But perhaps all this will in time be swept away, for there were signs

pointing in that direction. The city council of Berlin had already

decreed that all pictures and statues of the Hohenzollerns, “especially

those of the deposed Kaiser,” must be removed from the public halls and

schoolrooms. That of itself would constitute a decided change in the

capital. In these first days of May several hundred busts and countless

likenesses of Wilhelm II and his family had been banished to the cellars

of municipal buildings, not, be it noted, far enough away to make

restoration difficult. “Among the busts,” said one of the local papers,

“are some of real artistic value”—I cannot, of course, vouch for the

esthetic sense of the editor—“as for example the marble ones of Kaiser

Wilhelm I and of Kaiser Friedrich III, which for many years have adorned

the meeting-place of the Municipal Council itself.” For all this there

was no lack of graven images of the discredited War Lord and his tribe

still on exhibition; the portraits “adorning” private residences alone

could have filled many more cellars. It would be difficult to eradicate

in a few brief months a trade-mark which had been stamped into every

article of common or uncommon use.

In return for these artistic losses the city was taking on new

decorations, in the form of placards and posters unknown in kaiserly

days. To begin with, there were the violent representations in color of

what the Bolshevists were alleged to perpetrate on the civil population

that fell under their bloody misrule, which stared from every

conspicuous wall unprotected by the stern announcement that bill-posting

was _verboten_. These all ended with an appeal for volunteers and money

to halt “the menace that is already knocking at the eastern gates of the

Fatherland.” Then there were the more direct enticements to recruits for

newly formed _Freicorps_—“the protective home guard,” their authors

called it—usually named for the officer whose signature as commander

appeared at the bottom of the poster. Even the newspapers carried

full-page advertisements setting forth the advantages of enrolling in

the independent battalion of Major B—— or the splendid regiment of

Colonel S——, a far cry indeed from the days of universal compulsory

service. “If you will join my company,” ran these glowing promises,

after long-winded appeals to patriotism, “you will be commanded by

experienced officers, such as the undersigned, and you will be lodged,

fed, and well paid by the government. What better occupation can you

find?” These were the _freiwillige_ bands that composed the German army

of 1919, semi-independent groups, loosely disciplined, and bearing the

name of some officer of the old régime. They may not constitute an

overpowering force, but there is always the possibility that some man of

magnetism and Napoleonic ambition may gather them all together and

become a military dictator. Besides, there is still the trickery of

militaristic Germany to be reckoned with, genius for subterfuge that

will cover up real training under the pretense of police forces, of

turnvereins and of “athletic unions.”

Thus far these omnipresent appeals did not seem to have met with

overwhelming success. The soldiers guarding Berlin were virtually all

boys of twenty or under; the older men were probably “fed up with it.”

Nor did the insolent Prussian officer of former days any longer lord it

over the civilian population. He had laid aside his saber and in most

cases his uniform, and perhaps felt safer in his semi-disguise of

“civies” as he mingled with the throng. Military automobiles carrying

stiff-necked generals or haughty civilians in silk hats still

occasionally blasted their way down Unter den Linden as commandingly as

ever did the Kaiser, but they were wont to halt and grow very quiet when

the plebeian herd became dense enough to demand its right of way.

Before we leave the subject of posters, however, let us take a glimpse

at those appealing for aid to the _Kriegs und Zivilgefangenen_ which

inundated the city. The picture showed a group of German prisoners,

still in their red-banded caps and in full uniform—as if the

ravages of time and their captors had not so much as spotted a

shoulder-strap—peering sadly out through a wire barricade. It was plain

to see that some German at home had posed for the artist, the beings he

depicted were so pitifully gaunt and hungry in appearance. I have seen

many thousand German prisoners in France, and I cannot recall one who

did not look far better nourished than his fellow-countrymen beyond the

Rhine, more full of health, in fact, than the civilian population about

the detention camps. They may regret leaving comparative abundance for

their hungry Fatherland, when the day of exodus finally comes. But the

Germans at home were greatly wrought up about their eight hundred

thousand prisoners. Many had convinced themselves that they would never

be returned; the general impression of their sad lot brought continuous

contributions to the boys and girls who rattled money-cans in the faces

of passers-by, even those who wore an Allied uniform, all over Berlin.

Stories of the mistreatment of prisoners were quite as current and fully

as heartrending in Germany as they were on the other side of the

battle-line. Apparently captives are always mishandled—by the enemy, and

too well treated on the side of the speaker, a phenomenon even of our

own Civil War. I have no personal knowledge of the lot of Allied

prisoners of war in Germany, but this much is certain of those wearing

the field gray—that the French neglected them both as to food and work;

that the British treated them fairly in both matters, and that the

Americans overfed and underworked them. But it was a hopeless task to

try to convince their fellow-countrymen that they were not one and all

suffering daily the tortures of the damned.

