AD VALOREM (Lat. for ``according to value''), the term

given in commerce to a duty which is levied by customs

authorities on goods or commodities in proportion to their

value. An ad valorem duty is the opposite of a specific

duty, which is chargeable on the measure or weight of

goods. The United States is the one important country which

has adopted in its tariff an extensive system of ad valorem

duties, though it has not altogether disregarded specific

duties; in some cases, indeed, the two are combined. Ad

valorem duties, in the United States, are levied according

to the saleable value of the goods in the country of their

origin, and it is usual to require at the port of entry the

production of an invoice with full particulars as to the

place where, time when, and person from whom the goods were

purchased, and the actual cost of the goods and the charges on

them. Such an invoice is countersigned by the consul of

the country for which the goods are intended. On arrival

at the port of consignment the invoice is sworn to by the

importer. The goods are then valued by an appraiser, and

if the valuation of the appraiser exceeds that which appears

on the invoice, double duty is levied, subject to appeal

to a general appraiser and to boards of general appraisers.

It has been argued that, theoretically, an ad valorem duty is

preferable to a specific duty, inasmuch as it falls in proper

proportion alike on the high-priced and low-priced grades of a

commodity, and, no matter how the value of any article fluctuates,

the rate of taxation automatically adjusts itself to the new

value. In practice, however, ad valorem duties lead to great

inequalities, and are very difficult to levy; while the relative

value of two commodities may remain apparently unchanged under

an ad valorem duty, yet owing to the difference in the cost of

production, or through the different proportions of fixed and

circulating capital employed in their manufacture, an ad valorem

tax will be felt much more severely by one commodity than by

another. Again, there is always a difficulty in obtaining a

true valuation on the exported goods, for values from their

very nature are variable; while specific duties remain steady,

and the buyer can always ascertain exactly what he will have to

pay. The opening to fraud is also very great, for where, as

in the United States, the object of the duty is to keep out

foreign goods, every valuation at the port of shipment will be

looked upon with the utmost suspicion, while it will always be

a temptation to the foreign seller to undervalue, a temptation

in many cases encouraged by the importer, for it lessens his

tax, while the seller's market is increased. The staff of

appraisers which must necessarily be kept at each port of entry

considerably raises the expense, to say nothing of the annoyance

and delay caused both to importers and foreign shippers.

The term ``ad valorem'' is used also of stamp duties. By the

Stamp Act 1891 certain classes of instruments, e.g. awards,

bills of exchange, conveyances or transfers, leases, &c., must

be stamped in England with the proper ad valorem duty, that is,

the duty chargeable according to the value of the subject matter

of the particular instruments or writings. (See STAMP DUTIES.)

ADVANCEMENT, a term technically used in English law for a

sum of money or other benefit, given by a father during his

lifetime to his child, which must be brought into account by

the child on a distribution of the father's estate upon an

intestacy on pain of his being excluded from participating

in such distribution. The principle is of ancient origin;

as regards goods and chattels it was part of the ancient

customs of London and the province of York, and as regards

land descending in coparcenary it has always been part

of the common law of England under the name of hotch-pot

(q.v.). The general rule was established by the Statutes of

Distribution. The conditions under which cases of advancement

arise are as follows: There must be a complete intestacy;

the intestate estate must be that of the father; and the

advancement must have been made in the lifetime of the

father. Land which belongs or would belong to a child as

heir at law or customary heir need not be brought in to

the common fund, even though such land was given during the

father's life. The widow can gain no advantage from any

advancement. No child can be forced to account for his or

her advancement, but in default thereof he will be excluded

from a share in the intestate's estate. As to what is an

advancement there has been much conflict of judicial opinion.

According to one view, nothing is an advancement unless it be

given ``on marriage or to establish the child in life.'' The

other and probably the correct view is that any considerable

sum of money paid to a child at that child's request is an

advancement; thus payment of a son's debts of honour has been

held to be an advancement. On the other hand, trivial gifts

and presents to a child are undoubtedly not advancements.

ADVANTAGE, that which gives gain or helps forward in any

way. The Fr. avant (before) shows the origin and meaning of

this word, the d having subsequently crept in and corrupted

the spelling. It is often contracted to ``vantage.'' In

some games (e.g. lawn tennis) the term ``vantage'' is used

technically in scoring (``deuce'' and ``vantage''; ``vantage

sets''). A position which gives a better chance of success

than its surroundings is called a ``vantage ground.''

In an unfavourable sense the word ``advantage'' is used

to express a mean use made of some favourable condition

(e.g. to take advantage of another man's misfortunes).

ADVENT (Lat. Adventus, sc. Redemptoris, ``the coming

of the Saviour''), a holy season of the Christian church, the

period of preparation for the celebration of the nativity or

Christmas. In the Eastern church it lasts from St Martin's

Day (11th of November), and in other churches from the

Sunday nearest to St Andrew's Day (30th of November) till

Christmas. It is uncertain at what date the season began to be

observed. A canon of a council at Saragossa in 380, forbidding

the faithful to be absent from church during the three weeks

from the 17th of December to the Epiphany, is thought to be an

early reference to Advent. The first authoritative mention of

it is in the Synod of Lerida (524), and since the 6th century

it has been recognized as the beginning of the ecclesiastical

year. With the view of directing the thoughts of Christians

to the first coming of Christ as Saviour, and to his second

coming as Judge, special lessons are prescribed for the four

Sundays in Advent. From the 6th century the season was kept

as a period of fasting as strict as that of Lent; but in the

Anglican and Lutheran churches the rule is now relaxed. In

the Roman Catholic church Advent is still kept as a season of

penitence. Dancing and festivities are forbidden, fasting

enjoined and purple vestments are worn in the church services.

