The publication of Mr. Garrison’s “Thoughts on Colonization” had
arrested the attention of philanthropists in all parts of our country.
Everywhere, public as well as private discussions were had respecting
the professed and the real purpose and tendency of the Colonization
plan. Converts to the great doctrine of the young Reformer--“Immediate
emancipation _without expatriation_, the right of the slave and the
duty of the master”--were added daily. Tidings came to us that many
town and several county antislavery societies had been formed in
several States of the Union, and the circulation of the _Liberator_
had greatly increased. There was a growing feeling that Abolitionists
of the whole country ought to know each other, devise some plan of
co-operation, and make their influence more manifest. Repeatedly during
the spring of 1833 Mr. Garrison expressed his opinion that the time had
come for the formation of a National Antislavery Society.
After his departure on his mission to England the need of such an
organization became more and more apparent, and before Mr. Garrison’s
return, on the 30th of September, the call was issued for the
Convention to be held in Philadelphia on the fourth, fifth, and sixth
days of the ensuing December. Had we foreseen the peculiarly excited
state of the public mind at that time, the important meeting might
have been deferred. The success of Mr. Garrison’s labors in England,
in opening the eyes of the British philanthropists to the egregious
imposition which had been put upon them by the Colonization Society,
the protest of the sainted Wilberforce and his most illustrious
fellow-laborers, the stinging sarcasms of O’Connell, the champion of
Ireland and of universal freedom, were working like moral blisters.
More than all, the report of the great Exeter Hall meeting in
London, by which colonization was denounced, and the doctrine of
“immediate emancipation” fully indorsed, had lashed into fury all the
proslavery-colonization-pseudo patriotism throughout the land. The
storm had burst upon us in the mobs at New York; and whether it would
ever subside until it had overwhelmed us, was a question which many
answered in tones of fearful foreboding to our little band. But the
Convention had been called before the outbreak, and we were not “wise
and prudent” enough to relinquish our purpose of holding it.
On my way to the “City of Brotherly Love” I joined, at New York, a
number of the brethren going thither, whom I had never seen before.
I studied anxiously their countenances and bearing, and caught most
thirstily every word that dropped from their lips, until I was
satisfied that most of them were men ready to die, if need be, in the
pass of Thermopylæ.
There was a large company on the steamer that took us from New York
to Elizabethtown, and again from Bordentown to Philadelphia. There
was much earnest talking by other parties beside our own. Presently a
gentleman turned from one of them to me and said, “What, sir, are the
Abolitionists going to do in Philadelphia?” I informed him that we
intended to form a National Antislavery Society. This brought from him
an outpouring of the commonplace objections to our enterprise, which I
replied to as well as I was able. Mr. Garrison drew near, and I soon
shifted my part of the discussion into his hands, and listened with
delight to the admirable manner in which he expounded and maintained
the doctrines and purposes of those who believed with him that the
slaves--the blackest of them--were men, entitled as much as the whitest
and most exalted men in the land to their liberty, to a residence here,
if they choose, and to acquire as much wisdom, as much property, and as
high a position as they may.
After a long conversation, which attracted as many as could get within
hearing, the gentleman said, courteously: “I have been much interested,
sir, in what you have said, and in the exceedingly frank and temperate
manner in which you have treated the subject. If all Abolitionists were
like you, there would be much less opposition to your enterprise. But,
sir, depend upon it, that hair-brained, reckless, violent fanatic,
Garrison will damage, if he does not shipwreck, any cause.” Stepping
forward, I replied, “Allow me, sir, to introduce you to Mr. Garrison,
of whom you entertain so bad an opinion. The gentleman you have been
talking with is he.” I need not describe, you can easily imagine, the
incredulous surprise with which this announcement was received. And so
it has been from the beginning until now. Those who have only heard of
Mr. Garrison, and have believed the misrepresentations of his enemies,
have supposed him to be “a roaring lion, seeking whom he may devour.”
But those who have become most intimately acquainted with him have
found him to be “as harmless as a dove,” though indeed “as wise as a
serpent.”
When we arrived in Philadelphia on the afternoon of the 3d of December,
1833, we learnt that a goodly number were already there; and the
newspapers of the day were seeking to make our coming a formidable
affair, worthy the especial attention of those patriotic conservators
of the peace who dealt in brickbats, rotten eggs, and tar and feathers.
