Fig. 7. -- Stone Tablet in memory of the year chicuei-acatl

(``8 reeds''), A.D. 1487, when the Great Temple in

Mexico was consecrated; above are the figures of the

Kings Ticoc and Ahuitzol, sacrificing with the date

of the beginning of the rebuilding, chicome-acatl (``7

reeds''), A.D. 1447. Mexico City. Mexican culture.

Fig. 8. -- Leaf 3 of the Tonalamatl or sacred cycle of

260 days from the Aubin collection. Figures of the gods

Quetzalcoatl and Tepeyollotli. Mexico. Mexican culture.

Fig. 9. -- Leaf 10 of Codex Borbonicus with figure of the god of

the underworld (Mictlantecutli) as regent of the tenth of the

20 sections, each of 13 days, of the tonalamatl, which begins

with ``one flint'' (ce tepcatl). Mexico, Mexican culture.

Fig. 10. -- Leaf 54 of Codex Borbonicus B., with figures

of the ancient moon-god, the twelve months, and the rabbit

as the animal moon-emblem. Mexico. Mexican culture.

(Figs. 8 - 10 from the publications of the duke of Loubat.)

Fig. 1. -- Male Clay Figure, holding weapon (?). From near

Tzintzuntzan Michoacan, Mexico. (?) Tarascan culture.

Fig. 2. -- View of the Ruins of the Pyramid Temple of

Papantla, near Vera Cruz, Mexico. Totonacan culture.

Fig. 3. -- Hump-Backed Clay Figure, standing on a

fish; a reed staff in one hand, and incised lines on

face. From Tzintzuntzan. (?) Tarascan culture.

Fig. 4. -- Human Figure with a rattle-stick in the right hand.

From near Alvarado, Vera Cruz, Mexico. Totonacan culture.

Fig. 5. -- Stone Carving, deeply undercut, of the so-called Palma type.

From Coatepec, Canton Falapa, Vera Cruz, Mexico. Totonacau culture.

Fig. 6. -- Similar Carving with human

figure. From Coatepec. Totonacan culture.

Fig. 7. -- Stone Yoke, carved in the so-called

frog-type. Vera Cruz, Mexico. Totonacan culture.

Fig. 8. -- Crucified Figure, pierced with arrows of the victim at

the festival of the god Nipe (Mexican Tlacaxipernaliztli), with

the symbols of the god. Culture of the Mayan transitional peoples

of the Atlantic coast of the Gulf of Mexico. Totonaran culture.

Fig. 9. -- Temple Chambers, with stone pillars, from

the ruins of Mitla, Oaxaca, with wall mosaic of joined

stores. Zapotecan culture with proto-Mexican influence.

Fig. 10. -- Wall Mosaic of joined stone from the ruins of

Mitla. Zapotecan culture with proto-Mexican influence.

(Figs. 2, 9, and 10 are from photos by Waite, Mexico; Fig 8,

from the ``Codex Nuttall,'' publications of the Peabody Museum.)

the command of more available military forces than were at

the disposal of the English. Thus the fight dragged on, and

was constantly maintained in Acadia, where the sovereignty

had been early disputed, and the border never properly

settled. At last, when under the leadership of the elder Pitt

(see CHATHAM, EARL OF) England set to work resolutely to

force a final settlement, the end came. The British navy cut

off the French from all help from home, and after a gallant

struggle, their dominion in Canada was conquered, and the

French retired from the North American continent. They

surrendered Louisiana to Spain, which had suffered much in an

attempt to help them, and their possessions in America were

reduced to their islands in the West Indies and French Guiana.

The fall of the French dominion on the continent of North

America was practically the beginning of the existence of

independent nations of European origin in the New World.

The causes which led to the revolt of the Plantations, the

political and military history of the War of Independence,

are dealt with under the heading of UNITED STATES

(History) and AMERICAN WAR OF INDEPENDENCE. The

significance of these great events in the general history

of America is that from 1783 onwards there was, in the New

World, an autonomous community not wholly unified at once,

nor without strife, but self-governing and self-subsisting,

in entire separation from European control. Such a polity,

surrounded as it was by territory dependent on European

sovereigns, could not be without a profound influence on its

neighbours. Of deliberate direct action there was not

much, nor was it needed. The peoples of the thirteen states

which had secured emancipation from British sovereignty

were wisely intent on framing their own Federal Union, and

in taking effective possession of the vast territories in

the Ohio region and beyond the Mississi. But their example

worked. Their independence tempted, their prosperity

stimulated. From the freedom of the United States came the

revolt of Spanish America, and the grant by Great Britain

to Canada of the amplest rights of self-government.

The effect which the establishment of the great northern

republic was bound to have on their own colonies was not

unknown to the wiser among the rulers of Spain. They

took, however, few and weak steps to counteract the visible

peril. During the later 17th century and the whole of the

18th, the history of the Spanish colonies and of the Portuguese

in Brazil, was not, as has often been said, one of pure

stagnation. Apart from such a peculiar development as the

rise, formation and fall of the Jesuit missions in Paraguay,

there was growth and change. The Creole population

increased and was steadily recruited from home. Apart from

settlers who came for trade, the flow of government officials,

and soldiers, both officers and men, ended generally in

recruiting the Creole element. The newcomers married in the

country, and died there, leaving their families to grow up

Americans. San Martin, the military leader of Buenos Aires

in the revolt, was the son of a Spanish army officer and a

Creole mother, and he is quoted as the example of thousands.

He was educated in Spain, and began as an officer in the

Spanish army. Increasing numbers of Creoles came home for

education, and though they rarely went beyond Spain, yet

Spain itself was being permeated by the influence of French

philosophic and economic writers. The Creoles brought back new

ideas. Slow as the Spanish government was to move, and

obstinately as it clung to old ways, it was forced to remove

restrictions on trade, largely by the discovery that it could

not prevent smuggling, which was, in fact, carried on with

the connivance of its own corrupt officials. The attempt

to prevent all trade on the river Plate was given up, and

a vigorous commercial community arose. A revolt of the

Indians in Peru in 1780, which was savagely suppressed, forced

the government to take note of the abuses of its colonial

administration. Many reforms were introduced. Spanish

America was never so well governed as at the end of the 18th

century, and was on the whole prosperous. But the reforms and

concessions of Spain came too late. In commerce it had to

compete with the highly developed maritime industry of Great

Britain. In government it had to meet with the growing

discontent of the Creoles, who found themselves treated as

children, and their country looked on as a milch cow. The

wars of the French Revolution and of the emperor Napoleon,

in which Spain was entangled, interrupted its communications

with its colonies, and weakened its hold on them. The

defeat, in 1806 and 1807, of two British expeditions to Buenos

Aires and Montevideo, resulting in the capitulation of the

English force, gave a great impulse to the self-reliance of

the colonists, to whom the credit of the victory entirely

belonged. When the intervention of Napoleon in Spain plunged

the mother country into anarchy, the colonists began to act for

themselves. They were still loyal, but they were no longer

passive. The brutality of some Spanish governors on the

spot provoked anger. The cortes assembled in Cadiz, being

under the influence of the merchants and mob, could make no

concessions, and all Spanish America flamed into revolt. For the

details of the struggle the reader must refer to the articles

ARGENTINA, BOLIVIA, CHILE, COLOMBIA, ECUADOR, PANAMA, PERU,

PARAGUAY, URUGUAY, VENEZUELA. Brazil followed the same

course in a milder way and a little later. The struggle of

Spanish America for independence lasted from 1810 to 1826.

This vast extension of the area of independence in America

could not but have its proportionate effect on the general

balance of power among nations. So long as Spain retained her

colonies on the mainland, while England held Canada, and the

English, Dutch and French had possessions in Guiana, the New

World must have remained in political dependence on the Old.

When the Spanish colonies secured effective independence, and

even before their freedom was formally recognized, foreign

sovereignty became at once the exception in America. The

change thus established de facto owed its first diplomatic

consecration to the developments of international politics

in the Old World. The committee of the great powers which,

since the downfall of Napoleon, had succeeded to the authority

which he had usurped in Europe (see EUROPE: History), was

for the few years of its unbroken existence fully occupied

with the task of preserving the ``European Confederation''

from the peril to its peace of renewed revolutionary

outbreaks. As early as the congress of Aix-la-Chapelle

(1818), however, the question of the relations of Spain and

her colonies had been brought up and the suggestion made of

concerted intervention, to put an end to a state of things

scandalous in itself and dangerous, if only by force of

example, to the monarchical principle. The proposal came

to nothing, and fared no better when revived at subsequent

conferences, owing to the opposition of Great Britain and of

Spain herself. Spanish pride resented the interference of an

alliance in which Spain had no part; Great Britain could not

afford to allow any action to be taken which might end in the

re-establishment of the old Spanish colonial system and the

destruction of the considerable British trade, still nominally

contraband, which had grown up with the colonies during the

troubles. Had the Spanish government frankly accepted the

situation and acknowledged the trade as legitimate, England

would have had no objection to the re-establishment of the

Spanish sovereignty in America. But the stubborn blindness

of Ferdinand VII. and his ministers made any such solution

impossible, and, before the meeting of the congress of Verona,

in 1822, Castlereagh had realized the eventual necessity

of recognizing the independence of the South American

states. Matters were brought to a crisis by the outcome of

the Verona conferences (see VERONA, CONGRESS OF), and the

re-establishment, in 1823, of the absolute power of the king

in Spain by French arms and under French influence, the logical

consequence of which seemed to be the reconquest, with the

aid of France, of the Spanish colonies. Great Britain could

not afford to stand aside and watch the accomplishment of an

ambition to prevent which she had, at immense sacrifice of

blood and treasure, overthrown the power of Louis XIV. and of

Napoleon. She had exhausted every art of diplomatic obstruction

to the aggressive action of France; her counterstroke to the

unexpectedly easy victory of the French arms was the formal

recognition of the revolted colonies as independent states.

``If France has Spain,'' cried Canning in parliament, ``at

least it shall be Spain without the Indies. We have called a

New World into existence to redress the balance of the Old.''

On the 23rd of July 1824, a commercial treaty was signed between

Great Britain and Brazil; Colombia and Mexico were acknowledged

in December of the same year; and the recognition of the

other states followed, as each was able to give guarantees

of stable government. Meanwhile the United States, acting in

harmony, but not in formal co-operation, with England, had

taken decisive action. President Monroe, in his message to

Congress on the 2nd of December 1823, laid down the rule that

no part of America was any longer res nullius, or open to

colonial settlement. Though the vast ultimate consequences

of this sudden appearance of the great western republic in

the arena of international politics were not realized even

by those in sympathy with Monroe's action, the weight of

the United States thrown into the scale on the side of Great

Britain made any effective protest by the European powers

impossible; Russia, Austria and Prussia contented themselves

with joining in a mild expression of regret that the action

of Great Britain ``tended to encourage that revolutionary

spirit it had been found so difficult to control in Europe.''

Great Britain and the United States were, indeed, not in

complete agreement as to the legitimacy of fresh colonial

settlements in the New World, but they were practically

resolved that nobody should make any new settlements except

themselves. From President Monroe's declaration has

grown up what is now known as the Monroe Doctrine (q.v.),

which, in substance, insists that America forms a separate

system apart from Europe, wherein still existing European

possessions may be tolerated, but on the understanding that no

extension of them, and no establishment of European control

over a nominally independent American state, will be allowed.

The Monroe Doctrine is indeed the recognition, rather than

the cause, of undeniable fact. Europe is still possessed of

some measure of sovereign power in the New World, in Canada,

in Guiana and in the West Indian islands. But Canada is

bound only by a voluntary allegiance, Guiana is unimportant,

and in the West Indian islands, where the independence of

Hayti and the loss of Cuba and Porto Rico by Spain have

diminished the European sphere, European dominion is only

a survival of the colonial epoch. America, North and South,

does form a separate system. Within that system power is

divided as it has not been in Europe since the fall of the

Roman empire. On the one hand are the United States and

Canada. On the other are all the states formed out of

the colonial empires of Spain and Portugal. The states

of the American Union are non-tropical, adapted to the

development of European races, not mixed with Indian blood,

and possessed by long inheritance of the machinery needed

for the successful conduct of self-government. They grew

during the 19th century in population and wealth at a rate

that placed them far ahead of the Spanish and Portuguese

states, which in the year 1800 were the richer and the more

populous. The Spanish and Portuguese states of America are mainly

tropical, and therefore ill adapted to the health of a white

race. Their population is divided between a white minority,

among whom there are to be found strains of Indian blood,

and a coloured majority, sometimes docile and industrious,

sometimes mere savages. They inherited no machinery of

self-government. Townships governed by close corporations,

and all embedded in the despotic power of the crown, presented

none of the elements out of which a commonwealth could be

formed. It was inevitable that in the early stages of

their history, the so-called Latin communities should fall

under the control of ``the single person,'' and no less

inevitable that he should be a soldier. The sword and

military discipline supplied the only effective instruments of

government. It would have been a miracle if the first

generation of Mexican and South American history had not been

anarchical. And though in recent years Spanish America has

seemingly settled down, and republican institutions have

followed upon long periods of continual revolution, yet over

the American continent as a whole there is an overwhelming

predominance, material and intellectual, of the communities

of English speech and politically of English origin.