In many countries Advent was long marked by diverse popular

observances, some of which even still survive. Thus in England,

especially the northern counties, there was a custom (now

extinct) for poor women to carry round the ``Advent images,'' two

dolls dressed one to represent Christ and the other the Virgin

Mary. A halfpenny was expected from every one to whom these were

exhibited, and bad luck was thought to menace the household not

visited by the doll-bearers before Christmas Eve at the latest.

In Normandy the farmers still employ children under twelve to

run through the fields and orchards armed with torches, setting

fire to bundles of straw, and thus it is believed driving out

such vermin as are likely to damage the crops. III Italy among

other Advent celebrations is the entry into Rome in the last

days of Advent of the Calabrian pifferari or bagpipe players,

who play before the shrines of the Holy Mother. The Italian

tradition is that the shepherds played on these pipes when they

came to the manger at Bethlehem to do homage to the Saviour.

ADVENTISTS, SECOND, members of religious bodies whose

distinctive feature is a belief in the imminent physical

return of Jesus Christ. The first to bear the name were the

followers of William Miller, and adherents have always been

more numerous in America than in Europe. There is a body of

Seventh Day Adventists who observe the old Sabbath (Saturday)

rather than the Christian Sunday. They counsel abstemious

habits, but set no time for the coming of Christ, and so are

spared the perpetual disappointments that overtake the ordinary

adventist. They have some 400 ministers and 60,000 members.

ADVENTITIOUS (from Lat. adventicius, coming from

abroad), a quality from outside, in no sense part of the

substance or circumstance: a man's clothes, or condition

of life, his wealth or his poverty, are called by Carlyle

``adventitious wrappages,'' as being extrinsic, superadded

and not a natural part of him. In botany the word means

that which is not normal to the plant, which appears

irregularly and accidentally, e.g. buds or roots out of

place, or strange spots and streaks not native to the flower.

ADVENTURE (from Lat. res adventura, a thing about to

happen), chance, and especially chance of danger; so a hazardous

enterprise or remarkable incident. Thus an ``adventurer,''

from meaning one who takes part in some speculative course

of action, came to mean one who lived by his wits and a

person of no character. The word is also used in certain

restricted legal connexions. Joint adventure, for instance,

may be distinguished from partnership (q.v.). A bill

of adventure in maritime law (now apparently obsolete)

is a writing signed by the shipmaster declaring that goods

shipped in his name really belong to another, to whom he is

responsible. The bill of gross adventure in French maritime

law is an instrument making a loan on maritime security.

ADVERTISEMENT, or ADVERTISING (Fr. avertissement,

warning, or notice), the process of obtaining and particularly

of purchasing publicity. The business of advertising is of

very recent origin if it be regarded as a serious adjunct

to other phases of commercial activity. In some rudimentary

form the seller's appeal to the buyer must, however, have

accompanied the earliest development of trade. Under

conditions of primitive barter, communities were so small that

every producer was in immediate personal contact with every

consumer. As the primeval man's wolfish antipathy to the

stranger of another pack gradually diminished, and as intercourse

spread the infection of larger desires, the trapper could

no longer satisfy his more complicated wants by the mere

exchange of his pelts for his lowland neighbour's corn and

oil. A began to accept from B the commodity which he could

in turn deliver to C, while C in exchange for B's product

gave to A what D had produced and bartered to C. The mere

statement of such a transaction sufficiently presents its

clumsiness, and the use of primitive forms of coin soon

simplified the original process of bare barter. It is

reasonable to suppose that as soon as the introduction of

currency marked the abandonment of direct relations between

purchaser and consumer an informal system of advertisement

in turn rose to meet the need of publicity. At first the

offer of the producer must have been brought to the trader's

attention, and the trader's offer to the notice of the

consumer, by casual personal contact, supplemented by local

rumour. The gradual growth of markets and their development

into periodical fairs, to which merchants from distant places

resorted, afforded, until printing was invented, the only

means of extended advertisement. In England, during the 3rd

century, Stourbridge Fair attracted traders from abroad as

well as from all parts of England, and it may be conjectured

that the crying of wares before the booths on the banks of

the Stour was the first form of advertisement which had any

marked effect upon English commerce. As the fairs of the

middle ages, with the tedious and hazardous journeys they

involved, gradually gave place to a more convenient system of

trade, the 15th century brought the invention of printing,

and led the Way to the modern development of advertising. The

Americans, to whom the elaboration of newspaper advertising is

primarily due, had but just founded the first English-speaking

community in the western hemisphere when the first newspaper

was published in England. But although the first periodical

publication containing news appeared in the month of May

1622, the first newspaper advertisement does not seem to

have been published until April 1647. It formed a part of

No. 13 of Perfect Occurrences of Every Daie journall in

Parliament, and other Moderate Intelligence, and it read as

follows:-A Book applauded by the Clergy of England, called

The Divine Right of church Government, Collected by

sundry eminent Ministers in the Citie of London; Corrected

and augmented in many places, with a briefe Reply to certain

Queries against the Ministery of England; Is printed and

published for Joseph Hunscot and George Calvert, and

are to be sold at the Stationers' Hall, and at the Golden

Fleece in the Old Change. Among the Mercuries, as the

weekly newspapers of the day were called, was the Mercurius

Elencticus, and in its 45th number, published on the 4th of

October 1648, there appeared the following advertisement:--

The Reader is desired to peruse a Sermon,

Entituled A Looking-Glasse for Levellers,

Preached at St. Peters, Paules Wharf, on Sunday, Sept. 24th 1648,

by Paul Knell, Mr. of Arts. Another Tract called A Reflex

upon our Reformers, with a prayer for the Parliament

In an issue of the Mercurius Politicus, published by Marchmont

Nedham, who is described as ``perhaps both the ablest and the

readiest man that had yet tried his hand at a newspaper,'' there

appeared in January 1652 an advertisement, which has often

been erroneously cited as the first among newspaper

advertisements. It read as

follows:--

Irenodia Gratulatoria, a heroic poem, being a congratulatory

panegyrick for my Lord General's return, summing up his

successes in an exquisite manner. To be sold by John Holden,

in the New Exchange, London, Printed by Thomas Newcourt,

1652. The article ``On the Advertising System,'' published

in the Edinburgh Review for February 1843, contains the

fullest account of early English advertising that has ever been

given, and it has been very freely drawn upon by all writers

who have since discussed the subject. But it describes this

advertisement in the Mercurius Politicus as ``the very first,''