Perhaps the greatest surprise that Berlin had in store for me was the

complete safety which her recent enemies enjoyed there. With German

delegates to the Peace Conference closely guarded behind barbed wire in

Versailles, and German correspondents forbidden even to talk to the

incensed crowds that gathered along those barriers, it was astounding to

find that American and Allied officers and men, in full uniform,

wandered freely about the Prussian capital at all hours. Doughboys were

quite as much at home along Unter den Linden as if they had been

strolling down Main Street in Des Moines. Young Germans in iron hats

guarded the entrance to the princely Adlon, housing the various enemy

missions, but any one who chose passed freely in or out, whatever his

nationality, his business or lack thereof, or his garb. Olive drab

attracted no more attention in Berlin than it did in Coblenz. German

chauffeurs drove _poilus_ and their officers about the streets as

nonchalantly as if they had been taxi-drivers in Paris. To be sure, most

uniformed visitors stuck rather closely to the center of town, but that

was due either to false impressions of danger or to lack of

curiosity—and perhaps also to the dread of getting out of touch with

their own food-supply. For as a matter of experience they were fully as

safe in Berlin as in Paris or New York—possibly a trifle more so—they

seemed to run less risk of being separated, legally or forcibly, from

their possessions. The hair-raising tales which correspondents poured

out over the wires _via_ Copenhagen were chiefly instigated by their

clamoring editors and readers at home. Let a few random shots be fired

somewhere in the city and the scribes were at ease for another day—and

the world gasped once more at the bloody anarchy reigning in Berlin,

while the stodgy Berliner went on about his business, totally oblivious

of the battle that was supposed to be seething about him.

In January, 1919, a group of American officers entered one of the

principal restaurants of Berlin and ordered dinner. At that date our

olive drab was rare enough in the capital to attract general attention.

A civilian at a neighboring table, somewhat the worse for bottled

animosity, gave vent to his wrath at sight of the visitors. Having no

desire to precipitate a scene, they rose to leave. Several German

officers sprang to their feet and begged them to remain, assuring them

that the disturber would be silenced or ejected. The Americans declined

to stay, whereupon the ranking German apologized for the unseemly

conduct of an ill-bred fellow-countryman and invited the group to be his

guests there the following evening.

Now I must take issue with most American travelers in Germany during the

armistice that the general attitude of courtesy was either pretense,

bidding for favor, or “propaganda” directed by those higher up. In the

first place, a great many Germans did not at that date admit that the

upstarts who had suddenly risen to power were capable of directing their

personal conduct. Moreover, I have met scores of persons who were

neither astute enough nor closely enough in touch with those outlining

national policies to take part in any concerted plan to curry favor with

their conquerors. I have, furthermore, often successfully posed as a

German or as the subject of a friendly or neutral power, and have found

the attitude toward their enemies not one whit different under those

circumstances than when they were knowingly speaking to an enemy.

There were undoubtedly many who deliberately sought to gain advantage by

wearing a mask of friendliness; but there were fully as many who

declined to depart from their customary politeness, whatever the

provocation.

Two national characteristics which revolution had not greatly altered

were the habit of commanding rather than requesting and of looking to

the government to take a paternal attitude toward its subjects. The

stern _Verboten_ still stared down upon the masses at every corner and

angle. It reminded one of the sign in some of our rougher Western towns

bearing the information that “Gentlemen will not spit on the floor;

others _must_ not,” and carrying the implication that the populace

cannot be intrusted to its own instincts for decency. If only the German

could learn the value of moral suasion, the often greater effectiveness

of a “Please” than of an iron-fisted “Don’t”! Perhaps it would require a

new viewpoint toward life to give full strength to the gentler form

among a people long trained to listen only to the sterner admonition.

The great trouble with the _verboten_ attitude is that if those in

command accidentally overlook _verboting_ something, people are almost

certain to do it. Their atrophied sense of right and wrong gives them no

gage of personal conduct. Then there is always the man to be reckoned

with who does a thing simply because it _is verboten_—though he is

rarely a German.

It is in keeping with this commanding manner that the ruling class fails

to give the rank and file credit for common horse sense. Instead of the

Anglo-Saxon custom of trusting the individual to take care of himself,

German paternalism flashes constantly in his face signs and placards

proffering officious advice on every conceivable subject. He is warned

to stamp his letters before mailing them, to avoid draughts if he would

keep his health; he is _verboten_ to step off a tramcar in motion, lest

he break his precious neck, and so on through all the possibilities of

earthly existence, until any but a German would feel like the victim of

one of those motherly women whose extreme solicitude becomes in practice

a constant nagging. The Teuton, however, seems to like it, and he grows

so accustomed to receiving or imparting information by means of placards

that his very shop-windows are ridiculously littered with them. Here an

engraved card solemnly announces, “This is a suit of clothes”; there

another asserts—more or less truthfully—“Cigars—to smoke.” One comes to

the point of wondering whether the German does not need most of all to

be let alone until he learns to take care of himself and to behave of

his own free will. Then he might in time recognize that liberty is

objective as well as subjective; that there is true philosophy in the

Anglo-Saxon contention that “every man’s home is his castle.” Perhaps he

is already on his way to that goal. There were promising signs that

Germany is growing less _streng_ than she used to be, more easy-going,

more human—unless what seemed to be that was the merely temporary apathy

of under-nourishment.