AUTHORITIES. -- Separate bibliographies will be found

under the headings of the separate states. Amid the

plethora of books, the reader cannot do better than

consult the Narrative and Critical History of America,

edited by Justin Winsor (1886-1889), in eight large octavo

volumes, in which all the chapters are supplied with

copious and carefully-compiled bibliographies. (D. H.)

1 The exact position has been disputed. According to

John Fiske, the line would be between 41 deg. and 44 deg. long.

III. Ethnology and Archaeology.--

The American aborigines.

A summary account is heregiven of the American aborigines,

who are discussed in more detail under INDIANS, NORTH

AMBRICAN. Whether with Payne it is assumed that in some

remote time a speechless anthropoid passed over a land

bridge, now the Bering Sea, which then sank behind him;

or with W. Boyd Dawkins and Brinton, that the French cave

man came hither by way of Iceland; or with Keane, that

two subvarieties, the long-headed Eskimo-Botocudo type

and the Mexican round- headed type, prior to all cultural

developments, reached the New World, one by Iceland,

the other by Bering Sea; or that Malayoid wanderers were

stranded on the coast of South America; or that no breach

of continuity has occurred since first the march of tribes

began this way -- ethnologists agree that the aborigines

of the western came from the eastern hemisphere, and there

is lacking any biological evidence of Caucasoid or Negroid

blood flowing in the veins of Americans before the invasions

of historic times. The time question is one of geology.

Following Notes and Queries on Anthropology, published by

the British Association for the Advancement of Science, the

study of the American aborigines divides itself into two

parts: that relating to their biology, and that relating

to their culture. In the four subdivisions of humanity

based on the hair, the Americans are straight-haired or

Mongoloid. But it will free this account of them from

embarrassments if they be looked upon as a distinct subspecies

of Homo sapiens. Occupying 135 degrees of latitude,

living on the shores of frozen or of tropical waters; at

altitudes varying from sea-level to several thousands

of feet; in forests, grassy prairies or deserts; here

starved, there in plenty; with a night here of six months'

duration, there twelve hours long; here among health-giving

winds, and there cursed with malaria -- this brown man

became, in different culture provinces, brunette or black,

tall or short, long-headed or short-headed, and developed

on his own hemisphere variations from an average type.

Since the tribes practised far more in-breeding than

out-breeding, the tendency was toward forming not only verbal

linguistic groups, but biological varieties; the weaker the

tribe, the fewer the captures, the greater the isolation and

harder the conditions -- producing dolichocephaly, dwarfism

and other retrogressive characteristics. The student will

find differences among anthropologists in the interpretation

of these marks -- some averring that comparative anatomy is

worthless as a means of subdividing the American subspecies,

others that biological variations point to different Old

World origins, a third class believing these structural

variations to be of the soil. The high cheek-bone and the

hawk's- bill nose are universally distributed in the two

Americas; so also are proportions between parts of the body,

and the frequency of certain abnormalities of the skull,

the hyoid bone, the humerus and the tibia. Viability, by

which are meant fecundity, longevity and vigour, was low in

average. The death-rate was high, through lack of proper

weaning foods, and hard life. The readiness with which

the American Indian succumbed to disease is well known. For

these reasons there was not, outside of southern Mexico,

northern Central America and Peru, a dense population. In

the whole hemisphere there were not over ten million souls.

The materials for studying the American man biologically

are abundant in the United States National Museum in

Washington; the Peabody Museum, at Cambridge, Massachusetts;

the American Museum of Natural History, New York; the

Academy of Sciences and the Free Museum of Arts and Sciences,

Philadelphia, Pennsylvania; the Field Museum in Chicago;

the National Museum, city of Mexico, and the Museum of La

Plata. In Europe there are excellent collections in

London, Cambridge, Paris, Berlin, St Petersburg and Prague.

Professor Putnam measured for the World's Columbian Exposition

1700 living Indians, and the results have been summed up by

Boas. The breadth of the Indian face is one centimetre more than

that of the whites, and the half-breeds are nearer the Indian

standard; this last is true also of colour in the skin, eyes and

hair. In stature, the tall tribes exceed 170 cm.; middle stature

ranges between 166 and 170; and short tribes are under 166

cm. The Indians are on the whole a tall people. Tribes that

have changed residence have changed stature. The tallest

statures are on the plains in both Americas. The mountains

of the south-east and of the west reveal the shortest

statures. The whole Mississippi valley was occupied by tall

peoples. The Athapascans of New Mexico are of middle stature,

the Pueblo peoples are short. The Shoshoni, Shahaptin

and Salish tribes are of middle stature; on the coast of

British Columbia, Puget Sound, in Oregon, and northern

California, are the shortest of all the North Americans save

the Eskimo, while among them, on the Columbia, are taller

tribes. The comparison of cranial indexes is rendered

difficult by intentional flattening of the occiput by the hard

cradle-board. The Mississippi valley tribes are nearly

brachycephalic; the index increases around the Great Lakes, and

lessens farther east. The eastern Eskimo are dolichocephalic,

the western are less so, and the Aleuts brachycephalic.

On the North Pacific coast, and in spots down to the Rio

Grande, are short heads, but scattered among these are long

heads, frequent in southern California, but seen northward to

Oregon, as well as in Sonora and some Rio Grande pueblos.

The same variety of index exists in South America.

In the regions of greatest linguistic mixture

is the greatest heterogeneity of cephalic index.

Classification.

The concepts on which the peoples of the Old World have been

classified, such as stature, colour, skeletal measurements,

nationality, and so on, cannot as yet be used in America with

success. The only basis of division practicable is language,

which must be kept separate in the mind from the others.

However, before the conquest, in no other part of the globe did

language tally so nearly with kinship. Marriage was exogamic

among clans in a tribe, but practically, though not wholly

endogamic as between tribes, wife and slave capture being

common in places. In his family tree of Homo Americanus Keane

follows out such a plan, placing the chief linguistic family

names on the main limbs, North American on one side, and South

American on the other. Deniker groups mankind into twenty-

nine races and sub-races. American are numbered thus:-- 21,

South American sub-race; Palaeo-Americans and South Americans.

22, North American sub-race; tall, mesocephalic. 23, Central

American race; short, brachycephalic. 24, Patagonian race;

tall, brachycephalic. 25, Eskimo race; short, dolichocephalic.

Farrand speaks of physical, linguistic, geographic, and

cultural criteria, the first two the more exact, the latter

more convenient and sometimes the only feasible bases.

Culture provinces.

Zoologists divide the earth into biological areas or regions,

so both archaeologists and ethnologists may find it convenient

to have in mind some such scheme of provinces as the following,

named partly after the dominant ethnic groups:--Eskimo, on

Arctic shores; Dene (Tinneh), in north-western Canada;

Algonquin-Iroquois, Canada and eastern United States; Sioux,

plains of the west; Muskhogee, Gulf States; Tlinkit-Haida,

North Pacific coast; Salish-Chinook, Fraser- Columbia coasts

and basins; Shoshoni, interior basin; California- Oregon,

mixed tribes; Pueblo province, southwestern United States and

northern Mexico; Nahuatla-Maya, southern Mexico and Central

America; Chibcha-Kechua, the Cordilleras of South America;

Carib-Arawak, about Caribbean Sea; Tupi-Guarani, Amazon drainage;

Araucanian, Pampas; Patagonian, peninsula; Fuegian, Magellan

Strait. It is necessary to use geographical terms in the

case of California and the North Pacific, the Caucasus

or cloaca gentium of the western hemisphere, where were

pocketed forty out of one hundred or more families of native

tribes. The same is true in a limited sense of Matto Grosso.

That these areas had deep significance for the native races

is shown by the results, both in biology and culture. The

presence or absence of useful minerals, plants and animals

rendered some congenial, others unfriendly; some areas were

the patrons of virile occupations, others of feminine pursuits.

Among the languages of America great differences exist in

the sounds used. A collection of all the phonetic elements

exhausts the standard alphabets and calls for new letters.

A comparison of one family with another shows also that some

are vocalic and soft, others wide in the range of sounds,

while a third set are harsh and guttural, the speaking of

them (according to Payne) resembling coughing, barking and

sneezing. Powell also thinks that man lived in America before

he acquired articulate speech. The utterance of these speech

elements in definite order constitutes the roots and sentences

of the various tongues. From the manner of assemblage, all

American languages are agglutinative, or holophrastic, but

they should not be called polysynthetic or incorporative or

inflexional. They were more or less on the way to such organized

forms, in which the world's literatures are preserved. As

in all other languages, so in those of aboriginal America,

the sentence is the unit. Words and phrases are the organic

parts of the sentence, on which, therefore, the languages are

classified. It is on this basis of sentential elements

that Powell has arranged the linguistic families of North

America. He has brought together, in the Bureau of American

Ethnology in Washington, many hundreds of manuscripts, written

by travellers, traders, missionaries, and scholars; and,

better still, in response to circulars, carefully prepared

vocabularies, texts and long native stories have been written

out by trained collectors. A corps of specialists--Boas,

Dall, Dorsey, Gatschet, Hewitt, Mooney, Pilling, J. R.

Swanton--have studied many of these languages analytically and

comparatively. Other institutional investigations have been

prosecuted, the result of all which will be an intelligent

comprehension of the philology of a primitive race.

Linguistic families.

Attention is frequently called to the large number of linguistic

families in America, nearly 100 having been named, embracing over

1000 languages and dialects. A few of them, however, occupied

the greater part of lands both north and south of Panama;

the others were encysted in the territory of the prevailing

families, or concealed in culs- de-sac of the mountains. They

are, through poverty of material, unclassed languages, merely

outstanding phenomena. Factions separated from the parent

body developed dialects or languages by contact, intermarriage

and incorporation with foreign tribes. To the old-time belief

that languages multiplied by splitting and colonizing, must be

added the theory that languages were formerly more numerous,

and that those of the Americans were formed by combining.

The families of North America, Middle America and South America are here

given in alphabetical order, the prevailing ones in small capitals:--

North America.

ALGONQUIN, E. Can., N. Atlantic States, middle States, middle

western States; ATHAPASCAN, N.W. Can., Alaska, Wash., Or.,

Cal., Ariz., Mex.; Attacapan, La.; Beothukan, Nova Scotia;

CADDOAN, Tex., Neb., Dak.; Chimakuan, Wash.; Chimarikan, N.

Cal.; CHIMMESYAN, Brit. Col.; CHINOOKAN, Or.; Chitimachan,

La.; Chumashan, S. Cal,; Coahuiltecan, Tex.; Copehan, N. Cal.;

Costanoan, Cal.; ESKIMAUAN, Arctic province; Esselenian,

Cal.; IROQUOIAN, N.Y., N.C.; Kalapooian, Or.; Karankawan,

Tex.; KERESAN, N. Mex.; KIOWAN, Neb.; KITUNAHAN,

Brit. Col.; KOLUSCHAN, S. Alaska; KULANAPAN, Cal.; Kusan,

Cal.; Lutuamian, Or.; Mariposan, Cal.; Moquelumnan, Cal.;

MUSKHOGEAN, Gulf States; NATCHESAN, Miss.; Palaihnihan,

Cal.; PIMAN, Ariz.; Pujunan, Cal.; Quoratean, Or.; Salinan,

Cal.; SALISHAN, Brit. Col.; Sastean, Or.; SHAHAPTIAN,

Or.; SHOSHONEAN, Interior Basin; SIOUAN, Mo. Valley;

SKITTAGETAN, Brit. Col.; Takilman, Or.; TANYOAN, Mex.;

Timuquanan, Fla.; Tonikan, Miss.; Tonkawan, Tex.; Uchean,

Ga.; Waiilatpuan, Or.; WAKASHAN, Vancouver I.; Washoan,

Nev.; Weitspekan, Or.; Wishoskan, Cal.; Yakonan, Or.;

Yanan, Or.; Yukian, Cal.; Yuman, L. Cal.; ZUNYAN, N. Mex.

Middle America.

CHAPANECAN, Chi.; Chinantecan, Oax.; Chontalan, S. Mex.;

Huatusan, Nic.; Huavean, Tehuant.; Lencan, Hon.; MAYAN,

Yuc. and Guat.; NAHUATLAN, Mex.; OTOMITLAN, Cen.

Mex.; Raman, Hond.; Serian, Tiburon I.; Subtiaban, Nic.;

TARASCAN, Mich.; Tehuantepecan, Isthmus; Tequistlatecan,

Oax.; TOTONACAN, Mex.; Triquian, S. Mex.; Ulvan, Nic.;

Xicaquean, Hond.; ZAPOTECAN, Oax.; ZOQUEAN, Tehuant.

South America.

Alikulufan, T. del Fuego; Arauan, R. Purus; ARAWAKIAN, E.

