Chapter 7. American Freedom and Equality

When an Oriental, who, throughout his life, has lived in his own

country where the will of his Sovereign is supreme, and the personal

liberty of the subject unknown, first sets foot on the soil of the

United States, he breathes an atmosphere unlike anything he has ever

known, and experiences curious sensations which are absolutely new.

For the first time in his life he feels that he can do whatever he

pleases without restraint, and that he can talk freely to people

without fear. When he takes up a newspaper and reads statements about

different persons in high positions which are not at all creditable to

them, and learns that no serious consequences happen to the writers, he

is lost in wonderment. After a little time he begins to understand

that this is the "land of the free and the home of the brave", and that

in America everybody is on an equality. The President, the highest

official in the United States, is neither more nor less than a citizen;

and should he, which is very unlikely, commit an offense, or do

anything in contravention of the law, he would be tried in a Court of

Justice in the same manner as the lowest and the poorest citizen.

Naturally the new visitor thinks this the happiest people on earth, and

wishes that his own country could be governed as happily. Until that

lucky day arrives he feels that he would rather stay in free America

than return to his native land.

One of the first lessons which is learned by the American child in

school, and which is deeply impressed on its mind by its teacher, is

that according to the Constitution all persons are born equal, and that

no distinction is made between sections, classes, or sects.

No slaves, or persons under bonds, have been allowed in the United

States since the abolition of slavery by President Lincoln. The moment

a slave, or anyone in bonds, steps on the shores of the United States

he is free, and no one, not even his former master, can deprive him of

his liberty. America also affords an asylum for oppressed people and

for political offenders; people who have been persecuted in their own

land, on account of their religion, or for political offenses, find a

safe refuge in this country. Every year large numbers of Jews, and

other foreigners, emigrate to America for the sake of enjoying

religious freedom. Perfect religious liberty is guaranteed to everyone

in the United States. There is equal religious liberty in England, but

the King is compelled to belong to a particular section of the

Christian Church, whereas in the United States no restriction is placed

on the religious belief of the President; thus one President was a

Baptist, another a Unitarian, and a third a Congregationalist; and, if

elected, a Jew, a Mohammedan, or a Confucianist could become the

President. Several Jews have held high Federal offices; they have even

been Cabinet Ministers. Article VI of the Constitution of the United

States says: "No religious test shall ever be required as a

qualification to any office or public trust under the United States."

So ingrained in the minds of the American people is this principle of

liberty and freedom of action that I do not believe they would resign

it for any consideration whatsoever. Once an English Duke was asked

whether he would accept the throne of China on the sole condition that

he must reside in the Palace of Peking, and act as the Chinese Emperors

have always been accustomed to act. He replied that such an exalted

position of power and responsibility would be very great and tempting,

but that he would on no account accept such an honor on such terms, as

it would practically make him a prisoner. Though a subject under a

monarchial form of government, he would not forfeit his right of

freedom of action; and much less would a democratic American give up

his birthright for any price. I knew an eminent and learned Judge of

the Supreme Court in Washington, who used to say that he would never

bend his knees to any human being, and that to the Almighty God alone

would he ever do homage. He no doubt acted up to his principles, but I

much doubt if all Americans observe so lofty an ideal. A young lover

in proposing to his sweetheart would not mind kneeling down to support

his prayer. I have seen penitent husbands bending their knees to ask

the forgiveness of their offended wives. This, however, can be

explained by the fact that the act of kneeling is not, in such cases, a

sign of inferiority, but the act of one equal asking a favor from

another; still it is the bending of the knee which was so solemnly

abjured by the learned Judge.

The dislike of distinction of classes which arises from the principle

of equality is apparent wherever you go in the States. The railroad

cars are not marked first, second, or third, as they are in Europe. It

is true that there are Pullman cars, and palace cars, with superior and

superb accommodation, and for which the occupant has to pay an extra

fare; but the outside of the car simply bears the name "Pullman"

without indicating its class, and anyone who is willing to pay the fare

may share its luxuries. I should mention that in some of the Southern

states negroes are compelled to ride on separate cars. On one

occasion, arriving at the railroad station in one of those states, I

noticed there were two waiting-rooms, one labelled "For the White", and

the other "For the Colored". The railway porter took my portmanteau to

the room for the white, but my conscience soon whispered I had come to

the wrong place, as neither of the two rooms was intended for people of

my complexion. The street-cars are more democratic; there is no

division of classes; all people, high or low, sit in the same car

without distinction of race, color or sex. It is a common thing to see

a workman, dressed in shabby clothes full of dirt, sitting next to a

millionaire or a fashionable lady gorgeously clothed. Cabinet officers

and their wives do not think it beneath their dignity to sit beside a

laborer, or a coolie, as he is called in China.