The war had made fewer changes in the public and business world of

the Fatherland than in Allied countries. Pariserplatz and

Französischestrasse retained their names. Down in Munich the finest

park was still the Englische Garten. Most American stocks were

quoted in the newspapers. One might still get one’s mail—if any

arrived—through the American Express Company, though its banking

business was in abeyance. The repertoire of the once Royal Opera

included the works of Allied composers, given only in German, to be

sure, but that was the custom even before the war. Shopkeepers of

the tourist-baiting class spoke English or French on the slightest

provocation—often with provoking insistence. I found myself suddenly

in need of business cards with which to impress the natives, and the

first printing-shop furnished them within three hours. When I

returned to the capital from one of my jaunts into the provinces

with a batch of films that must be developed and delivered that same

evening, the seemingly impossible was accomplished. I suggested that

I carry them off wet, directly after the hypo bath, washing and

drying them in my hotel room in time to catch a train at dawn. Where

a Frenchman or an Italian would have thrown up his hands in horror

at so unprecedented an arrangement, the amenable Teuton agreed at

once to the feasibility of the scheme. Thus commerce strode

aggressively on, irrespective of the customer’s nationality, and

with the customary German adaptability.

Some lines of business had, of course, been hard hit by the war. There

was that, for instance, of individual transportation, public or private.

Now and then an iron-tired automobile screamed by along Unter den

Linden, but though the government was offering machines as cheaply as

two thousand marks each, the scarcity and prohibitive price of “benzine”

made purchasers rare. In the collections of dilapidated outfits waiting

for fares at railway stations and public squares it was a question

whether horse, coachman, or carriage was nearest to the brink of

starvation. The animals were miserable runts that were of no military

use even before the scarcity of fodder reduced them to their resemblance

to museum skeletons. The sallow-faced drivers seemed to envy the beasts

the handful of bran they were forced to grant them daily. Their vagabond

garb was sadly in keeping with the junk on wheels in which they rattled

languidly away when a new victim succumbed to their hollow-eyed

pleading. Most of Berlin seemed to prefer to walk, and that not merely

because the legal fares had recently been doubled. Taxis might have one

or two real rubber tires, aged and patched, but still pumpable; the

others were almost sure to be some astonishing substitute which gave the

machine a resemblance to a war victim with one leg—or, more exactly, to

a three-legged dog. The most nearly successful _Ersatz_ tires were iron

rims with a score of little steel springs within them, yet even those

did not make joy-riding popular.

On this subject of _Ersatz_, or far-fetched substitutes for the real

thing, many pages might be written, even without trespassing for the

moment on the forbidden territory of food. The department stores were

veritable museums of _Ersatz_ articles. With real shoes costing about

sixty dollars, and real clothing running them a close race, it was

essential that the salesman should be able to appease the wrathful

customer by offering him “something else—er—_almost_ as good.” The shoe

substitutes alone made the shop-windows a constant source of amazement

and interest. Those with frankly wooden soles and cloth tops were

offered for as little as seven marks. The more ambitious contraptions,

ranging from these simple corn-torturers improved with a half-dozen iron

hinges in the sole to those laboriously pieced together out of scraps of

leather that suggested the ultimate fate of the window-straps missing

from railway carriages, ran the whole gamut of prices, up to within a

few dollars of the genuine article. Personally, I have never seen a

German in _Ersatz_ footwear, with the exception of a few working in

their gardens. But on the theory of no smoke without some fire the

immense stocks displayed all over the country were _prima-facie_

evidence of a considerable demand. Possibly the substitutes were

reserved for interior domestic use—fetching styles of carpet slippers.

On the street the German still succeeded somehow in holding his

sartorial own, perhaps by the zealous husbanding of his pre-war

wardrobe.

Look where you would you were sure to find some new _Ersatz_ brazenly

staring you in the face. Clothing, furniture, toys, pictures, drugs,

tapestries, bicycles, tools, hand-bags, string, galoshes, the very money

in your pocket, were but imitations of the real thing. Examine the box

of matches you acquired at last with much patience and diplomacy and you

found it marked, “Without sulphur and without phosphorus”—a sad fact

that would soon have made itself apparent without formal announcement.