Andes; Atacamenyan, S. Peru; ARAUCANIAN, Pampas; AYMARAN,

Peru; Barbacoan, Colombia; Betoyan, Bogota; Canichanan,

Bolivia; Carahan, S. Brazil; CARIBIAN, around Caribbean

Sea; Catamarenyan, Chaco; Changuinan, Panama; Charruan,

Parana R.; CHIBCHAN, Colombia; Churoyan, Orinoco R.;

Coconucan, Colombia; Cunan, Panama; GUAYCURUAN, Paraguay

R.; JIVAROAN, Ecuador; KECHUAN, Peru; Laman, N.E. Peru;

Lulean, Vermejo R.; Mainan, S. Ecuador; Matacoan, Vermejo R.;

Mocoan, Colombia; Mosetenan, E. Bolivia; ONAN, T. del Fuego;

Paniquitan, Colombia; Panoan, Ucayali R., Peru; Payaguan, Chaco;

Puquinan, Titicaca L.; Samucan, Bolivia; Tacanan, N. Bolivia;

TAPUYAN, Brazil; Timotean, Venezuela; TUPIAN, Amazon

R.; TZONECAN, Patagonia; YAHGAN, T. del Fuego; Yuncan,

Truxillo, Peru; Yurucarian, E. Bolivia; ZAPAROAN, Ecuador.

Written language was largely hierographic and heroic. The

drama, the cult image, the pictograph, the synecdochic

picture, the ideaglyph, were steps in a progress without a

break. The warrior painted the story of conflicts on his

robe only in part, to help him recount the history of his

life; the Eskimo etched the prompters of his legend on ivory;

the Tlinkit carved them on his totem post; the women fixed

them in pottery, basketry, or blankets. At last, the central

advanced tribes made the names of the abbreviated pictures

useful in other connexions, and were far on the way to a

syllabary. Intertribal communication was through gestures;

it may be, survivals of a primordial speech, antedating

the differentiated spoken languages. See publications of

the Bureau of American Ethnology, by F. W. Hodge (1906);

Farrand, Basis of Am. History, chap. xviii.; and Orozco

y Berra, Geografia de las lenguas, &c. (Mexico, 1868).

Technology.

To supply their wants the Americans invented modifications in

natural materials, the working of which was their industries.

The vast collections in richly endowed European and American

museums are the witnesses and types of these. There is

danger of confounding the products of native industries.

The following classes must be carefully discriminated: (a)

pre-Columbian, (b) Columbian, (c) pre-contact, (d)

first contact, (e) post-contact, (f) present, and (g)

spurious. Pre-Columbian or pre-historic material is further

classified into that which had been used by Indians before the

discovery, and such as is claimed to be of a prior geological

period. Columbian, or 15th-century material, still exists

in museums of Europe and America, and good descriptions are

to be found in the writings of contemporary historians.

Pre-contact material is such as continued to exist in any

tribe down to the time when they were touched by the presence

of the trade of the whites. In some tribes this would bring

the student very near to the present time; for example, before

Steinen, the Indians in Matto Grosso were in the pre- contact

period. Post-contact material is genuine Indian work more

or less influenced by acculturation. It is interesting in

this connexion to study also first contact in its lists of

articles, and the effects produced upon aboriginal minds and

methods. For example, a tribe that would jump at iron arrow-heads

stoutly declined to modify the shafts. Present material

is such as the Indian tribes of the two Americas are making

to-day. Spurious material includes all that mass of objects

made by whites and sold as of Indian manufacture; some of it

follows native models and methods; the rest is fraudulent and

pernicious. The question whether similarities in technology

argue for contact of tribes, or whether they merely show

corresponding states of culture, with modifications produced by

environment, divides ethnologists. (See Farrand, chap. xviii. )

Aboriginal mechanics.

The study of mechanics involves materials, tools, processes and

products. No iron tools existed in America before the invasion

of the whites. Mineral, vegetable and animal substances, soft

and hard, were wrought into the supply of wants by means of

tools and apparatus of stone, wood and bone tools for cutting,

or edged tools; tools for abrading and smoothing the surfaces

of substances, like planes, rasps and sandpaper; tools for

striking, that is, pounding for the sake of pounding, or for

crushing and fracturing violently; perforating tools; devices

for grasping and holding firmly. These varied in the different

culture provinces according to the natural supply, and the

presence or absence of good tool material counted for as much

as the presence or absence of good substances on which to

work. As a means of grading progress among the various

tribes, the tool is valuable both in its working part and

its hafting, or manual part. Fire drills were universal.

Besides chipped stone knives, the teeth of rodents, sharks,

and other animals served an excellent purpose. In north-west

America and in the Caribbean area the adze was highly

developed. In Mexico, Colombia and Peru the cutting of friable

stone with tough volcanic hammers and chisels, as well as rude

metallurgy, obtained, but the evidences of smelting are not

convincing. Engineering devices were almost wanting. The Eskimo

lifted his weighted boat with sheer-legs made of two paddles; he

also had a tackle without sheaves, formed by reaving a greased

thong through slits cut in the hide of a walrus. The north-

west coast Indians hoisted the logs that formed the plates of

their house frames into position with skids and parbuckles of

rope. The architectural Mexicans, Central Americans, and

especially the Peruvians, had no derricks or other hoisting

devices, but rolled great stones into place along prepared

ways and up inclined planes of earth, which were afterwards

removed. In building the fortress of Sacsahuaman, heights

had to be scaled; in Tiahuanaco stones weighing 400 tons were

carried seventeen miles; in the edifices of Ollantaytambo not

only were large stones hauled up an ascent, but were fitted

perfectly. The moving of vast objects by these simple

processes shows what great numbers of men could be enlisted

in a single effort, and how high a grade of government

it was which could hold them together and feed them. In

Arizona, Mexico and Peru, reservoirs and aqueducts prove that

hydrotechny was understood. (Hodge, Am. Anthrop. vi. 323.)

Time-keeping devices were not common. Sun-dials and calendar

monuments were known among the more advanced tribes. Fractional

portions of time were gauged by shadows, and time of day

indicated by the position of the sun with reference to natural

features. No standards of weighing or measuring were known,

but the parts of the body were the units, and money consisted

in rare and durable vegetable and animal substances, which

scarcely reached the dignity of a mechanism of exchange.

If the interpretation of the Maya calculiform glyphs be

trustworthy, these people had carried their numeral system into

the hundreds of thousands and devised symbols for recording

such high numbers. (See Bulletin 28, Bur. Am. Ethnol.)

Food.

The Americans were, in most places, flesh-eaters. The air,

the waters and the land were their base of supplies, and

cannibalism, it is admitted, was widespread. With this animal

diet everywhere vegetable substances were mixed, even in the

boreal regions. Where the temperature allowed, vegetable

diet increased, and fruits, seeds and roots were laid under

tribute. Storage was common, and also the drying of ripened

fruits. The most favoured areas were those where corn and

other plants could be artificially produced, and there barbaric

cultures were elaborated. This farming was of the rudest

kind. Plots of ground were burned over, trees were girdled,

and seeds were planted by means of sharpened sticks. The first

year the crop would be free from weeds, the second year only

those grew whose seeds were wafted or carried by birds, the

third year the crop required hoeing, which was done with sticks,

and then the space was abandoned for new ground. Irrigation

and terrace culture were practised at several points on the

Pacific slope from Arizona to Peru. The steps along which

plant and animal domestication passed upwards in artificiality

are graphically illustrated in the aboriginal food quest.

Clothing and adornment.

Except in the boreal areas the breech-clout was nearly universal

with men, and the cincture or short petticoat with women. Even

in Mexico and Mayan sculptures the gods are arrayed in gorgeous

breech-clouts. The foot-gear in the tropics was the sandal,

and, passing northward, the moccasin, becoming the long boot

in the Arctic. Trousers and the blouse were known only among

the Eskimo, and it is difficult to say how much these have

been modified by contact. Leggings and skin robes took their

place southward, giving way at last to the nearly nude.

Head coverings also were gradually tabooed south of the 49th

parallel. Tattooing and painting the body were well-nigh

universal. Labrets, i.e. pieces of bone, stone, shell,

&c., were worn as ornaments in the lip (Latin, labrum) or

cheek by Eskimo, Tlinkit, Nahuatlas and tribes on the Brazilian

coast. For ceremonial purposes all American tribes were expert in

masquerade and dramatic apparel. A study of these in the historic

tribes makes plain the motives in gorgeous Mexican sculptures.

Habitation.

The tribal system of family organization, universal in America,

dominated the dwelling. The Eskimo underground houses of

sod and snow, the Dene (Tinneh) and Sioux bunch of bark

or skin wigwams, the Pawnee earth lodge, the Iroquois long

house, the Tlinkit great plank house, the Pueblo with its

honeycomb of chambers, the small groups of thatched houses

in tropical America and the Patagonian toldos of skin are

examples. The Indian habitation was made up of this composite

abode, with whatever out-structures and garden plots were

needed. A group of abodes, however joined together, constituted

the village or home of the tribe, and there was added to these

a town hall or large assembly structure where men gathered and

gossiped, and where all dramatic and religious ceremonies were

held. Powell contends that in a proper sense none of the

Indian tribes was nomadic, but that, governed by water-supply,

bad seasons and superstition (and discomfort from vermin

must be added), even the Pueblo tribes often tore down and

rebuilt their domiciles. The fur trade, the horse, the gun,

disturbed the sedentary habit of American tribes. Little

attention was paid to furniture. In the smoke-infested

wigwam and hut the ground was the best place for sitting or

sleeping. The communal houses of the Pacific coast had

bunks. The hammock was universal in the tropics, and chairs

of wood or stone. Eating was from the pot, with the hand or

spoon. Tables, knives, forks and other prandial apparatus were

as lacking as they were in the palaces of kings a few centuries

before. (Morgan, Houses and House Life; Farrand, p. 286.)

Stone-working.

Stone-working was universal in America. The tribes quarried

by means of crowbars and picks of wood and bone. They

split the silicious rocks with stone hammers, and then

chipped them into shape with bone tools. Soapstone for

pottery was partly cut into the desired shape in the native

ledge, broken or prised loose, and afterwards scraped into

form. Paint was excavated with the ubiquitous digging-stick,

and rubbed fine on stones with water or grease. For polished

stonework the material was pecked by blows, ground with other

stones, and smoothed with fine material. Sawing was done by

means of sand or with a thin piece of harder stuff. Boring

was effected with the sand- drill; the hardest rocks may have

been pierced with specially hard sand. At any rate stones

were sawed, shaped, polished, carved and perforated, not

only by the Mexicans, but among other tribes. For building

purposes stones were got out, dressed, carved and sculptured

with stone hammers and chisels made of hard and tenacious

rock. Stone-cutters' tools of metal are not known to have

existed, and they were not needed. Their quarrying and

stone-working were most wasteful. Those localities where

chipping was done reveal hundreds of tons of splinters and

failures, and these are often counted as ruder implements of

an earlier time. The dressed stones for great buildings were

pecked out of the ledges, and broken off with levers in pieces

much too large for their needs. (McGuire, "The Stone Hammer,"

Am. Anthrop. iv., 1891; Holmes, Archaeological Studies;

see Hodge's List, Bur. Am. Ethnol., 1906, and Handbook.)

Metallurgy.

Metals were treated as malleable stones by the American

aborigines. No evidence of smelting ores with fluxes is

offered, but casting from metal melted in open fires is

assumed. Gold, silver, copper, pure or mixed with tin or

silver, are to be found here and there in both continents,

and nuggets were objects of worship. Tools and appliances

for working metals were of the rudest kind, and if moulds

for casting were employed these were broken up; at least no

museum contains samples of them, and the processes are not

described. In the Arctic and Pacific coast provinces, about Lake

Superior, in Virginia and North Carolina, as well as in ruder

parts of Mexico and South America, metals were cold-hammered

into plates, weapons, rods and wire, ground and polished,

fashioned into carved blocks of hard, tenacious stone by

pressure or blow, overlaid, cold-welded and plated. Soldering,

brazing and the blowpipe in the Cordilleran provinces are

suspected, but the evidence of their existence must be further

examined. A deal of study has been devoted to the cunning

Tubal Cains, the surprising productions of whose handiwork

have been recovered in the art provinces of Mexico and the

Cordilleras, especially in Chiriqui, between Costa Rica and

Colombia. It must be admitted, however, that both the

tools and the processes have escaped the archaeologist,

as they did "the ablest goldsmiths in Spain, for they

never could conceive how they had been made, there being

no sign of a hammer or an engraver or any other instrument

used by them, the Indians having none such" (Herrera).

Pottery.

The potter's wheel did not exist in the western world, but

it was almost invented. Time and muscle, knack and touch,

a trained eye and brain and an unlimited array of patterns

hanging on fancy's walls, aided by a box of dry sand, were

competent to give the charming results. No more striking

contrast can be found between forlorn conditions and refined art

products. Art in clay was far from universal in the two

Americas. The Eskimo on Bering Sea had learned to model shallow

bowls for lamps. No pottery existed in Athapascan boundaries.