Foreign Ministers and Ambassadors coming to Washington soon learn to

follow these local customs. In a European country they ride in

coronated carriages, with two liverymen; but in Washington they usually

go about on foot, or travel by the street-cars. I frequently saw the

late Lord Pauncefote, the celebrated British Ambassador to Washington,

ride to the State Department in the street-car. My adoption of this

democratic way of travelling during the time I was in America was the

cause of a complaint being made against me at Peking. The complainants

were certain Chinese high officials who had had occasion to visit the

States; one of them had had a foreign education, and ought to have

known better than to have joined in the accusation that my

unpretentious manner of living was not becoming the dignity of a

representative of China. They forgot that when in Rome you must do as

the Romans do, and that to ride in a sumptuous carriage, with uniformed

footmen, is in America not only an unnecessary expense, but a habit

which, among such a democratic people as the Americans, would detract

from, rather than add to, one's dignity. An envoy residing in a

foreign country should be in touch with the people among whom he is

sojourning. If he put on unnecessary airs, there will be a coldness

and lack of cordiality between him and the community; his sphere of

usefulness will be curtailed, and his knowledge of the people and their

country limited. Of course, in a European Capital, where every

diplomat drives in a carriage, I should follow the example of my

colleagues. But even in England, I frequently met high statesmen,

such, for example, as Lord Salisbury, walking in the streets. This

unrestrained liberty and equality is remarkably conspicuous in the

United States; for instance, at the White House official receptions or

balls in Washington, I have seen ladies in ordinary dress, while on one

occasion a woman appeared in the dress of a man. This was Doctor Mary

Walker.

In a democratic country, such as the United States, one would naturally

suppose that the people enjoyed a greater degree of freedom than is

possible in monarchial countries. But, so far from this being so, in

some respects, they appear to be in a worse position. On my return

journey from South America, some years ago, our steamer had to stay for

four hours outside of New York harbor. We had first to wait for the

doctor to come on board to make his inspection of all the passengers,

then the Customs officials appeared and examined the luggage and boxes

of all the passengers, and then, last but not the least, we had to wait

for the immigration officers. All this necessarily took time, and it

was not until all these inspections were completed that the steamer was

allowed to enter the harbor, and to tie up alongside the dock. And

this occurred in the land of freedom and liberty! I spoke to some of

my American fellow passengers about the inconvenience and delay, and

though they all murmured they quietly submitted. Customs and sanitary

inspection should be so conducted as to cause as little delay as

possible. I have visited many countries in Europe, in South America,

and in Asia, but I have never known of a ship having to stay outside

the harbor of the port of her destination for so long a time.

Take another case; some months since, I wished, in compliance with the

request of a lady in America, to send her a chow-dog. A mutual friend

was willing to take it to her, but, upon making inquiries at the

American Consulate as to the Customs regulations, he was informed that

it would be impossible for him to undertake the commission, as the

Customs officers at San Francisco, besides imposing a heavy duty on the

dog, would keep the ship in quarantine because the dog was on board. I

could scarcely believe this, but inquiries confirmed the truth of my

friend's statement. Customs and immigration laws and sanitary

regulations must, of course, be observed, but they should be enforced

in such a way as not to work hardship on the people. Officers

entrusted with the performance of such duties, while faithfully and

conscientiously performing their work, should yet exercise their power

with discretion and tact. They are the servants of the people, and

ought to look after their interests and convenience as well as after

the interests of the State. I would be the last one to encourage

smuggling, but would the national interests really suffer if the Custom

House officers were to be a little more ready to accept a traveller's

word, and if they were less ready to suspect everyone of making false

declarations when entering the country? Smuggling must be repressed,

but at the same time is it not true that the more imports enter the

country the better it is for the State and for the people?