and the discovery of the two earlier instances above quoted was

due to the researches of a contributor to Notes and Queries.

In The Crosby Records, the commonplace-books of William

Blundell, there is an interesting comment, dated 1659, on

the lack of advertising facilities at that period--It would

be very expedient if each parish or village might have some

place, as the church or smithy, wherein to publish (by papers

posted up) the wants either of the buyer or the seller, as

such a field to be let, such a servant, or such a service,

to be had, &c. There was a book published in London weekly

about the year 1657 which was called (as I remember) The

Publick Advice. At gave information in very many of these

particulars. A year later the same diarist says--There is an

office near the Old Exchange in London called the office of Publick

Advice. From thence both printed and private information of

this useful nature are always to be had. But what they print

is no more than a leaf or less in a diurnal. I was in this

office. The diurnal consisted of sixteen pages quarto in

1689. In No. 62 of the London Gazette, published in June

1666, the first advertisement supplement was announced--An

Advertisement--Being daily prest to the Publication of Books,

Medicines, and other things not properly the business of a Paper

of Intelligence, This is to notifie, once for all, that we will

not charge the Gazette with Advertisements, unless they be

matter of State: but that a Paper of Advertisements will be

forthwith printed apart, & recommended to the Publick by another

hand. In No. 94 of the same journal, published in October

1666, there appeared a suggestion that sufferers from the Great

Fire should avail themselves of this means of publicity--Such

as have settled in new habitations since the late Fire, and

desire for the convenience of their correspondence to publish

the place of their present abode, or to give notice of Goods

lost or found may repair to the corner House in Bloomsbury

on the East Side of the Great Square, before the House of

the Right Honourable the Lord Treasurer, where there is care

taken for the Receipt and Publication of such Advertisements.

The earlier advertisements, with the exception of formal

notices, seem to have been concerned exclusively with either

books or quack remedies. The first trade advertisement,

which does not fall within either of these categories,

was curiously enough the first advertisement of a new

commodity, tea. The following advertisement appeared in

the Mercurius Politicus, No. 435, for September 1658--

That excellent and by all Physitians approved China Drink,

called by the Chineans Tcha, by other nations Tay,

alias Tee, is sold at the Sultaness Head, a cophee-house

in Sweetings Rents, by the Royal Exchange, London.

The history of slavery, of privateering and of many other

curious incidents and episodes of English history during the

17th and 18th centuries might be traced by examination of the

antiquated advertisements which writers upon such subjects

have already collected. In order that space may be found

for some consideration of the practical aspects of modern

advertising, the discussion of its gradual development must be

curtailed. Nor is it necessary to preface this consideration by

any laboured statement of the importance which advertising has

assumed. It is a matter of common knowledge that several

business houses are to be found in Great Britain, and a

larger number in the United States, who spend not less than

L. 50,000 a year in advertising, while one patent medicine

company, operating both in England and the United States, has

probably spent not less than L. 200,000 in Great Britain in one

year, and an English cocoa manufacturer is supposed to have

spent L. 150,000 in Great Britain. Some of the best works

of artists as distinguished as Sir John Millais, Sir H. von

Herkomer and Mr Stacy Marks have been scattered broadcast by

advertisers. The purchase of Sir John Millais' picture

``Bubbles'' for L. 2200 by the proprietors of a well-known

brand of soap is probably the most remarkable instance of the

expenditure in this direction which an advertiser may find

profitable. There are in London alone more than 350 advertising

agents, of whom upwards of a hundred are known as men in

a considerable way of business. The statements which from

time to time find currency in the newspapers with regard to

the total amount of money annually spent upon advertising

in Great Britain and in the United States are necessarily

no better than conjectures, but no detailed statistics are

required in order to demonstrate what every reader can plainly

see for himself, that advertising has definitely assumed

its position as a serious field of commercial enterprise.

Advertising, as practised at the beginning of the 20th century,

may be divided into three general classes:--1. Advertising in

periodical publications. 2. Advertising by posters, signboards

(other than those placed upon premises where the advertised

business is conducted), transparencies and similar devices.

3. Circulars, sent in quantities to specific classes of

persons to whom the advertiser specially desired to address

himself. It may be noted at the outset that advertising in

periodical publications exercises a reflex influence upon these

publications. The dally, weekly and monthly publications of

the day are accustomed to look to advertisements for so large

a part of their revenue that the purchaser of a periodical

publication receives much greater value for his money than he

could reasonably expect from the publisher if the aggregate

advertising receipts did not constitute a perpetual subsidy

to the publisher. It is not to be supposed, however, that

the receipts from the sale of a paper cover all its expenses

and that the advertising revenue is all clear profit. The

average newspaper reader would be amazed if he knew at how

great a cost the day's news is laid before him. A dignified

journal displays no inclination to cry from the housetops

the vastness of its expenditure, but from time to time an

accident enables the public to obtain information in this

connexion. The evidence taken by a recent Copyright Commission

disclosed that the expenditure of the leading English journal

upon foreign news alone amounted to more than L. 50,000 in the

course of one year, and that a year not characterized by any

great war to swell the ordinary volume of cable despatches.