Algonquin-Iroquois tribes made creditable ware in Canada and

eastern United States. Muskhogean tribes were potters, but

Siouan tribes, as a rule, in all the Mississippi drainage were

not. In their area, however, dwelt clay-working tribes, and

the Mandans had the art. Moreover, the mound-builders in the

eastern half of this vast plain, being sedentary, were excellent

potters. The efflorescence of aboriginal pottery is to be

found in the Pueblo region of south- western United States, in

Mexico, Central America, Caribbean Islands, Colombia, Ecuador,

Peru and restricted areas of eastern Brazil. (The literature

on this subject is extensive. See Cushing, Fewkes, Holmes,

Hough, Stevenson.) On the Pacific side of the continent not

one of the forty linguistic families made pottery. The only

workers in clay west of the Rockies and north of the Pueblo

country belonged to the Shoshonean family of the Interior Basin.

Textile industries.

The study of Indian textiles includes an account of their

fibres, tools, processes, products, ornaments and uses. The

fibres were either animal or vegetable; animal fibres were

hair, fur on the skin, feathers, hide, sinew and intestines;

vegetable fibres were stalks of small trees, brush, straw,

cotton, bast, bark, leaves and seed vessels in great variety

as one passes from the north southward through all the culture

provinces. The products of the textile industry in America

were bark cloth, wattling for walls, fences and weirs, paper,

basketry, matting, loom products, needle or point work,

net-work, lacework and embroidery. In the manufacture of

these the substances were reduced to the form of slender

filaments, shreds, rods, splints, yarn, twine and sennit or

braid. All textile work was done by hand; the only devices

known were the bark peeler and beater, the shredder, the

flint-knife, the spindle, the rope-twister, the bodkin, the

warp- beam and the most primitive harness. The processes

involved were gathering the raw material, shredding, splitting,

gauging, wrapping, twining, spinning and braiding. Twining

and spinning were done with the fingers of both hands, with

the palm on the thigh, with the spindle and with the twister.

Ornamentation was in form, colour, technical processes and

dyes. The uses to which the textiles were put were for

clothing, furniture for the house, utensils for a thousand

industries, fine arts, social functions and worship.

In order to comprehend the more intricate processes of the

higher peoples it is necessary to examine the textile industry

in all of the culture areas. It is essentially woman's work,

though among the Pueblos, strangely enough, men are weavers.

The Eskimo woman did not weave, but was expert in sewing and

embroidering with sinew thread by means of a bodkin. The

Dene (Tinneh) peoples used strips of hide for snowshoes and

game-bags, sewed their deerskin clothing with sinew thread,

and embroidered in split quill. Their basketry, both in Canada

and in Arizona, was coiled work. The northern Algonquin and

Iroquoian tribes practised similar arts, and in the Atlantic

states wove robes of animal and bird skins by cutting the

latter into long strips, winding these strips on twine of

hemp, and weaving them by the same processes employed in their

basketry. Textile work in the Sioux province was chiefly

the making of skin garments with sinew thread, but in the

Gulf states the existence of excellent cane and grasses gave

opportunity for several varieties of weaving. On the Pacific

coast of America the efflorescence of basketry in every form

of technic was known. This art reached down to the borders of

Mexico. Loom-weaving in its simplest form began with the

Chilkats of Alaska, who hung the warp over a long pole, and

wrought mythological figures into their gorgeous blankets

by a process resembling tapestry work. The forming of bird

skins, rabbit skins and feathers into robes, and all basketry

technic, existed from Vancouver Island to Central America.

In northern Mexico net-work, rude lace-work in twine, are

followed farther south, where finer material existed, by

figured weaving of most intricate type and pattern; warps

were crossed and wrapped, wefts were omitted and texture

changed, so as to produce marvellous effects upon the

surface. This composite art reached its climax in Peru,

the llama wool affording the finest staple on the whole

hemisphere. Textile work in other parts of South America

did not differ from that of the Southern states of the

Union. The addition of brilliant ornamentation in shell,

teeth, feathers, wings of insects and dyed fibres completed

the round of the textile art. A peculiar type of coiled

basketry is found at the Strait of Magellan, but the

motives are not American. (Consult the works of Boas,

Dixon, G. T. Emmons, Holmes, Otis T. Mason, Matthews, John

Murdoch, E. W. Nelson, A. P. Niblack, Lucien M. Turner.)

Zootechny.

Since most American tribes lived upon flesh, the activities of

life were associated with the animal world. These activities

were not confined to the land, but had to do also with those

littoral meadows where invertebrate and vertebrate marine

animals fed in unlimited numbers. An account of savage life,

therefore, includes the knowledge of the animal life of America

and its distribution, regarding the continent, not only as a

whole, but in those natural history provinces and migrations

which governed and characterized the activities of the

peoples. This study would include industries connected with

capture, those that worked up into products the results of

capture, the social organizations and labours which were

involved in pursuit of animals, the language, skill, inventions

and knowledge resulting therefrom, and, finally, the religious

conception united with the animal world, which has been named

zootheism. In the capture of animals would be involved the

pedagogic influence of animal life; the engineering embraced

in taking them in large numbers; the cunning and strategy

necessary to hunters so poorly armed giving rise to disguises

and lures of many kinds. Capture begins among the lower tribes

with the hand, without devices, developing knack and skill in

seizing, pursuing, climbing, swimming, and maiming without

weapons; and proceeds to gathering with devices that take the

place of the hand in dipping, digging, hooking and grasping;

weapons for striking, whether clubs, missiles or projectiles;

edged weapons of capture, which were rare in America; piercing

devices for capture, in lances, barbed spears, harpoons and

arrows; traps for enclosing, arresting and killing, such as

pens, cages, pits, pen-falls, nets, hooks, nooses, clutches,

adhesives, deadfalls, impalers, knife traps and poisons;

animals consciously and unconsciously aiding in capture; fire

in the form of torches, beacons, burning out and smoking out;

poisons and asphyxiators; the accessories to hunting, including

such changes in food, dress, shelter, travelling, packing,

mechanical tools and intellectual apparatus as demanded by

these arts. Finally, in this connexion, the first steps in

domestication, beginning with the improvement of natural

corrals or spawning ground, and hunting with trained dogs and

animals. Zootechnic products include food, clothing, ornaments,

habitations, weapons, industrial tools, textiles, money, &c.

In sociology the dependence of the American tribes upon

the animal world becomes most apparent. A great majority

of all the family names in America were from animal

totems. The division of labour among the sexes was based on

zootechny. Labour organizations for hunting, communal

hunt and migrations had to do with the animal world.

In the duel between the hunter and the beast-mind the

intellectual powers of perception, memory, reason and will

were developed; experience and knowledge by experience were

enlarged, language and the graphic arts were fostered, the

inventive faculty was evoked and developed, and primitive

science was fostered in the unfolding of numbers, metrics,

clocks, astronomy, history and the philosophy of causation.

Beliefs and practices with reference to the heavenly world

were inspired by zoic activities; its location, scenery and

environment were the homes of beast gods. It was largely a

zoopantheon; thus zootheism influenced the organization of

tribes and societies in the tribes. The place, furniture,

liturgies and apparatus of worship were hereby suggested.

Myths, folk-lore, hunting charms, fetishes, superstitions

and customs were based on the same idea. (For life zones, see

C. H. Merriam, Biol. Survey, U.S. Dept. of Agriculture.)

Travel.

Excepting for extensive and rapid travel over the snow in

the Arctic regions by means of dog sleds, the extremely

limited transportation by dog travail (or sledge) in the

Sioux province, and the use of the llama as a beast of burden

throughout the Peruvian highlands, land travel was on foot,

and land transportation on the backs of men and women. One

of the most interesting topics of study is the trails along

which the seasonal and annual migrations of tribes occurred,

becoming in Peru the paved road, with suspension bridges and

wayside inns, or tambos. In Mexico, and in Peru especially,

the human back was utilized to its utmost extent, and in

most parts of America harness adapted for carrying was made

and frequently decorated with the best art. In the Mexican

codices pictures of men and women carrying are plentiful.

Travelling on the water was an important activity in aboriginal

times. Hundreds of thousands of miles of inland waters

and archipelagoes were traversed. Commencing in the Arctic

region, the Eskimo in his kayak, consisting of a framework

of driftwood or bone covered with dressed sealskin, could

paddle down east Greenland, up the west shore to Smith Sound,

along Baffin Land and Labrador, and the shores of Hudson Bay

throughout insular Canada and the Alaskan coast, around to

Mount St Elias, and for many miles on the eastern shore of

Asia. In addition to this most delicate and rapid craft,

he had his umiak or freight boat, sometimes called woman's

boat. The Athapascan covered all north-western Canada with

his open and portable birch-bark canoe, somewhat resembling the

kayak in finish. The Algonquin-Iroquois took up the journey

at Bear Lake and its tributaries, and by means of paddling

and portages traversed the area of middle and eastern Canada,

including the entire St Lawrence drainage. The absence of good

bark, dugout timber, and chisels of stone deprived the whole

Mississippi valley of creditable water-craft, and reduced

the natives to the clumsy trough for a dugout and miserable

bull-boat, made by stretching dressed buffalo hide over a

crate. On the Atlantic coast of the United States the dugout

was improved in form where the waters were more disturbed. John

Smith's Indians had a fleet of dugouts. The same may be said

of the Gulf states tribes, although they added rafts made of

reed. Along the archipelagoes of the North Pacific coast, from

Mount St Elias to the Columbia river, the dugout attained its

best. The Columbia river canoe resembled that of the Amur, the

bow and stern being pointed at the water-line. Poor dugouts and

rafts, made by tying reeds together, constituted the water-craft

of California and Mexico until Central America is reached.

The Caribs were the Haidas of the Caribbean Sea and

northern South America. Their craft would vie in form, in

size, and seaworthiness with those of the North Pacific

coast. The catamaran and the reed boat were known to the

Peruvians. The tribes of Venezuela and Guiana, according

to Im Thurn, had both the dugout and the built-up hull.

The simplest form of navigation in Brazil was the woodskin,

a piece of bark stripped from a tree and crimped at the

ends. The sangada, with its platform and sail, belonging to

the Brazilian coast, is spoken of as a good seaworthy craft.

Finally, the Fuegian bark canoe, made in three pieces so that

it can be taken apart and transported over hills and sewed

together, ends the series. The American craft was propelled

by poling, paddling, rowing, and by rude sails of matting.

Fine art.

The aesthetic arts of the American aborigines cannot be

studied apart from their languages, industries, social

organizations, lore and worships. Art was limited most of all

by poverty in technical appliances. There were just as good

materials and inspirations, but what could the best of them

do without metal tools? One and all skilful to a surpassing

degree--weavers, embroiderers, potters, painters, engravers,

carvers, sculptors and jewellers,--they were wearied by

drudgery and overpowered by a never-absent, weird and grotesque

theology. The Eskimo engraved poorly, the Dene (Tinneh)

embroidered in quill, the North Pacific tribes carved skilfully

in horn, slate and cedar, the California tribes had nimble

fingers for basketry, the Sioux gloried in feathers and painted

parfleche. The mound builders, Pueblo tribes, middle Americans

and Peruvians, were potters of many schools; gorgeous colour

fascinated the Amazonians, the Patagonians delighted in skins,

and even the Fuegians saw beauty in the pretty snail shells

of their desolate island shores. Of the Mexican and Central

American sculpture and architecture a competent judge says

that Yucatan and the southern states of Mexico are not rich

in sculptures, apart from architecture; but in the valley of

Mexico the human figure, animal forms, fanciful life motives

in endless variety, were embodied in masks, yokes, tablets,

calendars, cylinders, disks, boxes, vases and ornaments.

The Nahuatl lapidaries had at hand many varieties of workable

and beautiful stone--onyx, marble, limestone, quartz and

quartz crystal, granite, syenite, basalt, trachyte, rhyolite,

diorite and obsidian, the best of material prepared for them

by nature; while the Mayas had only limestone, and hard,

tenacious rock with which to work it, and timber for burning

lime. However, looking over the whole field of North American

achievement, architectural and non-architectural, composite and

monolithic, the palm for boldness, magnitude of proportions

and infinity of labour, must go to the sculptured mosaics of

Yucatan. Maya architecture is the best remaining index of

the art achievements of the American race. The construction

of such buildings as the palace at Uxmal and the castillo at

Chichen (Chichenitza) indicates a mastery in architectural

design. There is lack of unity in plan and grouping, and

an enormous waste of material as compared with available

room. At Uxmal the mass of masonry is to chamber space

about as forty to one. The builders were "ignorant of

some of the most essential principles of construction, and

are to be regarded as hardly more than novices in the art"

(Holmes, Archaeological Studies, &c.). As for the marvels

of Peru, the walls of the temple of the sun in Cuzco, with

their circular form and curve inward, from the ground upward,

are most imposing. Some of the gates without lintels are

beautiful, and the geometric patterns in the walls extremely

effective. The same objection to over-massiveness might

not apply here as in Mexico, owing to volcanic activity.

Sociology.