There are no peers in the United States, as the Government has no power

to create them; and although America is nominally a free country, yet

if a foreign government should confer a decoration on an American

citizen for services rendered, he cannot accept it without the consent

of Congress, just as under a monarchy a subject must obtain his

sovereign's permission to wear a foreign decoration. It is true that

there are some such titled persons in America, but they are not treated

with any greater respect or distinction than other citizens; yet you

frequently find people in America who not only would not disdain, but

are actually anxious, to receive decorations from foreign governments.

Once, at least, an American high official, just before leaving the

country to which he had been accredited, accepted, without permission,

a decoration, knowing, that if he had asked for the consent of

Congress, he would not have been allowed to receive it.

It is human nature to love change and variety, and for every person to

be designated "Mister" is too tame and flat for the go-ahead Americans.

Hence many of the people whom you meet daily have some prefix to their

names, such as General, Colonel, Major, President, Judge, etc. You

will not be far wrong to call a man "Judge" when he is a lawyer; or

"General" or "Colonel" if he has served in the army; or "Admiral" or

"Captain" if he has been in the navy. Though neither the Federal nor

the State Government has power to confer titles, the magnates do so.

They see that dukes and other peers are created in Europe, and that the

partners in the big, wealthy firms over there, are called "merchant

princes", and so to outdo them, they arrogate to themselves a still

higher title. Hence there are railroad kings, copper kings, tobacco

kings, etc. It is, however, manifestly improper and incongruous that

the people should possess a higher title than their President, who is

the head of the nation. To make it even, I would suggest that the

title "President" be changed to "Emperor", for the following reasons:

First, it would not only do away with the impropriety of the chief

magistrate of the nation assuming a name below that of some of his

people, but it would place him on a level with the highest ruler of any

nation on the face of the earth. I have often heard the remark that

the President of the United States is no more than a common citizen,

elected for four years, and that on the expiration of his term he

reverts to his former humble status of a private citizen; that he has

nothing in common with the dignified majesty of an Emperor; but were

the highest official of the United States to be in future officially

known as Emperor, all these depreciatory remarks would fall to the

ground. There is no reason whatever why he should not be so styled,

as, by virtue of his high office, he possesses almost as much power as

the most aristocratic ruler of any nation. Secondly, it would clearly

demonstrate the sovereign power of the people; a people who could make

and unmake an Emperor, would certainly be highly respected. Thirdly,

the United States sends ambassadors to Germany, Austria, Russia, etc.

According to international law, ambassadors have what is called the

representative character, that is, they represent their sovereign by

whom they are delegated, and are entitled to the same honors to which

their constituent would be entitled were he personally present. In a

Republic where the head of the State is only a citizen and the

sovereign is the people, it is only by a stretch of imagination that

its ambassador can be said to represent the person of his sovereign.

Now it would be much more in consonance with the dignified character of

an American ambassador to be the representative of an Emperor than of a

simple President. The name of Emperor may be distasteful to some, but

may not a new meaning be given to it? A word usually has several

definitions. Now, if Congress were to pass a law authorizing the chief

magistrate of the United States of America to be styled Emperor, such

designation to mean nothing more than the word "President", the title

would soon be understood in that sense. There is no reason in history

or philology why the word "Emperor" should never mean anything other

than a hereditary ruler. I make this suggestion seriously, and hope it

will be adopted.

Marriage laws in the United States, as I understand them, are more

elastic than those in Europe. In England, until a few years ago, a man

could not contract a legal marriage with his deceased wife's sister,

although he could marry the betrothed wife of his deceased brother. It

is curious to compare the Chinese view of these two cases. Marriage

with a deceased wife's sister is, in China, not only lawful, but quite

common, while to marry a dead brother's betrothed is strictly

prohibited. Doubtless in the United States both are recognized as

legal. I was not, however, prepared to hear, and when I did hear it, I

could not at first believe that a man is permitted to marry his

deceased son's wife. Let me quote from the "China Press" which has

special facilities for obtaining news from America. "Boston, March 24.

The engagement of Mrs. Katherine M. B., widow of Charles A. B., and

daughter of George C. F., chairman of the ........, Board of ........,

to her father-in-law, Frank A. B., of ........, became known to-day.