In the case of daily papers sold at the minimum price, it is

not less obvious that the costliness of news service renders

advertising revenue indispensable, for although these less

important journals spend less money, the price at which they

are supplied to the news agents is very small in proportion

to the cost of their production. If, however, this thought

be pursued to its logical conclusion, the advertiser must

admit that he in turn receives, from those among newspaper

readers who purchase his wares, prices sufficiently high

to cover the cost of his advertising. So that the reader

is in the curious position of directly paying a certain

price for his newspaper, receiving a newspaper fairly worth

more than that price, while this price is supplemented by

the indirect incidence of a sort of tax upon many of the

commodities he consumes. On the other hand, a great part

of the advertisements in a daily newspaper have themselves

an interest and utility not less than that possessed by the

news. The man who desires to hire a house turns to the

classified lists which the newspaper publishes day after

day, and servants and employers find one another by the same

means. The theatrical announcements are so much a part

of the news that even if a journal were not paid for their

insertion they could not be altogether omitted without

inconvenience to the reader. In the main, however, it is

the advertiser who seeks the reader, not the reader who seeks

the advertiser, and the care with which advertisements are

prepared, and the certainty with which the success or failure

of a trader may be traced to his skill or want of skill as an

advertiser, show that the proper use of advertising is one

of the most indispensable branches of commercial training.

Poster and sign advertisements.

Before discussing in detail the methods of advertising

in periodical publications it may be well to complete,

for the use of the general reader, a brief survey of

the whole subject by examining the two other classes of

advertisement. The most enthusiastic partisan of advertising

will admit that posters and similar devices are very

generally regarded by the public as sources of annoyance.

A bold headline or a conspicuous illustration in a newspaper

advertisement may for a moment force itself upon the reader's

attention. In the French, and in some English newspapers,

where an advertisement is often given the form of an item of

news, the reader is distressed by the constant fear of being

hoodwinked. He begins to read an account of a street accident,

and finds at the end of the paragraph a puff of a panacea for

bruises. The best English and American journals have refused

to lend themselves to this sort of trickery, and in no one

of the best journals printed in the English language will

there be found an advertisement which is not so plainly

differentiated from news matter that the reader may avoid

it if he sees fit to do so. On the whole, then, newspaper

advertisements ask, but do not compel attention. The whole

theory of poster advertising is, on the other hand, one of

tyranny. The advertiser who pays for space upon a hoarding or

wall, although he may encourage a form of art, deliberately

violates the wayfarer's mind. A trade-mark or a catch-word

presents itself when eye and thought are occupied with other

subjects. Those who object to this class of advertisement

assert, with some show of reason, that an advertisement has

no more right to assault the eye in this fashion than to

storm the ear by an inordinate din; and a man who came up

behind another man in the street, placed his mouth close to

the other's ear, and bawled a recommendation of some brand

of soap or tobacco, would be regarded as an intolerable

disturber of public peace and comfort. Yet if the owner of

a house sees fit to paint advertisements upon his walls, his

exercise of the jealously guarded rights of private property

may not lightly be disturbed. For the most part, both law and

public opinion content themselves with restraining the worst

excesses of the advertiser, leaving many sensitive persons to

suffer. The National Society for Checking the Abuses of Public

Advertising (known as SCARA), founded in 1803 in London,

was organized for purposes which it describes as follows:--

The society aims at protecting the picturesque simplicity

of rural and river scenery, and promoting a regard for

dignity and propriety of aspect in towns---with especial

reference to the abuses of spectacular advertising.

It seeks to procure legislation whereby local representative

bodies would be enabled to exercise control, by means of

by-laws framed with a view to enabling them, at any rate,

to grant relief in cases of flagrant and acknowledged abuse.

It is believed that, when regulation is applied in cases where

local conditions are peculiarly favourable, the advantage will

be so apparent that, by force of imitation and competition,

the enforcement of a reasonable standard will gradually become

common. The degree of restraint will, of course, depend upon

the varying requirements of different places and positions.

No hard-and-fast rule is suggested; no particular class of

advertisement is proscribed; certainly no general prohibition

of posters on temporary hoardings is contemplated. Within

the metropolitan area sky signs have already been prohibited,

and it is hoped that some corresponding check will be placed

on the multiplication of the field boards which so materially

diminish the pleasure or comfort of railway journeys.

The society regards with favour the imposition of a moderate

tax or duty for imperial or local purposes on exposed

advertisements not coming within certain categories of

obviously necessary notices. The difficulty of inducing a

chancellor of the exchequer to move in a matter where revenue

is not the primary consideration is not overlooked. But it

is thought that an impost would materially reduce the volume

of exposed advertisements, and would at once extinguish

the most offensive and the most annoying class, i.e.

the quack advertisements by the road sides and the bills

stuck by unauthorized persons on trees, walls and palings.

Members are recommended to make it known that there exists

an active repugnance to the present practice of advertising

disfigurement, by giving preference, in private transactions,

to makers and dealers who do not employ objectionable

methods, and by avoiding, as far as possible, the purchase

of wares which, in their individual opinion, are offensively

puffed. Action on these lines is advised rather for its

educational than for its immediately deterrent effect;

although, in the case of many of the more expensive

commodities, makers would undoubtedly be much influenced by

the knowledge that they would lose, rather than gain, custom.