The wood was still genuine; thanks to their scientific forestry, the

Germans have not yet run out of that. But many of their great forests

are thinned out like the hair of the middle-aged male—and the loss as

cleverly concealed. There has been much Teutonic boasting on this

subject of _Ersatz_, but since the armistice, at least, it had changed

to wailing, for even if he ever seriously believed otherwise the German

had discovered that the vast majority of his laborious substitutes did

not substitute.

As we are carefully avoiding the mention of food, the most grievous

source of annoyance to the rank and file of which we can speak here is

the lack of tobacco. In contrast with the rest of the country there were

plenty of cigars in Berlin—apparently, until one found that the heaps of

boxes adorning tobacconists’ windows were placarded “_Nur leere

Kisten_,” or at best were filled with rolls of some species of weed that

could not claim the most distant relationship to the fragrant leaf of

Virginia. I indulged one day, before I had found the open sesame to the

American commissary, in one of the most promising of those mysterious

vegetables, at two marks a throw. The taste is with me yet. American

officers at the Adlon sometimes ventured to leave food-supplies in the

drawers of their desks, but their cigars they locked in the safe, along

with their secret papers and real money. In the highest-priced

restaurant of Berlin the shout of, “Waiter, bring two cigarettes!” was

sure to focus all eyes on the prosperous individual who could still

subject his fortune to such extravagance. Here and there along

Friedrichstrasse hawkers assailed passers-by with raucous cries of

“English and American tobacco!” Which proved not only that the German

had lost all national feeling on this painful subject, but that the

British Tommy and the American doughboy had brought with them some of

the tricks they had learned in France.

These street-corner venders, not merely of the only real tobacco to be

publicly had in Berlin, but of newspapers, post-cards, and the like,

were more apt than not to be ex-soldiers in field gray, sometimes as

high in rank as _Feldwebels_. Many others struggled for livelihood by

wandering like gipsies from one cheap café to another, playing some form

of musical instrument and taking up collections from the clients, often

with abashed faces. Which brings us to the question of gaiety in Berlin.

Newspapers, posters, and blazing electric signs called constant

attention to countless café, cabaret, cinema, and theater

entertainments. Every one of them I visited was well filled, if not

overcrowded. On the whole they were distinctly immoral in tone or

suggestion. Berlin seems to be running more and more to this sort of

thing. There is something amiss in the country whose chief newspaper

carries the conspicuous announcement: “NAKEDNESS! Fine artistic postals

now ready to be delivered to the trade,” or with the city where scores

of street-corners are adorned by crowds of men huddled around a sneaking

vender of indecent pictures. Similar scenes offend the eye in most large

cities the world over, of course, but something seemed to suggest that

Berlin was unusually given to this traffic. The French claim that theirs

is at heart the moral race and that the Boche is a leader in immorality,

and they cite many instances of prisoners found in possession of

disgusting photographs as one of the proofs of their contention.

Peephole shows were not the least popular of the Berliner’s evening

amusements. His streets, however, were far freer of the painted stalkers

by night than those of Paris, and the outcasts less aggressive in their

tactics. Gambling, and with it the police corruption that seems to

batten best under the democratic form of government, was reported to be

growing apace, with new “clubs” springing up nightly. Under the monarchy

these were by no means lacking, but they were more “select,” more

exclusive—in other words, less democratic. Even the government had taken

on a Spanish characteristic in this respect and countenanced a public

lottery, ostensibly, at least, for the benefit of “sucklings.”

At the middle-class theaters the same rarely musical and never comic

inanities that hamper the advancement of histrionic art in other

countries still held sway, with perhaps an increasing tendency toward

the _risqué_. The crowd roared as of yore, munched its black-bread

sandwiches between the acts, and seemed for the moment highly satisfied

with life. In contrast there were always seats to be had at the

performances of literary merit and at the opera, though the war does not

seem to have subjected them to any special hardships. The investment of

a ticket at the house of song brought high interest—particularly to the

foreigner, for the best orchestra seats were still eight marks at

matinées and twelve in the evening, a mere sixty cents or a dollar at

the armistice rate of exchange. I remember with especial pleasure

excellent performances of “Eurydice” and of “Martha.” The audience was a

plain, bourgeois gathering, with evening dress as lacking as

“roughnecks.” In the foyer buffet, in contrast to Paris, prices were

exceedingly reasonable, but the most popular offerings, next to the

watery beer, were plates of potatoes, bologna, pickled fish, and

hard-boiled eggs, for, though I should not mention it here, the German

theater-goer of these days is as constantly munching as an Arab. In the

gorgeous Kaiser’s box sat one lone lieutenant and his wife, while a

cold-eyed old retainer in livery kept guard outside the locked door as

if he were still holding the place for his beloved emperor.

Vagabonding Through Changing Germany · 第 9 / 28 段