrifice of geographical knowledge to policy; for there can be no
question that a scientific traveller would obtain much information
respecting the character of the country, and bring us acquainted with
a people at present unknown to the civilized world.
DOOANEAHS.
The Dooaneahs are descendants of Burmese or Singphoo fathers,
from Assamese women, captured in predatory irruptions and kept as
slaves. Assamese males, also carried off into slavery, are, from
the loss of caste by their connection with the Singphoos, and the
adoption of Singphoo habits, denominated Dooaneahs. They are a very
hardy race, and inhabit the densest jungles; cultivating scarcely
sufficient rice and opium for their maintenance, and subsisting, when
their stock of grain is expended, on yams, kutchoos, and other roots of
the forests. Without the aid of the Dooaneahs, no military detachment
could move to many parts of the frontier, for none are so expert as
pioneers. With the Dhao, or Singphoo short sword, they will cut a
footpath through the densest jungles in the most expeditious manner,
thus enabling our troops to move almost in any direction. They are not
endowed with a martial spirit, and it is said they will not stand the
fire of musketry; but if properly trained and disciplined, their fears
might be surmounted. Their addiction, however, to opium is so great,
that no permanent reliance could ever be placed in them as soldiers,
in any emergency; and being utterly despised by their former masters,
the Singphoos (from whose thraldom they have only lately escaped)
it would seem inexpedient to place them in situations of trust,
where the possibility of betrayal or defeat could be anticipated. The
loss of their services as slaves, in cultivating the land, is deeply
felt by the Singphoos; but these latter have not yet known the full
extent of their inconvenience. In course of time few Dooaneah slaves
will remain attached to the Singphoos; who must consequently either
resort to manual labour themselves, or starve, or leave the province:
which, by the way, would be the greatest boon we could desire, for
the safety and improvement of our peaceable subjects.
ASSAMESE.
The province of Assam was invaded about 1224 A.D., by a band of Ahoom
or Shan adventurers; who conquered the country, parcelled out its
territory, and subjected the population to a vassalage approximating to
that in force under the feudal system of Europe. By this arrangement
the whole body of cultivators were divided into different portions,
called Khels, varying from one thousand to five thousand cultivators
each. They were governed by officers of various grades: those called
Borahs, possessing authority over twenty ghoots or sixty paicks;
Sykeahs, over one hundred ghoots or three hundred paicks; and Huzarees,
over one thousand; with one superior officer denominated a Kheldar,
who was generally a nobleman, or person connected with the royal
family. But in recent times this arrangement has been modified,
and Borahs, Sykeahs, and Hazarees have exercised authority over a
much smaller number of persons. The Kheldars collected the revenue
and exercised jurisdiction in petty criminal offences. Owing to the
backward state of society in Assam, and its almost utter destitution
of commerce and manufactures, the revenue was seldom paid in money,
but mostly in personal labour: all public buildings, roads, bridges,
&c., were constructed out of the funds of labour at the command
of the Government; and the services of all public functionaries,
clerical, medical, military, and judicial, were paid in the same
manner. To facilitate this arrangement, the community were divided
into threes, (or in some parts of Assam fours) each division being
called a ghote; and if one of the three served the state throughout
the year, the other two were excused the payment of money, revenue,
or produce. From artisans and manufacturers, who were subjected to
a higher taxation than other classes, money was taken occasionally;
but more frequently the tax was levied in produce.
Under the Ahoom Government the monopoly of office was at first confined
to the Ahooms, or original conquerors of the soil; but in the reign
of Rodroo Sing, 1695, A.D., when the Assamese natives of the soil
had become proselytes to the Hindoo religion, they were admitted to a
share in the public employ. When the British Government conquered the
country in 1825, this system of revenue, founded upon personal labour,
was still in existence; but a money rate of taxation under the form
of a poll-tax was introduced as far as circumstances would allow,
the rates being fixed with reference to the customs of the ancient
government. The two poorahs of land allowed to each cultivator were
deemed equivalent to two English acres: the land could not be taken
from him as long as he paid his revenue, but it was nevertheless
considered the property of the state and could not be disposed of
by the tenant. Almost the whole of the land in Assam is now taxed
according to its quality, at so much per poorah or acre, but in some
places any quantity of land may be cultivated by paying a certain sum
per plough. The poll tax is likewise collected where the population
is unsettled and scanty.
The religious wants of the people were provided for by the Assam rulers
apportioning a certain number of paicks or cultivators to each Shuster
or temple, for the support of which one-half of their revenue was
assigned: the other half was appropriated by Government. Independently
of this, grants of land were made to various religious persons, under
the title of Debootur (service of the Gods), Dhurmooter (religious
purposes), and Bramooter, for the support of the Brahmins (or priests);
and a remission of half the usual rate of taxation was allowed when
the claims of the parties were fairly established.