The foregoing proposals are based on the following estimate

of the conditions of the problem. It is believed that the

present licence causes discomfort or loss of enjoyment to

many, and that, in the absence of authoritative restriction,

it must grow far beyond its present limits; that beauty or

propriety of aspect in town and country forms as real a part

of the national wealth as any material product, and that to

save these from impairment is a national interest; that the

recent developments of vexatiously obtrusive advertising have

not grown out of any necessities of honourable business, but

are partly the result of a mere instinct of imitation, and

partly are a morbid phase of competition by which both the

consumers and the trade as a whole lose; that restriction

as regards the size and positions of advertising notices

would not be a hardship to those who want publicity--since

all competitors would be treated alike, each would have the

same relative prominence; that, as large sums of public money

are expended on institutions intended to develop the finer

taste, and on edifices of elaborate design, it must be held

inconsistent with established public policy to permit the

sensibilities thus imparted to be wounded, and architectural

effect to be destroyed at the discretion of a limited

class. The influence of this society is to be seen in many

of the restrictions which have been imposed upon advertisers

since its work began. About a year after its foundation

the London County Council abolished (under statutory powers

obtained from Parliament) advertisements coming within

the definition of sky-signs in the London Building Act of

1894. These specifications are as follows--``Sky sign', means

any word, letter, model, sign, device, or representation in

the nature of an advertisement, announcement, or direction

supported on or attached to any post, pole, standard,

framework, or other support, wholly or in part upon, over,

or above any building or structure, which, or any part of

which, sky sign shall be visible against the sky from any

point in any street or public way, and includes all and every

part of any such post, pole, standard, framework, or other

support. The expression ``sky sign'' shall also include any

balloon, parachute, or similar device employed wholly or in

part for the purposes of any advertisements or announcement

on, over, or above any building, structure, or erection

of any kind, or on or over any street or public way.

The act proceeds to exclude from its restrictions flagstaffs, weathercocks

and any solid signs not rising more than 3 feet above the roof.

Another by-law of the London County Council, in great measure

due to the observations made at coroners' inquests, protects the

public against the annoyances and the perils to traffic occasioned

by flashlight and searchlight advertisements. This by-law reads

as follows:--No person shall exhibit any flashlight so as to

be visible from any street and to cause danger to the traffic

therein, nor shall any owner or occupier of premises permit

or suffer any flashlight to be so exhibited on such premises.

The expression ``flashlight'' means and includes any light used

for the purpose of illuminating, lighting, or exhibiting any

word, letter, model, sign, device, or representation in the

nature of an advertisement, announcement, or direction which

alters suddenly either in intensity, colour, or direction.

No person shall exhibit any searchlight so as to be visible

from any street, and to cause danger to the traffic therein,

nor shall any owner or occupier of premises permit or

suffer any searchlight to be so exhibited on such premises.

The expression ``searchlight'' means and includes any

light exceeding 500-candle power, whether in one lamp

or lantern, or in a series of lamps or lanterns used

together and projected as one concentrated light, and

which alters either in intensity, colour, or direction.

Advertising vans were so troublesome in London as to be

prohibited in 1853; the ``sandwich-man'' has in the City of

London and many towns been ousted from the pavement to the

gutter, from the more crowded to the less crowded streets,

and as the traffic problem in the great centres of population

becomes more urgent, he will probably be altogether suppressed.

Hoardings are now so restricted by the London Building Acts

that new hoardings cannot, except under special conditions, be

erected exceeding 12 feet in height, and no existing hoardings

can be increased in height so as to exceed that limit. The

huge signs which some advertisers, both in England and the

United States, have placed in such positions as to mar the

landscape, have so far aroused public antagonism that there is

reason to hope that this form of nuisance will not increase.

In 1899 Edinburgh obtained effective powers of control over

ail sorts of advertising in public places, and this achievement

has been followed by no little agitation in favour of a

Parliamentary enactment which should once for all do away with

the defacing of the landscape in any part of the United Kingdom.

In 1907 an act was passed (Advertisements Regulation Act) of a

permissive character purely, under which a local authority is

enabled to make by-laws, subject to the confirmation of the Home

Secretary, regulating (1) the erection of hoardings, &c., exceeding

12 feet in height, and (2) the exhibition of advertisements which

might affect the ``amenities'' of a public place or landscape.

The English law with regard to posters has undergone very little

change. The Metropolitan Police Act 1839 (2 and 3 Vict.

cap. 47) first put a stop to unauthorized posting, and the

Indecent Advertisements Act of 1889 (sec. 3) penalized the public

exposure of any picture or printed or written matter of an

indecent or obscene nature. But in general practice there

is hardly any limitation to the size or character of poster

advertisements, other than good taste and public opinion.

On the other hand, public opinion is a somewhat vague entity,

and there have been cases in which a conflict has arisen as

to what public opinion really was, when its legally authorized

exponent was in a position to insist on its own arbitrary

definition. Such an instance occurred some few years ago

in the case of a large poster issued by a well-known London

music-hail. The Progressive majority on the London County

Council, led by Mr (afterwards Sir) J. M`Dougall, a well-known

``purity'' advocate, took exception to this poster, which

represented a female gymnast in ``tights'' posed in what was

doubtless intended for an alluring and attractive attitude; and,

in spite of any argument, the fact remained that the decision

as to renewing the licence of this music-hall rested solely

with the Council. In showing that it would have no hesitation

in provoking even a charge of meddling prudery, the Council

probably gave a salutary warning to people who were inclined

to sail rather too near the wind. But in Great Britain and

America, at all events (though a doubt may perhaps exist as to

some Continental countries), the advertiser and the artist are

restrained, not only by their own sense of propriety, but by

fear of offending the sense of propriety in their customers.