The Police of the city had given notice to our Philadelphia associates
that they could not protect us in the evening, and therefore our
meetings must be held by daylight.
A previous gathering was had that evening at the house of Evan Lewis, a
man who was afraid of nothing but doing or being wrong. Between thirty
and forty were there, and we made such arrangements as we could for the
ensuing day. One thing we did, which we were not careful to report, so
you may never have heard of it. It was a weak, a servile act. We were
ashamed of it ourselves, and you shall have a laugh at our expense if
you like.
Some one suggested that, as we were strangers in Philadelphia, our
characters and manner of life not known there, the populace might
the more easily be made to believe that we had come for an incendiary
purpose, and be roused to prevent the accomplishment of it; that, in
order to avert the opposition which seemed preparing to thwart us, it
would be well to get some one of the distinguished philanthropists
of that city to preside over our deliberations, and thus be, as it
were, a voucher to the public for our harmlessness. There was no one
proposed of whom we could hope such patronage, save only Robert Vaux, a
prominent and wealthy Quaker. To him it was resolved we should apply.
Five or seven of us were delegated to wait upon the great man, and
solicit his acceptance of the Presidency of the Convention. Of this
committee I had the honor to be one. Just for this once I wish I had
some wit, that I might be able to do justice to the scene. But I need
not help you to see it in all its ludicrousness. There were at least
six of us--Beriah Green, Evan Lewis, Eppingham L. Capron, Lewis Tappan,
John G. Whittier, and myself--sitting around a richly furnished parlor,
gravely arguing, by turns, with the wealthy occupant, to persuade him
that it was his duty to come and be the most prominent one in a meeting
of men already denounced as “fanatics, amalgamationists, disorganizers,
disturbers of the peace, and dangerous enemies of the country.” Of
course our suit was unsuccessful. We came away mortified much more
because we had made such a request, than because it had been denied.
As we left the door Beriah Green said in his most sarcastic tone, “If
there is not timber amongst ourselves big enough to make a president
of, let us get along without one, or go home and stay there until we
have grown up to be men.”
The next morning as we passed along the streets leading to the place of
meeting, the Adelphi Buildings, we were repeatedly assailed with most
insulting words. On arriving at the hall we found the entrance guarded
by police officers, placed there, I suppose, at the suggestion of some
friends by order of the Mayor. These incidents helped us to realize
how we and the cause we had espoused, were regarded in that City of
Brotherly Love and Quakers.
At the hour appointed, on the morning of the 4th, nearly all the
members were in their seats,--fifty-six in all, representing ten
different States. No time was lost. A fervent prayer was offered for
the divine guidance. If there was ever a praying assembly I believe
that was one.
Beriah Green, then President of Oneida Institute, was chosen President
of our Convention. Lewis Tappan, one of the earliest and most untiring
laborers in the cause of the oppressed, a well-known merchant of New
York, and John G. Whittier, one of Liberty’s choicest poets, were
chosen Secretaries.
The first forenoon was spent in a free but somewhat desultory
interchange of thought upon the topics of prominent interest, and in
listening to a number of cheering letters from individuals in different
parts of the United States, assuring us of their hearty sympathy and
co-operation, though they were unable to be with us in person.
Discussion and argument were not found necessary to bring us to the
resolution to institute an American Antislavery Society, for that was
the especial purpose for which we had come together. Committees were
chosen to draft a constitution and to nominate a list of officers. When
the dining hour arrived, with one consent it was agreed that it was
better than meat to remain in the hall, and commune with one another
upon the interests of the cause we had espoused. And there and thus
did we spend the dinner-time on that and each of the succeeding days.
Baskets of crackers and pitchers of cold water supplied all the bodily
refreshment that we needed.
The reports of the committees occupied us through the afternoon. We
then came unanimously to the conclusion that it was needful to give,
to our country and the world, a fuller declaration of the sentiments
and purposes of the American Antislavery Society than could be embodied
in its Constitution. It was therefore resolved “that Messrs. Atlee,
Wright, Garrison, Joselyn, Thurston, Sterling, William Green, Jr.,
Whittier, Goodell, and May be a committee to draft a Declaration of
the Principles of the American Antislavery Society for publication,
to which the signatures of the members of this Convention shall be
affixed.”
In my next article I will give my readers a particular account of the
conception and production of our Magna Charta.