Institutions in Europe and America have gathered abundant

material for an intelligent comprehension of American Indian

sociology. The British Association had a committee reporting

during many years on the tribes of northwest Canada. The

American Museum in New York has prepared a series of monographs

on the tribes of the North Pacific coast, of northern Mexico,

and of the Cordilleras of South America. The reports of

the Bureau of American Ethnology in Washington cover the

Eskimo, east and west, and all the tribes of the United

States. In Mexico the former labours of Pimentel and Orozco

y Berra are supplemented by those of Bandolier, Penafiel,

Herrera and Alfredo Chavero. Otto Stoll's studies in Guatemala,

Berendt's in Central America, Ernst's in Venezuela, Im Thurn's

in Guiana, those of Ehrenreich, von den Steinen, Meyer in

Brazil, or of Bandolier, Bastian, Bruhl, Middendorf, von

Tschudi in Peru, afford the historian of comparative sociology

ample groundwork for a comprehensive grasp of South American

tribes. In all parts of the western hemisphere society

was organized on cognate kinship, real or artificial, the

unit being the clan. There were tribes where the basis

of kinship was agnate, but these were the exceptions. The

headship of the clan was sometimes hereditary, sometimes

elective, but each clan had a totemic name, and the clans

together constituted the tribe, the bond being not land, but

blood. Women could adopt prisoners of war, in which case

the latter became their younger sons. When a confederacy

was organized under a council, intermarriage between tribes

sometimes occurred; an artificial kinship thus arose, in which

event the council established the rank of the tribes as elder

and younger brother, grandfather, father and sons, rendering

the relationship and its vocabulary most intricate, but

necessary in a social system in which age was the predominant

consideration and etiquette most exacting. (See Morgan,

Tables of Consanguinity, Smithsonian Contributions, xvii.)

The Eskimo have a regular system of animal totem marks and

corresponding gentes. Powell sets forth the laws of real

and artificial kinship among the North American tribes, as

well as tribal organization and government, the formation of

confederacies, and the intricate rules of artificial kinship

by which rank and courtesy were established. (Many papers

in Reports of Bur. Am. Ethnol.) Bandolier declares that

in Mexico existed neither state nor nation, nor political

society of any kind, but tribes representing dialects,

and autonomous in matters of government, and forming

confederacies for the purposes of self-defence and conquest.

The ancient Mexican tribe was composed of twenty autonomous

kins. According to Brinton the social organization of ancient

Peru was a government by a council of the gentes. The Inca

was a war chief elected by the council to carry out its

commands. Among the Caribs a like social order prevailed;

indeed, their family system is identical with the totem

system of North American Indians. Dominated by the rule of

blood relationship, the Indians regulated all co-operative

activities on this basis. Not only marriage, but speech

and common industries, such as rowing a boat or chasing a

buffalo, were under its sway. It obtrudes itself in fine art,

behaviour, law-making, lore and religion. In larger or smaller

numbers of cognate kindred, for shorter or longer periods of

time, near or far from home, the aborigines developed their

legislatures, courts, armies, secret societies and priesthoods.

Art of war.

In organization, engineering, strategy, offence and defence,

the art of war was in the barbarous and the savage status or

grade. One competent to judge asserts that peace, not

war, was the normal intertribal habit. They held frequent

intercourse, gave feasts and presents, and practised unbounded

hospitality. Through this traffic objects travelled far

from home, and now come forth out of the tombs to perplex

archaeologists. Remembering the organization of the tribe

everywhere prevalent, it is not difficult to understand that

the army, or horde, that stands for the idea, was assembled

on the clan basis. The number of men arrayed under one

banner, the time during which they might cohere, the distances

from home they could march, their ability to hold permanently

what they had gained, together form an excellent metric scale

of the culture grade in the several American provinces, and

nowhere, even in the most favoured, is this mark high. With

the Mexicans war was a passion, but warfare was little above

the raid (Bandelier; Farrand). The lower tribes hunted their

enemies as they hunted animals. In their war dances, which

were only rehearsals, they disguised themselves as animals, and

the pantomime was a mimic hunt. They had striking, slashing

and piercing weapons held in the hand, fastened to a shaft or

thong, hurled from the hand, from a sling, from an atlatl or

throwing-stick, or shot from a bow. Their weapons were all

individual, not one co-operative device of offence being

known among them, although they understood fortification.

The term "slavery" is often applied to the aboriginal American

tribes. The truth of this depends upon the definition of the

word "slave." If it means the capture of men, and especially of

women, and adoption into the tribe, this existed everywhere;

but if subjection to a personal owner, who may compel service,

sell or put to death the individual, slavery was far from

universal. Nieboer finds it only on the North Pacific coast

as far south as Oregon, among the Navajo and the Cibola

pueblos, and in a few tribes of Middle and South America.

Lore.

The thought life of the American aborigines is expressed in

their practical knowledge and their lore. The fascination

which hangs around the latter has well-nigh obscured the

former. As in medicine theory is one thing and practice

another, so among these savages must the two be carefully

discriminated. Dorsey, again, draws a distinction between

lore narratives, which can be rehearsed without fasting or

prayer, and rituals which require the most rigid preparation.

In each culture province the Indians studied the heavenly

bodies. The Arctic peoples regulated their lives by the

long day and night in the year; among the tribes in the

arid region the place of sunrise was marked on the horizon

for each day; the tropical Indians were not so observant,

but they worshipped the sun-god above all. The Mayas had

a calendar of 360 days, with intercalary days; this solar

year was intersected by their sacred year of twenty weeks

of thirteen days each, and these assembled in bewildering

cycles. Their knowledge of the air and its properties

was no less profound. Heat and cold, rain and drought,

the winds in relation to the points of the compass, were

nearest their wants and supplies, and were never out of their

thoughts. In each province they had found the best springs,

beds of clay, paint, soapstone, flinty rock, friable stone

for sculpture and hard, tenacious stone for tools, and used

ashes for salt. The vegetal kingdom was no less familiar to

them. Edible plants, and those for dyes and medicines,

were on their lists, as well as wood for tools, utensils

and weapons, and fibres for textiles. They knew poisonous

plants, and could eliminate noxious properties. The universal

reliance on animal life stimulated the study of the animal

kingdom. Everywhere there were names for a large number of

species; industries and fine arts were developed through animal

substances. Society was organized in most cases on animal

clans, and religion was largely zoomorphic. The hunting

tribes knew well the nature and habits of animals, their

anatomy, their migrations, and could interpret their

voices. Out of this practical knowledge, coupled with the

belief in personeity, grew a folk-lore so vast that if it

were written down the world would not contain the books.

Religion.

The religion of the American aborigines, so far as it can

be made a subject of investigation, consisted (1) in what

the tribes believed about spirits, or shades, and the spirit

world--its organization, place, activities and relation to

our world; and (2) in what they did in response to these

beliefs. The former was their creeds, the latter their cults or

worships. In these worships, social organization, religious

dramas and paraphernalia, amusement and gambling, and private

religion or fetichism, found place. In order to obtain an

intelligent grasp of the religion of tribes in their several

culture provinces, it must be understood: (1) That the form

of belief called animism by Tylor (more correctly speaking,

personeity), was universal; everything was somebody, alive,

sentient, thoughtful, wilful. This personeity lifts the

majority of earthly phenomena out of the merely physical world

and places them in the spirit world. Theology and science are

one. All is supernatural, wakan. (2) That there existed

more than one self or soul or shade in any one of these

personalities, and these shades had the power not only to go

away, but to transform their bodily tenements at will; a

bird, by raising its head, could become a man; the latter,

by going on all fours, could become a deer. (3) That the

regulative side of the spirit world was the natural outcome

of the clan social system and the tribal government in each

tribe. Even one's personal name had reference to the world of

ghosts. The affirmation that American aborigines believed in

an all-pervading, omnipotent Spirit is entirely inconsistent

with the very nature of the case. (4) Worship was everywhere

dramatic. Only here and there among the higher tribes were

bloody sacrifices in vogue, and prayers were in pantomime.

In the culture areas the environment gave specific characters

to the religion. In the Arctic province the overpowering

influence of meteorological phenomena manifested itself

both in the doctrine of shades and in their shamanistic

practices. The raven created the world. The Dene (Tinneh)

myths resembled those of the Eskimo, and all the hunting

tribes of eastern Canada and United States and the Mississippi

valley have a mythology based upon their zootechny and their

totemism. The religious conceptions of the fishing tribes

on the Pacific coast between Mount St Elias and the Columbia

river are worked out by Boas; the transformation from the

hunting to the agricultural mode of life was accompanied by

changes in belief and worship quite as radical. These have

been carefully studied by Cushing, Stevenson and Fewkes.

The pompous ceremonials of the civilized tribes of Mexico

and the Cordilleras in South America, when analysed, reveal

only a higher grade of the prevailing idea. Im Thurn says of

the Carib: "All objects, animate and inanimate, seem exactly

of the same nature, except that they differ in the accident

of bodily form." These mythological ideas and symbols of the

American aborigines were woven in their textiles, painted on

their robes and furniture, burned into their pottery, drawn in

sand mosaics on deserts, and perpetuated in the only sculptures

worthy of the name, in wood and stone. They are inseparable

from industry; language, social organization and custom wait

upon them: they explain the universe in the savage mind.

Archaeology.

The archaeology of the western hemisphere should be divided

as follows: (1) that of Indian activities; (2) the question

of man's existence in a prior geological period. There is no

dividing line between first-contact ethnology and pre-contact

archaeology. Historians of this time, both north and south of

Panama, described tools and products of activities similar to

those taken from beneath the soil near by. The archaeologist

recovers his specimens from waste places, cave deposits,

abandoned villages, caches, shell-heaps, refuse-heaps,

enclosures, mounds, hut rings, earthworks, garden beds, quarries

and workshops, petroglyphs, trails, graves and cemeteries,

cliff and cavate dwellings, ancient pueblos, ruined stone

dwellings, forts and temples, canals or reservoirs. The

relics found in these places are material records of language,

industries, fine arts, social life, lore and religion.

Here and there in the Arctic province remains of old village

sites have been examined, and collections brought away by whalers

and exploring expeditions. Two facts are established--namely,

that the Eskimo lived formerly farther south on the Atlantic

coast, and that, aboriginally, they were not specially adept

in carving and etching. The old apparatus of hunting and

fishing is quite primitive. The Dene (Tinneh) province

in Alaska and north-western Canada yields nothing to the

spade. Algonquin-Iroquois Canada, thanks to the Geological

Survey and the Department of Education in Ontario, has revealed

old Indian camps, mounds and earthworks along the northern

drainage of Lakes Erie and Ontario, and pottery in a curved

line from Montreal to Lake of the Woods. Throughout eastern

United States shell-heaps, quarries, workshops and camp sites

are in abundance. The Sioux and the Muskhogee province is

the mound area, which extends also into Canada along the

Red river. The forms of these are earth-heaps, conical

mounds, walls of earth, rectangular pyramids and effigies

(Putnam). Thomas sums up the work of the Bureau of American

Ethnology upon the structure, contents and distribution of

these earth monuments, over a vast area from which adobe,

building stone and stone-working material were absent. (See

Hodge's List of Pubs. of the Bur. Am. Ethnol.) No writings

have been recovered, the artisans shaping small objects in

stone were specially gifted, the potters in only a few places

approached those of the Pueblos, the fine art was poor, and

relics found in the mounds do not indicate in their makers

a grade of culture above that of the Indian tribes near

by. The archaeology of the Pacific coast, from the Aleutian

Islands, is written in shell-heaps, village sites, caves,

and burial-places (Dall, Harlan I. Smith, Schumacher).

The relics of bone, antler, stone, shell and copper are of

yesterday. Even the Calaveras man is no exception, since

his skull and his polished conical pestle, the latter made

of stone more recent than the auriferous gravels, show him

to have been of Digger Indian type. In Utah begin the ruins

of the Pueblo culture. These cover Arizona and New Mexico,

with extensions into Colorado on the north and Mexico on the

south. The reports of work done in this province for several

years past form a library of text and illustration. Cliff

dwellings, cavate houses, pueblos and casas are all brought

into a series without a break by Bandelier, Cushing, Fewkes,

Holmes, Hough, Mindeleff, Nordenskjold, Powell and Stevenson.

From Casa Grande, in Chihuahua, to Quemada, in Zacatecas, Carl

S. Lumholtz found survivals of the cliff dwellers. Between

Quemada and Copan, in Honduras, is an unbroken series of mural

structures. The traditions agree with the monuments, whatever

may be objected to assigning any one ruin to the Toltec, the

Chichimec or the Nahuatl, that there are distinct varieties

in ground-plan, motives, stone-craft, wall decorations and

sculptures. Among these splendours in stone the following

recent explorers must be the student's guide:--Bowditch, Charnay,

Forstemann, F. T. Goodman, Gordon, Holmes, Maudslay, Mercer,

Putnam, Sapper, Marshall H. Saville, Seler, Cyrus Thomas,

Thompson. A list of the ruins, printed in the handbook on

Mexico published by the Department of State in Washington,

covers several pages. The special characteristics of each

are to be seen partly in the skill and genius of their makers,

and partly in the exigencies of the site and the available

materials. A fascinating study in this connexion is that of the

water-supply. The cenotes or underground reservoirs were the

important factors in locating the ruins of northern Yucatan.