Posters and placards in railway stations and upon public

vehicles still embarrass the traveller who desires to find

the name of a station or the destination of a vehicle. In

respect of all these abuses it is a regrettable fact that

unpopularity cannot be expected to deter the advertiser. If a

name has once been fixed in the memory, it remains there long

after the method of its impression has been forgotten, and

the purpose of advertisements of the class under discussion

is really no more than the fixing of a trade name in the

mind. The average man or woman who goes into a shop to buy

soap is more or less affected by a vague sense of antagonism

towards the seller. There is a rudimentary feeling that even

the most ordinary transaction of purchase brings into contact

two minds actuated by diametrically opposed interests. The

purchaser, who is not asking for a soap he has used before,

has some hazy suspicion that the shopkeeper will try to

sell, not the article best worth the price, but the article

which leaves the largest margin of profit; and the purchaser

imagines that he in some measure secures himself against a

bad bargain when he exercises his authority by asking for

some specific brand or make of the commodity he seeks. If

he has seen any one soap so persistently advertised that his

memory retains its name, he will ask for it, not because he

has any reason to believe it to be better or cheaper than

others, but simply because he baffles the shopkeeper, and

assumes an authoritative attitude by exerting his own freedom

of choice. This curious and obscure principle of action

probably lies at the root of all poster advertising, for the

poster does not set forth an argument as does the newspaper

advertisement. It hardly attempts to reason with the

reader, but merely impresses a name upon his memory. It

is possible, by lavish advertising, to go so far in this

direction that the trade-mark of a certain manufacturer

becomes synonymous with the name of a commodity, so that when

the consumer thinks of soap or asks for soap, his concept

inevitably couples the maker's name with the word ``soap''

itself. In order that the poster may leave any impression

upon his mind, it must of course first attract his attention.

The assistance which the advertiser receives from the artist

in this connexion is discussed in the article POSTER.

The fact that the verb ``to circularize'' was first used in

1848; sufficiently indicates the very recent origin of the

practice of plying possible purchasers with printed letters and

pamphlets. The penny postage was not established in England until

1840; the halfpenny post for circulars was not introduced until

1855. In the United States a uniform rate of postage at two

cents was not established until 1883. In both countries cheap

postage and cheap printing have so greatly encouraged the

use of circulars that the sort of people whom the advertiser

desires to reach--those who have the most money to spend,

and whose addresses, published in directories, indicate

their prosperous condition--are overwhelmed by tradesmen's

price-lists, appeals from charitable institutions, and other

suggestions for the spending of money. The addressing of

envelopes and enclosing of circulars is now a recognized industry

in many large towns both in Great Britain and in the United

States. It seems, however, to be the opinion of expert

advertisers that what is called ``general circularizing'' is

unprofitable, and that circulars should only be sent to persons

who have peculiar reason to be interested by their specific

subject-matter. It may be noted, as an instance of the

assiduity with which specialized circularizing is pursued,

that the announcement of a birth, marriage or death in the

newspapers serves to calf forth a grotesque variety of circulars

supposed to be adapted to the momentary needs of the recipient.

In concluding this review of methods of advertising, other

than advertisements in periodical publications, we may add

that the most extraordinary attempt at advertisement which is

known to exist is to be found at the churchyard at Godalming,

Surrey, where the following epitaph was placed upon a

Sacred

To the memory of

Nathaniel Godbold Esq,

inventor & Proprietor

of that excellent medicine

The Vegetable Balsam

For the Cure of Consumptions & Asthmas.

He departed this Life

The 17th. day of Decr. 1799

Aged 69 years.

Hic Cineres, ubique Fama.