Charles A. B. was killed at the ........ Road crossing in ........ on

March 29, 1910, by a locomotive which struck a carriage in which he was

driving to the First Congregational Church, to serve as best man at the

wedding of Miss H. R. F., another daughter of S. F., to L. G. B. of

........ His wife, who was in the carriage with him and was to have

been matron at the wedding, was severely injured. Her mother-in-law,

Mrs. Frank A. B., died some months later."[1] I suppose the marriage

has since been consummated. If a father is permitted to marry his

deceased son's wife, in fairness a son should be allowed to marry his

deceased father's wife. I presume that there is a law in the United

States or in some of the states against marriages within the prohibited

degrees of consanguinity and affinity, but I confess that the more I

study the subject the more I am confused as to what is or what is not

within the prohibited degrees.

In China the law on this subject is extremely rigid, and consequently

its infraction is exceedingly rare; I have, as a matter of fact, never

heard of the marriage laws in China being broken. In "Liao Chai", a

famous collection of Chinese tales, it is recorded that a young widow

married her son and moved to another part of the country, so that their

identity and relationship should be concealed. They seemed to have

lived very happily together. After many years, when they had had

children and grandchildren, their true relationship was accidentally

discovered. A complaint was laid before the local authorities. After

a long deliberation and careful review of the case, and to eradicate

such "unnatural offspring", as they were termed, it was decided that

the two offenders, and all their children and grandchildren should be

burned to death, which sentence was duly carried out. I doubt if the

story is authentic. It was probably fabricated by the author that it

might serve as a warning. The sentence, if true, was too severe; the

offspring who were innocent contributories to the crime deserved pity

rather than punishment; the judgment passed on the real offenders was

also unduly harsh. My object in citing this unsavory tale is to show

the different views held in regard to incestuous marriage in China with

its serious consequences.

It is commonly supposed that all men are born equal, and that the

United States is the land of perfect equality. Now let us see if this

is really so. There are men born into high stations of life, or into

wealthy families, with "silver spoons" in their mouths; while there are

others ushered into this world by parents who are paupers and who

cannot support them. Then there are people born with wit and wisdom,

while others are perfect fools. Again there are some who are brought

to this life with strong and healthy constitutions, while others are

weak and sickly. Thus it is plain that men are not born equal, either

physically, intellectually, or socially. I do not know how my American

friends account for this undoubted fact, but the Chinese doctrine of

previous lives, of which the present are but the continuation, seems to

afford a satisfactory explanation.

However, this doctrine of equality and independence has done immense

good. It has, as a rule, caused men to think independently, and not to

servilely follow the thoughts and ideas of others, who may be quite

wrong. It has encouraged invention, and new discoveries in science and

art. It has enabled men to develop industries and to expand trade.

New York and Chicago, for example, could not have become such huge and

prosperous cities within comparatively short periods, but for their

free and wise institutions. In countries where personal liberty is

unknown, and the rights of person and property are curtailed, people do

not exert themselves to improve their environments, but are content to

remain quiet and inactive.

By the constitution of the State of California it is declared that "all

men are free and independent". It must be conceded that the American

people enjoy a greater amount of freedom and independence than other

people. But are they perfectly free, and are they really independent?

Are they not swayed in politics by their "bosses", and do not many of

them act and vote as their bosses dictate? In society are they not

bound by conventionalities and, dare they infringe the strict rules

laid down by the society leaders? In the matter of dress also are they

not slaves, abjectly following new-fangled fashions imported from

Paris? In domestic circles are not many husbands hen-pecked by their

wives, because they, and not the men, rule the roost? Are not many

women practically governed by their husbands, whose word is their law?

The eager hunger for "the almighty dollar" leads most Americans to

sacrifice their time, health, and liberty in the acquisition of wealth,

and, alas, when they have acquired it, they find that their health is

broken, and that they themselves are almost ready for the grave. Ought

a free and independent people to live after this fashion?

In every well organized community it is essential that people should

obey all laws and regulations which are enacted for the greatest good

of the greatest number. In domestic circles they should willingly

subordinate their own wishes to the wishes of others, for the sake of

peace, concord and happiness. Happy that people whose laws and

conditions are such that they can enjoy the greatest amount of freedom

in regard to person and property, compatible with the general peace and

good order of the community, and if I should be asked my opinion,

notwithstanding all that I have above said concerning the United

States, I should have to acknowledge that I believe that America is one

of the few nations which have fairly well approximated the high ideal

of a well-governed country.

[1] The names of the parties and places were given in full in the

"China Press".

America, Through the Spectacles of an Oriental Diplomat · 第 7 / 17 章