From Honduras to Panama the urn burials, the pottery, the rude

carved images and, above all, the grotesque jewellery, absorb the

archaeologist's attention. (Publications of Peabody Museum.)

Beyond Chiriqui southward is El Dorado. Here also bewildering

products of ancient metallurgy tax the imagination as to

the processes involved, and questions of acculturation also

interfere with true scientific results. The fact remains,

however, that the curious metal-craft of the narrow strip

along the Pacific from Mexico to Titicaca is the greatest of

archaeological enigmas. Bandelier, Dorsey, Holmes, Seler and

Uhle have taken up the questions anew. Beyond Colombia are

Ecuador and Peru, where, in the widening of the continent,

architecture, stone-working, pottery, metallurgy, textiles

are again exalted. Among the Cordilleras in their western

and interior drainages, over a space covering more than twenty

degrees of latitude, the student comes again upon massive

ruins. The materials on the coast were clay and gravel

wrought into concrete, sun-dried bricks and pise, or rammed

work, cut stalks of plants formed with clay a kind of

staff, and lintels were made by burying stems of cana brava

(Gynerium saccharoides) in blocks of pise. On the uplands

structures were of stone laid up in a dozen ways. Walls for

buildings, garden terraces and aqueducts were straight or

sloping. Doorways were usually square, but corbelled archways

and gateways surmounted with sculptures were not uncommon.

Ornamentation was in carving and in colour, the latter far

more effectively used than in Middle America. A glance at the

exquisite textiles reveals at once the inspiration of mural

decorations. The most prolific source of Peruvian relics is

the sepulchres or huacas, the same materials being used in

their construction as in building the houses. Here, owing to

a dry climate, are the dead, clad and surrounded with food,

vessels, tools and art products, as in life. The textiles

and the pottery can only be mentioned; their quality and

endless varieties astonish the technologist. In the Carib

province there are no mural remains, but the pottery, with

its excessive onlaying, recalls Mexico and the jewellers of

Chiriqui. The polished stone work is superb, finding its

climax in Porto Rico, which seems to have been the sacred

island of the Caribs. For the coasts of South America the

vast shell-heaps are the repositories of ancient history.

Paleolithic man.

Since 1880 organized institutions of anthropology have

taken the spade out of the hands of individual explorers in

order to know the truth concerning Glacial or Pleistocene

man. The geologist and the trained archaeologist are

associated. In North America the sites have been examined

by the Peabody Museum, the Bureau of American Ethnology, and

others, with the result that only the Trenton gravels have

any standing. The so-called palaeolithic implements are

everywhere. The question is one of geology, simply to decide

whether those recovered at Trenton are ancient. Putnam

and George Frederick Wright maintain that they are ancient,

Alex. Francis Chamberlain and Holmes that they are post-Glacial

and comparatively recent (Am. Anthrop., N.S. i. pp. 107,

614). Elsewhere in the United States fossilized bones,

crania of a low order, association of human remains with

those of fossil animals are not necessarily evidence of vast

antiquity. In South America the shell-heaps, of enormous

size, are supposed to show that the animals have undergone

changes in size and that such vast masses require untold ages to

accumulate. The first is a biological problem. As for the

second, the elements of savage voracity and wastefulness,

of uncertainty as to cubical contents on uneven surface,

and of the number of mouths to fill, make it hazardous to

construct a chronological table on a shell-heap. Hudson's

village sites in Patagonia contain pottery, and that brings

them all into the territory of Indian archaeology. Ameghino

refers deposits in Patagonia, from which undoubted human

bones and relics have been exhumed, to the Miocene. The

question is of the age of the sediments from which these were

taken. The bones of other associated animals, says John B.

Hatcher, demonstrate the Pleistocene nature of the deposits,

by which is not necessarily meant older Quaternary, for their

horizons have not been differentiated and correlated in South

America. Hatcher believes that "there is no good evidence

in favour of a great antiquity for man in Patagonia." In a

cave near Consuelo Cove, southern Patagonia, have been found

fragments of the skin and bones of a large ground-sloth,

Grypotherium (Neomylodon) listai, associated with human

remains. Ameghino argues that this creature is still living,

while Ur Moreno advances the theory that the animal has been

extinct for a long period, and that it was domesticated by

a people of great antiquity, who dwelt there prior to the

Indians. Rodolfo Hauthal, Walter E. Roth and Dr R. Lehmann

Nitsche review their work with the conclusion, not unanimously

held by them, that man co-existed here with all the other

animals whose remains were found during an inter-Glacial

period. Arthur Smith Woodward sums up the question in

Proceedings of the Zoological Society of London, closing with

this sentence: "If we accept the confirmatory evidence afforded

by Mr Spencer Moore, we can hardly refuse to believe that this

ground-sloth was kept and fed by an early race of men." These

are individual opinions, subject to revision by that court of

appeals, the institutional judgment. (Summary in H. Hesketh

Prichard, Through the Heart of Patagonia (1902), Appendix A.)

AUTHORITIES.--A valuable endowment of research in specimens,

literature and pictures, deposited in libraries, museums and

galleries since 1880, will keep ethnologists and archaeologists

employed for many years to come. The scientific inquirer will

find a mass of material in the papers and reports contributed

to the numerous societies and institutions which are devoted

to anthropological research. Museums of aboriginal culture

are without number; in Washington the Smithsonian Institution,

the National Museum, the Bureau of American Ethnology and the

American Anthropologist issue publications on every division

of the subject, lists of their publications and general

bibliographies. Also the Peabody Museum, Cambridge; the

American Museum of Natural History, New York; the Academy of

Natural Sciences, Philadelphia; the Field Museum, Chicago; the

California Academy and the California University, San Francisco;

and the Canadian Institute, Toronto, publish monographs and

lists. The most comprehensive work on North America is the

Handbook of American Indians (prepared by the Bureau of American

Ethnology, under W. H. Holmes, and edited by F. Webb Hodge).

The following represent a select list of works on the American

aborigines:--H. H. Bancroft, Native Races of the Pacific

States of North America, vols. i.-v. (1874-1876); A. F.

Bandelier, Papers on the Sedentary Indians of New Mexico

(see Papers of the Archaeological Institute of America,

1881, 1890, 1892); also 10th, 11th, 12th Reports Peabody

Museum; Franz Boas, The Central Eskimo (6th Rep. Bur. Am.

Ethnol., 1888); also Bulls. 20, 26, 27 and Reports Brit.

Assoc. 1885-1898; Charles P. Bowditch, Mexican and Central

American Antiquities; Bull. 28, Bur. Am. Ethnol.; also The

Temples of the Cross and Mayan Nomenclature (Cambridge,

Mass., 1906); David Boyle, Reports of the Provincial Museum

of Toronto on Archaeology and Ethnology of Canada; D. G.

Brinton, Library of Aboriginal American Literature, vols.

i.-viii. (Philadelphia, 1822-1890); The American Race (New

York, 1891); Gustav Bruhl, Die Cultur-volker Amerikas

(Cincinnati, 1889); Desire Charnay, The Ancient Cities

of the New World (New York, 1887); Frank Cushing, Zuni

Folk Tales (New York, 1901); William H. Dall, Alaska and

its Resources (Boston: Lee & Shepard, 1870) (also papers by

Bur. Am. Ethnol.); J. Deniker, The Races of Man (London,

1900); Roland B. Dixon, The Northern Maidu, Cal., Bull. 17,

Am. Mus. Nat. Hist. (New York, 1905); Paul Ehrenreich, Die

Volkerstamme Brasiliens (Berlin, 1892); Anthropologische

Studien uber die Urbewohner Brasiliens (Berlin, 1897);

Livingston Farrand, The American Nation: A History, vol. ii.

(New York, 1904), with copious references; J. W. Fewkes, A

Journal of American Ethnology and Archaeology, vols. i.-iv.

(Boston, 1891-1894); Pliny Earle Goddard, Life and Culture

of the Hupa, Univ. of Cal., vol. i. (1903): papers by F. W.

Hodge, List of Publications of the Bur. Am. Ethnol., Bull.

31 (1906); W. H. Holmes, Handbook of the Indians North of

Mexico; Alice C. Fletcher, Francis la Flesche and John Comfort

Fillmore, "A Study of Omaha Indian Music," Peabody Museum

Archaeological and Ethnological Papers. i. (1893); George

Byron Gordon, "Researches in Central America," Memoirs of the

Peabody Museum, vol. i. Nos. 1, 4, 5, 6; and Proc. Mus.

Univ. of Pa.; William H. Holmes, Archaeological Studies among

the Ancient Cities of Mexico (Chicago, 1895); Walter Hough,

Archaeological Field Work in N.-E. Arizona, Museum-Gates

Expedition of 1901; Report U.S. National Museum, 1901;

Ales. Hrdlicka, "The Chichimecs," Am. Anthropologist,

1903, pp. 385-440; also papers on physical anthropology in the

Handbook and Pubs. of the National Museum and the American

Museum; Archer Butler Hulbert, Historic Highways of America,

16 vols. (Cleveland, O.); E. F. Im Thurn, Among the Indians

of British Guiana (London, 1883); A. H. Keane, Ethnology

(Cambridge, 1896); and Man, Past and Present (Cambridge,

1899); A. L. Kroeber, Papers on Eskimo, Arapaho, Languages

and Culture of California Tribes, in Pubs. of California

University and the American Museum of Natural History, N. Y.;

Albert Buell Lewis, "Tribes of the Columbia Valley," Mem.

Anthrop. Assoc. vol. i. (1906), with bibliography; Joseph

D. McGuire, "The Stone Hammer and its Various Uses," Am.

Anthropologist, iv. (1891); Teobert Maler, "Researches in

Usumatsintla Valley" (1901- 1903), Peabody Museum Mem. ii.;

Clements R. Markham, Cuzco (London, 1836, and Hakluyt Soc.,

1859); Marquis de Nadaillac, L'Amerique prehistorique

(Paris, 1883); H. J. Nieboer, Slavery as an Industrial System

(The Hague, 1900); G. Nordenskjold, The Cliff Dwellers of

the Mesa Verde, Colorado (Stockholm, 1893); Zelia Nuttall,

The Book of the Life of the Ancient Mexicans (Univ. of

Cal., 1903); An Ancient Mexican Codex, special publications

of the Peabody Museum (Cambridge, Mass., 1902); Edward John

Payne, History of the New World called America (vol. i.

1892, vol. ii. 1899, Oxford ); Antonio Penafiel, Monumentos

del Arte Mexicano antiguo (Berlin, 1890); James C. Pilling,

"Bibliographies of Indian Languages," Bulls. Bur. Am.

Ethnol. 5-19; J. W. Powell, "Indian Linguistic Families,"

7th Report Bureau of American Ethnology (1891); H. Hesketh

Prichard, Through the Heart of Patagonia (New York, 1902)

(appendix on the co-existence of mylodon and man); F. W.

Putnam, "Archaeology and Ethnology," vol. vii., Wheeler

Surveys, &c. (Washington, 1879); Charles Rau, The Palenque

Tablet, Smithsonian Contributions, Washington; Caecilie

Seler, Auf alten Wegen in Mexico und Guatemala (Berlin,

1900); Harlan I. Smith, "Archaeological Discoveries in

North-Western America," Bull. Am. Geographical Society

(May 1906); also Mem. Am. Mus. Nat. History (New York); Karl

von den Steinen, Unter den Naturvolkern Zentral-Brasiliens

(Berlin, 1884); E. H. Thompson, "Explorations in Loltun and

Labna," Memoirs Peabody Museum of Archaeol. and Ethnol.

i. 1897; Max Uhle, "Explorations in Peru," Memoir Univ. of

Cal. i.; Washington Matthews, Navaho Legends (Cambridge,

Mass.); Anne Cary Maudslay and Alfred Percival Maudslay, A

Glimpse at Guatemala (London, 1899) (Maudslay's whole series

in Biologia Centrali Americana, 1889-1902, are valuable);

H. C. Mercer, The Hill Caves of Yucatan (Philadelphia,

1896); Clarence B. Moore, papers on archaeology of Florida and

neighbouring states, Journal Acad. Nat. Sc. (Philadelphia,

vol. xiii., 1905); Lewis H. Morgan, Smithsonian Contributions,

xvii., 1869; and Ancient Society, New York. (O. T. M.)

AMERICA ISLANDS, a name given to Christmas, Fanning, Palmyra

and attendant islets, belonging to Great Britain, in the

Central Pacific Ocean, between the equator and 6 deg. N., and

about 160 deg. W. They are so named because frequented for their

guano by traders from the United States. Christmas Island

is probably the largest atoll in the Pacific (it is about 90

m. in circuit), and was discovered by Captain Cook in 1777.

The islands were annexed by Great Britain in 1888 in view of

the laying of the Pacific cable, of which Fanning Island is a

station. Guano and mother-of-pearl shells are the principal

articles of export; the population of the islands is about 300.