The preparation of advertisements for the periodical press has

within the last twenty years or so become so important a task

that a great number of writers and artists--many of the latter

possessing considerable abilities--gain a livelihood from this

pursuit. The ingenuity displayed in modern newspaper advertising

is unquestionably due to American initiative. The English

newspaper advertisement of twenty years ago consisted for the

most part of the mere reiteration of a name. An advertiser

who took a column's space supplied enough matter to fill an

inch, and ingenuously repeated his statement throughout the

column. Such departures from this childlike method as

were made were for the most part eccentric to the point of

incoherence. It may, however, be said in defence of English

advertisers, that newspaper publishers for a long time

sternly discountenanced any attempt to render advertisements

attractive. So long as an advertiser was rigidly confined

to the ordinary single-column measure, and so long as he was

forbidden to use anything but the smallest sort of type, there

was very little opportunity for him to attract the reader's

attention. The newspaper publisher must always remember

that the public buy a newspaper for the sake of the news,

not for the sake of the advertisements, and that if the

advertisements are relegated to a position and a scope, in

respect of display, so inferior that they may be overlooked,

the advertiser cannot afford to bear his share of the cost of

publication. Of late The Times, followed by almost all

newspapers in the United Kingdom, has given the advertiser

as great a degree of liberty as he really needs, and many

experienced advertisers in America incline to the belief

that the larger licence accorded to American advertisers

defeats its own ends. The truth would seem to be that the

advertiser will always demand, and may fairly expect, the

right to make his space as fantastic in appearance as that

allotted to the editor. When some American editors see fit

to print a headline in letters as large as a man's hand,

and to begin half-a-dozen different articles on the first

page of a newspaper, continuing one on page 2, another on

page 4, and another on page 6, to the bewilderment of the

reader, it can hardly be expected that the American advertiser

should submit to any very strict code of decorum. The

subject of the relation between a newspaper proprietor and

his advertisers cannot be dismissed without reference to the

notable independence of advertisers' influence, which English

and American newspaper proprietors authorize their editors to

display. Whenever an insurance company or a bank goes wrong,

the cry is raised that all the editors in Christendom had

known for years that the directors were imbeciles and rogues,

but had conspired to keep mute for the sake of an occasional

advertisement. When the British public persisted, not long

ago, in paying premium prices for the shares of over-capitalized

companies, the crash had no sooner come than the newspapers

were accused of having puffed promotions for the sake of the

money received for publishing prospectuses. As a matter of

fact, in the case of the best dailies in England and America,

the editor does not stand at all in awe of the advertiser, and

time after time the Money Article has truthlessly attacked a

promotion of which the prospectus appeared in the very same

issue. It is indeed to the interest of the advertiser, as

well as to the interest of the reader, that this independence

should be preserved, for the worth of any journal as an

advertising medium depends upon its possessing a bona fide

circulation among persons who believe it to be a serious and

honestly conducted newspaper. All advertisers know that the

minor weeklies, which contain nothing but trade puffs, and

are scattered broadcast among people who pay nothing for their

copies, are absolutely worthless from the advertiser's point of

view. The most striking difference between the periodical

press of Great Britain and that of America is, that in the

former country the magazines and reviews play but a secondary

role, while in the United States the three or four monthlies

possessing the largest circulation are of the very first

importance as advertising mediums. One reason for this is

that the advertisements in an American magazine are printed

on as good paper, and printed with as great care, as any

other part of the contents. There are probably very few among

American magazine readers who do not habitually look through

the advertising pages, with the certainty that they will be

entertained by the beauty of the advertiser's illustrations

and the quaint curtness of his phrases. Another reason is

that the American monthly magazine goes to all parts of the

United States, while, owing to the time required for long

journeys on even the swiftest trains, no American daily paper

can have so general a circulation as The Times in the United

Kingdom. In comparison with points on the Pacific coast,

Chicago does not seem far from New York, yet, with the exception

of one frenzied and altogether unsuccessful attempt, no

New York daily has ever attempted to force a circulation in

Chicago. The American advertiser would, therefore, have to

spend money on a great number of daily papers in order to reach

as widespread a public as one successful magazine offers him.

There is reason to believe that the English magazine publishers

have erred gravely in taking what are known in the trade as

``insets,'' consisting of separate cards or sheets printed

at the advertiser's cost, and accepted by the publisher at

a specific charge for every thousand copies. This system

of insetting has the grave inconvenience that the advertiser

finds himself compelled to print as many insets as the

publisher asserts that he can use. The publisher, on the other

hand, is somewhat at the mercy of too enthusiastic agents

and employes, who estimate over-confidently the edition of

the periodical which will probably be printed for a certain

month, and advertisers have had reason to fear that many of

their insets were wasted. The added weight and bulk of the

insets cause inconvenience and expense to the newsdealer,

as two or three insets printed upon cardboard are equivalent

to at least sixteen additional pages. Some newsdealers have

further complicated the inset question by threaten. ing to

remove insets unless special tribute be paid to them; and

with all these difficulties to be considered, many magazine

publishers have seriously considered the advisability of

altogether discontinuing the practice of taking insets, and of

confining their advertisements to the sheets they themselves

print. In connexion with this subject, it may be added that

many readers habitually shake loose hills out of a magazine

before they begin to turn the pages, and that railway stations,

railway carriages and even public streets are thus littered

with trampled and muddy advertisements. The old practice

of distributing handbills in the streets is dying a natural

death, more or less hastened by local by-laws, and when the

loose bills in magazines and cheap novels have ceased to exist

no one will be the loser. Advertisements in the weekly press

are on the whole more successful in England than in America.

A few American weeklies cope successfully with the increasing

competition of the huge Sunday editions of American daily

papers. But even the most successful among them--a paper

for boys--has hardly attained the prosperity of some among

its English contemporaries in the field of weekly journalism.

The merchant who turns to these pages for practical suggestions

concerning the advertising of his own business, can be given

no better advice than to betake himself to an established

advertising agent of good repute, and be guided by his

counsels. The chief part that he can himself play with

advantage is to note from day to day whether the agent is

obtaining advantageous positions for his announcements.

Every advertiser will naturally prefer a right-hand page to

a left-hand page, and the right side of the page to the left

side of the page; while the advertiser who most indefatigably

urges his claims upon the agent will, in the long run,

obtain the largest share of the favours to be distributed.

To the merchant who inclines to consider advertising in

connexion with the broader aspects of his calling, it may be

suggested that a new channel of trade demands very serious

attention. What is called in England ``postal trade,''

and in America ``mail order business,'' is growing very

rapidly. Small dealers in both countries have complained

very bitterly of the competition they suffer from the general

dealers and from stores made up of departments which, under

one roof, offer to the consumer every imaginable sort of

merchandise. This general trading, which, on the one hand,

seriously threatens the small trader, and on the other hand

offers greater possibilities of profit to the proportionately

small number of persons who can undertake business on so

large a scale, becomes infinitely more formidable when the

general dealer endeavours not only to attract the trade of a

town, but to make his place of business a centre from which

he distributes by post his goods to remote parts of the

country. In America, where the weight of parcels carried by

post is limited to 4 lb., and where the private carrying companies

are forced to charge a very much higher rate for carriage

from New York to California than for shorter distances, the

centralization of trade is necessarily limited; but it is no

secret that, at the present moment, persons residing in those

parts of the United Kingdom most remote from London habitually

avail themselves of the English parcel post, which carries

packages up to 11 lb. in order to procure a great part of their

household supplies direct from general dealers in London.

A trading company, which conducts its operations upon such a

scale as this, can afford to spend an almost unlimited sum in

advertising throughout the United Kingdom, and even the trader

who offers only one specific class of merchandise is beginning

to recognize the possibility of appealing to the whole country.

Legal regulation.

The following is a brief summary of the laws and regulations

dealing with advertisements in public places in certain

of the countries of Continental Europe and in the United

States of America, the chief authority for which is an

official return issued by the British Home Office in 1903.