AMERICAN CIVIL WAR (1861-1865). 1. The Civil War between

the northern and southern sections of the United States, which

began with the bombardment of Fort Sumter on the 12th of April

1861, and came to an end, in the last days of April 1865,

with the surrender of the Confederates, was in its scope one

of the greatest struggles known to history. Its operations

were spread over thousands of miles, vast numbers of men were

employed, and both sides fought with an even more relentless

determination than is usual when "armed nations" meet in

battle. The duration of the war was due to the nature of the

country and the enormous distances to be traversed, not to

any want of energy, for the armies were in deadly earnest and

their battles and combats (of which two thousand four hundred

can be named) sterner than those of almost any war in modern

history. The political history of the war, its antecedents

and its consequences, are dealt with in the articles

UNITED STATES (History) and CONFEDERATE STATES. For

the purposes of the military narrative it is sufficient to

say that eleven southern states seceded from the Union and

formed the Confederate States of America. Jefferson Davis

was chosen president of this confederacy, and an energetic

government prepared to repel the expected attack of the "Union"

states. The "resumption" by the seceding states of the

coast defences (built on land ceded by the various states

to the Federal government, and, it was argued, withdrawn

therefore by the act of secession) brought on the war.

2. Bombardment of Fort Sumter.--South Carolina, finding

other means of seizing or regaining Fort Sumter at Charleston

ineffectual, ushered in the great struggle by the bombardment

of the 12th of April 1861. Against overwhelming odds the

United States troops held out until honour was satisfied; they

then surrendered the ruins of the fort and were conveyed by

warships to the north. At once the war spirit was aroused.

President Lincoln called out 75,000 men. The few southern

states which had not yet seceded, refused their contingents

and promptly joined the "rebels," but there was no hesitation

in the people of the North, and the state troops volunteered

in far greater numbers than had been demanded. Nearly the

whole of the nation had now definitely taken sides in the

quarrel. The Confederacy consisted of eleven states (Virginia,

North and South Carolina, Georgia, Florida, Alabama, Mississippi,

Louisiana, Texas, Arkansas and Tennessee). All the remaining

states and territories stood by the Union, except Missouri,

Kentucky and Maryland, in which public opinion was divided.

But the first operations of the war brought about the willing

or unwilling adhesion of these border states to the Federal

cause. Citizens of these states served on either side in the

war. The small, but highly efficient, regular army stood by

the president, though large numbers of the officers, amongst

them many of the best in the service, left it when their states

seceded. The navy likewise remained national, and of its

officers very few went with their states, for the foreign

relations of the navy tended to produce a sentiment wider than

local. But the Federal armaments were not on such a scale

as to enable the government to cope with a "nation in arms,"

and the first call for volunteers was followed by more and

more, until in the end the Federals had more than a million

men under arms. At first the troops on both sides were

voluntarily enlisted, but the South quickly, the North later,

put in force conscription acts. Reducing the figures to a

three years' average, the North furnished about 45% of her

military population, the South not less than 90% for that

term. Even so the Confederacy was numerically, as in every

other respect, far weaker, and rarely, after the second year,

opposed equal numbers to the troops of the Union. Throughout

the critical period of the war, that is, from the beginning

of 1862 up to the day of Chattanooga, three distinct campaigns

were always in progress. Virginia, separating the two hostile

capitals, Richmond and Washington, was the theatre of the

great campaigns of the east, where the flower of both armies

fought. In the centre, the valleys of the Ohio, the Cumberland

and the Tennessee were the battle-ground of large armies

attacking and defending the south and south-eastern states

of the Confederacy, while on and beyond the great waterway

of the Mississippi was carried on the struggle for those

interests, vital to either party, which depended on the mighty

river and its affluents. Until the end of 1863 the events in

these three regions remain distinct episodes; after that the

whole theatre of war is comprised in the "anaconda policy,"

which concentrated irresistible masses of troops from all

sides on the heroic remnants of the Confederacy. In Virginia

and the east, Washington, situated on the outpost line of

the Union, and separated by the "border" state of Maryland

from Pennsylvania and the North, was for some time in great

peril. Virginia, and with it the Federal navy yard at Norfolk

and the arsenal at Harper's Ferry, was controlled by the

rebels. Baltimore was the scene of a bloody riot as the first

Northern regiment (6th Mass.) passed through on its way to

Washington on the 19th of April, and, until troops could be

spared to protect the railway through Maryland, all reinforcements

for the national capital had to be brought up to Annapolis by

sea. When that state was reduced to order, the Potomac became

the front, and, later, the base, of the Northern armies.

3. Missouri and West Virginia.--Missouri, at the other flank

of the line, contained an even stronger Confederate element,

and it was not without a severe struggle that the energy of

Mr (afterwards General) F. P. Blair, and of Nathaniel Lyon,

the Unionist military commander, prevailed over the party of

secession. In Kentucky the Unionist victory was secured

almost without a blow, and, even at the end of 1861, the

Confederate outposts west of the Alleghenies lay no farther

north than the line Columbus--Bowling Green--Cumberland

Gap, though southern Missouri was still a contested

ground. Between the Mississippi and the mountains the whole

of the year was spent by both sides in preparing for the

contest. In the east hostilities began in earnest in western

Virginia. This part of the state, strongly Unionist, had

striven to prevent secession, and soon became itself a state

of the Union (1863). A force under General G. B. McClellan

advanced from the Ohio in June and captured Philippi. This

promptitude was not only dictated by the necessity of preserving

West Virginia, but imposed by the necessity of holding the

Baltimore & Ohio railway, which, as the great link between

east and west, was essential to the Federal armies. A month

later, an easy triumph was obtained by McClellan and Rosecrans

against the Confederates of Virginia at Rich Mountain.

4. First Bull Run.--The opposing forces now in the field

numbered 190,000 Unionists and half that number of Confederates;

sixty-nine warships flew the Stars and Stripes and a number

of improvised ironclads and gunboats the rival "Stars and

Bars." On the 10th of June a Federal force was defeated at Big

Bethel (near Fortress Monroe), and soon afterwards the main

Virginian campaign began. On the Potomac the Unionist generals

McDowell and Patterson commanded respectively the forces at

Washington and Harper's Ferry, opposed by the Confederates under

Generals J. E. Johnston and Beauregard at Winchester and at

Manassas. The forces of these four commanders were raw but

eager, and the people behind them clamoured for a decision.

Much against his own judgment, Lieutenant-General Winfield

Scott, the Federal general-in-chief, a veteran of the second

war with England and of the war with Mexico, felt constrained

to order an advance against Beauregard, while Patterson was to

hold Johnston in check on the Shenandoah. On the 21st of July

took place the first battle of Bull Run (q.v.) between McDowell

and Beauregard, fought by the raw troops of both sides with an

obstinacy that foreboded the desperate battles of subsequent

campaigns. The arrival of Johnston on the previous evening

and his lieutenant Kirby Smith at the crisis of the battle

(for Patterson's part in the plan had completely failed),

turned the scale, and the Federals, not yet disciplined to

bear the strain of a great battle, broke and fled in wild

rout. The equally raw Confederates were in no condition to

pursue. A desultory duel between the forces of Rosecrans and

Robert E. Lee in West Virginia, which ended in the withdrawal

of the Confederates, and a few combats on the Potomac

(Ball's Bluff or Leesburg, October 21; Dranesville, December

20), brought to a close the first campaign in the east.

5. Close of the First Year.--In the end Bull Run did more

harm to the victors than to the conquered. The Southerners

undeniably rested on their laurels, and enabled McClellan, who

was now called to the chief military command at Washington, to

raise, organize and train the famous Army of the Potomac, which,

in defeat and victory, won its reputation as one of the finest

armies of modern history. Johnston meanwhile was similarly

employed in fashioning the equally famous Army of northern

Virginia, which for three years carried the Confederacy on its

bayonets. It was not until the people was stung by the

humiliation of Bull Run that the unorganized enthusiasm of the

North settled down into an invincible determination to crush

the rebellion at all costs. The men of the South were not less

in earnest, and the most highly individualized people in the

world was thus found ready to accept a rigorous discipline as

the only way to success. In the autumn, a spirited attempt

was made by the Arkansas Confederates to reoccupy Missouri.

Fremont, the Federal commander, proved quite unable to deal

with this, and the gallant Lyon was defeated and killed at

Wilson's Creek (August 10). Soon afterwards, after a steady

resistance, the Unionist garrison of Lexington surrendered

to Sterling Price. But the work of Blair and Lyon had not

been in vain, and the mere menace of Fremont's advance

sufficed to clear the state, while General John Pope, by

vigorous action in the field and able civil administration,

restored order and quiet in the northern part of the

state. In the central theatre (Kentucky), the only event

of importance was a daring reconnaissance of the Confederate

fort at Columbus on the Mississippi by a small force under

Brigadier-General U. S. Grant (action of Belmont, November 7).

6. The Blockade.--Meanwhile the Federal navy had settled

down to its fourfold task of blockading the enemy's coast

against the export of cotton and the import of war material,

protecting the Union commerce afloat, hindering the creation

of a Confederate navy and co- operating with the land

forces. From the first months of the war the sea power of the

Federals was practically unchallenged, and the whole length of

the hostile coast-line was open to invasion. But the blockade

of 3000 miles of coast was a far more formidable task, and

international law required it to be effective in order to be

respected. Nevertheless along the whole line some kind of

surveillance was established long before the close of 1861,

and, in proportion as the number of vessels available increased,

the blockade became more and more stringent, until at last it

was practically unbreakable at any point save by the fastest

steamers working under unusually favourable conditions of

wind and weather. As against the civilian enemy the navy

strangled commerce; its military preponderance nipped in the

bud every successive attempt of the Confederates to create a

fleet (for each new vessel as it emerged from the estuary or

harbour in which it had been built, was destroyed or driven

back), while at any given point a secure base was available

for the far- ranging operations of the Union armies. Two

hundred and twelve warships or converted merchantmen were

in commission on the 1st of January 1862. There had been

several coastal successes in 1861, notably the occupation of

Hatteras Inlet, North Carolina, by Commodore S. H. Stringham

and General B. F. Butler (August 28-29, 1861), and the

bombardment and capture of Forts Beauregard and Walker at Port

Royal, South Carolina, by the fleet under Commodore S. F.

duPont and the forces of General T. W. Sherman (November 7,

1861). Early in 1862 a large expedition under General A. E.

Burnside and Commodore L. M. Goldsborough captured Roanoke

Island, and the troops penetrated inland as far as Newborn

(actions of February 8 and March 14). About the same time Fort

Pulaski (the main defence of Savannah, Georgia) was invested and

captured. But the greatest and most important enterprise

was the capture of New Orleans (q.v.) by Flag-Officer D.

G. Farragut and General Butler (April 18-25, 1862). This

success opened up the lower Mississippi at the same time as

the armies of the west began to move down that river under

Grant, who was always accompanied by the gunboat flotilla

which had been created on the upper waters in 1861. A slight

campaign in New Mexico took place in February 1862, in which

several brilliant tactical successes were won by the Texan

forces, but no permanent foothold was secured by them.

7. Fort Donelson.--In the early months of 1862 preparations

on a gigantic scale were made for the conquest of the South.

McClellan and the Army of the Potomac faced Johnston, who

with the Army of northern Virginia lay at Manassas, exercising

and training his men with no less care than his opponent.

Major General D. C. Buell in Kentucky had likewise drilled his

troops to a high state of efficiency and was preparing to move

against the Confederate general Albert Sidney Johnston, whose

reputation was that of being the foremost soldier on either

side. Farther west the troops on both sides were by no

means so well trained, yet active operations began on the

Tennessee. Here Fort Donelson on the Cumberland, Fort Henry

on the Tennessee and Columbus on the Mississippi guarded the

left of the Southern line, Sidney Johnston himself maintaining

a precarious advanced position at Bowling Green, with his

lieutenants, Zollicoffer and Crittenden, farther east at

Mill Springs, and a small force under General Marshall in

the mountains of eastern Kentucky. The last-named was soon

defeated by General James A. Garfield at Prestonburg, and a

few days later General G. H. Thomas won his first victory at

Mill Springs (Logan's Cross Roads). Zollicoffer was killed and

his army forced to make a disastrous retreat (January 19-20,

1862). The centre of Johnston's line (Forts Henry and Donelson)

was next attacked by General Grant and Flag- Officer A. H.

Foote. On the 6th of February Fort Henry fell to Foote's

gunboat flotilla, and Grant then moved overland to Donelson.

His troops were raw and possessed no decisive superiority in

numbers, and sharp fighting took place when the garrison of

Donelson tried to cut its way out. The attempt failed when

almost on the point of success, and the Federals, under the

excellent leadership of Generals C. F. Smith, Lew Wallace and

McClernand, effected a lodgment in the works. The Confederate

commanders proved themselves quite unequal to the crisis, and

15,000 men surrendered with the fort on the 16th of February.

8. Island No. 10 and Pea Ridge.--This very considerable

success thrust back Johnston's whole line to New Madrid,

Corinth and the Memphis & Charleston railway. The left

flank, even after the evacuation of Columbus, was exposed,

and the Missouri divisions under Pope quickly seized New

Madrid. The adjoining river defences of Island No. 10 in

the Mississippi proved more formidable. Foote's gunboats

could, and did, run the gauntlet, but a canal had to be cut

right round the batteries for the transports, before the land

forces could cross the river and attack the works in rear;

when this was accomplished, by the skill and energy of all

concerned, the place with its garrison of 7000 men surrendered

at once (April 8, 1862). Meanwhile, in the Missouri theatre,

the Federal general Curtis, outnumbered and outmanoeuvred

by the forces of Price and Van Dorn, fought, and by his

magnificent tenacity won, the battle of Pea Ridge (March

7-8), which put an end to the war in this quarter. On the

whole, the first part of the western campaign was uniformly

a brilliant success for the Federal arms. General H. W.

Halleck, who was here in control of all the operations of

the Federals, had meanwhile ordered Grant's force to ascend

the Tennessee river and operate against Corinth; Buell's

well-disciplined forces were to march overland from Nashville

to join him, and General O. M. Mitchel with a division was

sent straight southwards from the same place to cut the Memphis

& Charleston line. The latter mission, brilliantly as it

was executed, failed, through want of support, to secure a

foothold. Had Halleck reinforced Mitchel, that officer might

perhaps have forestalled the later victories of Grant and

Sherman. As it was, the enterprise became a mere diversion.

9. Shiloh.--Meanwhile Grant was encamped at Pittsburg Landing

on the Tennessee with an army of 45,000 men, and Buell with

37,000 men about two marches away. Early on the 6th of April

A. S. Johnston and Beauregard completely surprised the camps

of Grant's divisions. The battle of Shiloh (q.v.) was a

savage scuffle between two half- disciplined hosts, contested

with a fury rare even in this war. On the 6th the Unionists,

scattered and unable to combine, were driven from point to

point, and at nightfall barely held their ground on the

banks of the river. The losses were enormous on both sides,

Johnston himself being amongst the killed. The arrival of

Buell enabled the Federals to take the offensive next morning

along the whole line, and by sunset on the 7th, after another

sanguinary battle, Beauregard was in full retreat. Some

weeks afterwards, Halleck with the combined armies of Grant,

Buell and Pope began the siege of Corinth, which Beauregard

ultimately evacuated a month later. Thus the first campaign

of the western armies, completed by the victory of the gunboat

flotilla at Memphis (June 6), cleared the Mississippi as far

down as Vicksburg, and compelled the Confederates to evacuate

the Cumberland and a large portion of the Tennessee basins.

10. The Peninsula.--Many schemes were discussed between

McClellan and President Lincoln before the Army of the Potomac

finally took the offensive in Virginia. It was eventually

decided that General Banks was to oppose "Stonewall" Jackson

in the Shenandoah Valley, Fremont to hold western Virginia

against the same general's enterprise, and McDowell with a

strong corps to advance overland to meet McClellan, who, with

the main army, was to proceed by sea to Fortress Monroe and

thence to advance on Richmond. The James river, afterwards

so much used for the Federal operations, was not yet clear,

and it was here, in Hampton Roads, that the famous fight took

place between the ironclads "Merrimac", (or "Virginia") and

"Monitor" (March 8-9, 1862). McClellan's advance was opposed

by a small force of Confederates under General Magruder,

which, gradually reinforced, held the historic position of

Yorktown for a whole month, and only evacuated it on the 3rd

of May. Two days later McClellan's advanced troops fought

a sharp combat at Williamsburg and the Army of the Potomac

rendezvoused on the Chickahominy with its base at White House

on the Pamunkey (May 7). J. E. Johnston had, long ere this,

fallen back from Manassas towards Richmond, and the two armies

were in touch when a serious check was given to McClellan by

the brilliant successes of Jackson in the Shenandoah Valley.

11. Jackson's Valley Campaign.--The "Valley of Virginia,"

called also the "Granary of the Confederacy," was cut into long

parallel strips by ridges and rivers, across which passages

were rare, and along which the Confederates could, with little

fear of interruption from the east, debouch into Maryland

and approach Washington itself. Here Stonewall Jackson lay

with a small force, and in front of him at the outlet of the

valley was Banks, while Fremont threatened him from West

Virginia. Jackson had already fought a winter campaign which

ended in his defeat at the hands of General Shields at Kernstown

(March 23). Banks's main army, early in May, lay far down the

Valley at Strasburg and Front Royal, Fremont at the town of

McDowell. Jackson's first blow fell on part of Fremont's

corps, which was sharply attacked and driven into the mountains

(McDowell, May 8). The victor quickly turned upon Banks,

destroyed his garrison of Front Royal and nearly surrounded

his main body; barely escaping, Banks was again defeated

at Winchester and driven back to the Maryland border (May

23-25). These rapid successes paralysed the Federal

offensive. McDowell, instead of marching to join McClellan,

was ordered to the Valley to assist in "trapping Jackson,"

an operation which, at one critical moment very near

success, ended in the defeat of Fremont at Cross Keys and

of McDowell's advanced troops at Port Republic (June 8-9)

and the escape of the daring Confederates with trifling

loss. McClellan, deprived of McDowell's corps, felt himself

reduced to impotence, and three Federal armies were vainly

marching up and down the Valley when Johnston fell with

all his forces upon the Army of the Potomac. The Federals

lay on both sides of the Chickahominy river, and at this

moment Johnston heard that McDowell's arrival need not be

feared. The course of the battle of Seven Pines or Fair Oaks

(q.v.) bore some resemblance to that of Shiloh; a sharp

attack found the Unionists unprepared, and only after severe

losses and many partial defeats could McClellan check the rebel

advance. Here also fortune was against the Confederates. J.

E. Johnston fell severely wounded, and in the end a properly

connected and combined advance of the Army of the Potomac drove

back his successor into the lines of Richmond (May 31-June 1).

12. The Seven Days.--Bad weather and skilful defence

completely checked the assailants for another three weeks,

and the situation was now materially altered. Jackson with

the Valley troops had stealthily left Harrisonburg by rail

on the 17th of June, and was now at Ashland in McClellan's

rear. General Lee, who had succeeded Johnston in the

command of the Army of northern Virginia, proposed to attack

the Federals in their line of communication with White

House, and passed most of his forces round to the aid of

Jackson. The Seven Days' Battle (q.v.) opened with the

combat of Mechanicsville on the 26th of June, and the battle

of Gaines' Mill on the 27th. Lee soon cut the communication

with White House, but McClellan changed his base and retreated

towards Harrison's landing on the James river. It was some

time before Lee realized this. In the end the Federals

were sharply pursued, but McClellan had gained a long start

and, fighting victoriously almost every day, at length placed

himself in a secure position on the James, which was now

patrolled by the Federal warships (June 26-July 1). But the

second advance on Richmond was clearly a strategical failure.

13. The Campaign of Perryville.--After the capture of

Corinth Halleck had suspended the Federal advance all along

the line in the west, and many changes took place about this

time. Halleck went to Washington as general-in-chief, Pope

was transferred to Virginia, Grant, with his own Army of

the Tennessee and Rosecrans's (lately Pope's) Army of the

Mississippi, was entrusted with operations on the latter

river, while Buell's Army of the Ohio was ordered to east

Tennessee to relieve the inhabitants of that district, who,

as Unionist sympathizers, were receiving harsh treatment

from the Confederate and state authorities. Late in July

Braxton Bragg, who had succeeded Beauregard in command of the

Confederates, transferred his forces to the neighbourhood of

Chattanooga. Tennessee was thenceforward to be the central

theatre of war, and too late it was recognized that Mitchel

should have been supported in the spring. The forces left

south of Corinth were enough to occupy the attention of

Grant and Rosecrans, and almost contemporaneously with Lee's

advance on Washington (see below), Price and Bragg took the

offensive against Grant and Buell respectively. The latter

early in August lay near Murfreesboro, covering Nashville,

but the Confederate general did not intend to threaten that

place. The valleys and ridges of eastern Tennessee screened him

as he rapidly marched on Louisville and Cincinnati. The whole

of the Southern army in the west swung round on its left wing

as the pivot, and Buell only just reached Louisville before his

opponent. The Washington authorities, thoroughly dissatisfied,

ordered him to turn over the command to General Thomas, but

the latter magnanimously declined the offer, and Buell on the

8th of October fought the sanguinary and indecisive battle of

Perryville, in consequence of which Bragg retired to Chattanooga.

14. The Western Campaign.--The Union leader was now ordered

once more to east Tennessee, but he protested that want of

supplies made such a move impossible. Rosecrans, the victor

of Corinth and Iuka (see below), was thereupon ordered

to replace him. Buell's failure to appreciate political

considerations as a part of strategy justified his recall,

but the value of his work, like that of McClellan, can

hardly be measured by marches and victories. The disgraced

general was not again employed, but the men of the Army of

the Ohio retained throughout, as did those of the Army of the

Potomac, the impress of their first general's discipline and

training. Sterling Price in the meanwhile had been ordered

forward against Grant and Rosecrans, and Van Dorn promised his

assistance. Before the latter could come up, however, Rosecrans

defeated Price at Iuka (September 19). The Confederates,

not dismayed thereby, effected their junction and moved on

Corinth, which was defended by Rosecrans and 23,000 Federal

troops. Grant's other forces were split up into detachments,

and when Van Dorn, boldly marching right round Rosecrans,

descended upon Corinth from the north, Grant could hardly

stir to help his subordinate. Rosecrans, however, won

the battle of Corinth (October 3-4), though on the evening

of the 3rd he had been in a perilous position. The

Confederates fell back to the southward, escaping Grant once

more, and thus ended the Confederate advance in the West.

15. Pope's Campaign in Virginia.--The Army of Virginia under

Pope was composed of the troops lately chasing Jackson in

the Valley-- Fremont's (now Sigel's), Banks's and McDowell's

corps. Halleck (at the Washington headquarters) began by

withdrawing McClellan from the James to assist Pope in central

Virginia; Lee, thus released from any fear for the safety of

Richmond, turned swiftly upon Pope. That officer desired

to concentrate his command on Gordonsville, but Jackson was

before him at that place, and he fell back on Culpeper.

On the 9th of August Banks and Jackson joined battle once

more at Cedar Mountain (or Cedar Run); the Federals, though

greatly inferior in numbers, attacked with much vigour.

Banks was eventually beaten, but he had come very near to

success, and Jackson soon retired across the Rapidan, where

(the Army of the Potomac having now begun to leave the James)

Lee joined him (August 17) with the corps of Longstreet.

Pope now fell back behind the Rappahannock without showing

fight. Here Halleck's orders bade him cover both Washington

and Aquia Creek (whence the Army of the Potomac was to join

him), orders almost impossible of execution, as any serious

change of position necessarily uncovered one of these

lines. The leading troops of the Army of the Potomac were

now landed, and set out to join Pope's army, which faced

Longstreet and Jackson on the Rappahannock between Bealton and

Waterloo. On the 24th of August Lee ordered Jackson to

march round Pope's right wing and descend on his rear through

Thoroughfare Gap on Manassas and the old battle-ground of

1861. Pope was at this moment about to take the offensive,

when a violent storm swelled the rivers and put an end to all

movement. On the 26th of August the daring flank march of

Jackson's corps ended at Manassas Station (see BULL RUN).

Longstreet followed Jackson, and Lee's army was reunited on the

battlefield. By the 1st of September the campaign of "Second

Manassas" was over. Pope's army and such of the troops of the

Army of the Potomac as had been involved in the catastrophe were

driven, tired and disheartened, into the Washington lines.

The Confederates were once more masters of eastern Virginia.

16. Antietam.--It was at this moment that Bragg was in the

full tide of his temporary success in Tennessee and Kentucky,

and, after his great victory of Second Bull Run, Lee naturally

invaded Maryland, which, it was assumed, had not forgotten

its Southern sympathies. But Lee received no real accession

of strength, and when McClellan with all available forces

moved out of Washington to encounter the Army of northern

Virginia, the Confederates were still but a few marches from

the point where they had crossed the Potomac. Lee had again

divided his army. On the 13th of September Jackson was

besieging 11,000 Federals in Harper's Ferry, Longstreet was at

Hagerstown, Stuart's cavalry holding the passes of the South

Mountain, while McClellan's whole army lay at Frederick. Here

extraordinary good fortune put into the enemy's hands a copy

of Lee's orders, from which it was clear that the Confederates

were dangerously dispersed. Had McClellan moved at once he

could have seized the passes without difficulty, as he was

aware that he had only cavalry to oppose him. But the 13th

was spent in idleness, and stubborn infantry now held the

passes. A serious and costly action had to be fought before

the way was cleared (battle of South Mountain, September 14).

On the following day Harper's Ferry capitulated after a weak

defence. Jackson thereupon swiftly rejoined Lee, leaving

only a division to carry out the capitulation. On the 16th

McClellan found Lee in position behind the Antietam Creek,

and on the 17th was fought the sanguinary and obstinately

contested battle of Antietam (q.v.) or Sharpsburg. At the

price of enormous losses both sides escaped defeat in the

field, but Lee's offensive was at an end and he retired into

Virginia. Thenceforward the Confederacy was purely on the

defensive. Only twice more did the forces of the South

strike out (Gettysburg, 1863; Nashville, 1864), and then

the offensive was more of a counter-attack than an advance.