France.--The permission of the owner is alone required

for the placing of advertisements on private buildings; but

buildings, walls, &c., belonging to the government or local

authorities are reserved exclusively for official notices,

&c.; these alone can be printed on white paper, all others

must be on coloured paper. Municipal authorities control the

size, construction, &c., of hoardings used for advertising

purposes, and the police have full powers over the exhibition

of indecent or other objectionable advertisements. The

Societe pour la protection des paysages, founded in 1901,

has for one of its objects the prevention of advertisements

which disfigure the scenery or are otherwise objectionable.

Germany.--By sec. 43 of the Imperial Commercial Ordinance

permission to post any trade advertisement in a public

street, square, &c., must be first obtained from the local

police. The police also control (by sec. 55 of the Imperial

Press Law 1874) advertisements which are not of a trade

character, but this regulation does not affect the right of

the federal legislatures to make regulations in regard to them

(sec. 30). It would be impossible to give in any detail the

police regulations as to advertisements which exist, e.g. in

Prussia, but the following rules in force in Berlin may be

given:--Public advertisements in public streets and places

may be posted only on the appliances, such as pillar posts,

&c., provided for the purpose. Owners of property may post

advertisements on their own property but only such as concern

their own interests. Advertisements on public conveyances are

forbidden. In 1902 a Prussian law was passed authorizing

the police to forbid all advertisement hoardings, &c., which

would disfigure particularly beautiful landscapes in rural

districts. The Hesse-Darmstadt Act of 1902 prohibits the

placing of any advertisements, posters, &c., on a monument

officially protected under the act, if it would be likely to

injure the appearance of the monument. As instances of the

numerous local provisions against the abuse of advertising may

be cited provisions against the abuse of advertising may be cited

those of Augsburg and Lubeck, by Which any advertisement that

would injure the Stadtbild or appearance of the town may

be prohibited and removed by the local authority (see G.

Baldwin Brown, The Care of Ancient Monuments, 1905).

Full powers exist under the Imperial Criminal Code for the

suppression of indecent or objectionable advertisements.

Austria.---Permission of the police is required for the

exhibition of printed notices in public places other than

such as are of purely local or industrial interest, such

as notices of entertainment, leases, sales, &c., or theatre

programmes, and these can only be shown in places approved

by the local authorities (Press Law 1862). The press-police

act as advertisement censors and determine whether an

advertisement can be allowed or not. In Hungary there

are no general laws or regulations, but the municipalities

have power to issue ordinances dealing with the question.

Italy.--All control rests with the municipal and communal

authorities, who may decide on the places where advertisements

may or may not be posted, and can prevent hoardings being

placed on or near ancient monuments or public buildings.

Switzerland.---The Federal Government has no authority to deal

with this question; certain of the cantons have regulations,

e.g. Lucerne prohibits the public advertising of inferior goods

by means of a false description, Basel-Stadt gives the police

the power of censoring all advertisements. Many of the communal

authorities throughout Switzerland have special restrictions and

regulations. In Zurich the police choose the advertising

stations, in Berne the municipality possesses a monopoly of

the right of erecting advertisements. The Society known as

the Ligue pour la conservation de la Suisse pittoresque or

Schweitzerischer Heimatschutz has for one of its objects

the preservation of scenery from disfiguring advertisements.

United States.---There is no federal legislation on the

subject, the matter being one for regulation by the states,

which in most cases have left it to the various municipalities

and other local authorities. With regard to indecent

and objectionable advertisements some states have special

legislation on the matter, others are content with the ordinary

criminal laws or police powers or with the law of nuisance

or of trespass. Thus control can be exercised over such

advertisements as are dangerous to public safety, health or

morals. The state of New York prohibits advertisements of

lotteries. It would be impossible to give in detail the

different laws and regulations passed in the various states or by

municipalities. The following are some of the more striking

measures adopted in certain of the states. In Massachusetts

no advertising signs or devices are allowed on the public

highways. Power has been granted to city and town authorities

to regulate advertisements in, near or visible from public

parks. In the District of Columbia no advertisement is

allowed which obstructs a highway, and all distribution of

handbills, circulars, &c., in public streets, parks, &c., is

prohibited. This prohibition against what are generally

known as ``dodgers'' is very general in the local regulations

throughout the states. In Illinois, city councils are empowered

on the incorporation of the city to regulate and prevent

the use of streets, sidewalks and public grounds for signs,

handbills and advertisements, &c., and also the exhibition

of banners, placards, in the streets or sidewalks. Chicago

has a body of most stringent rules, but they apparently

have been found impossible to enforce; thus no advertisement

board more than 12 ft. square within 400 ft. of a public

park or boulevard, no advertisements other than small ones

relating to the business carried on in the premises where

the advertisement is posted, or of sales, &c., are allowed in

streets where three-quarters of the houses are ``residences''

only. Prohibition is also extended to the advertisements

of those professing to cure diseases or giving notice of

the sale of medicines. In Boston there are regulations

prohibiting projecting or overhanging signs in the streets,

and special rules as to the height at which street signs and

advertisements must be placed. The distribution of ``dodgers''

in the streets is prohibited. Advertisements for places

of amusement must be approved by the committee on licences.

Taxation.

France, Belgium, Italy and certain of the cantons in

Switzerland impose a tax on advertisements, as do certain of

the United States of America, where the form is usually that

of a licence duty on billposters or advertising agencies.

In many cases in the United States this is imposed by the

municipalities. In every case both in Europe and America

advertisements in newspapers are not subject to any tax.

With regard to the literature of advertising, in addition

to the historical article in the Edinburgh Review for

February 1843, already mentioned, and that in the Quarterly

Review for June 1855, the Society for Checking the Abuses

of Public Advertising issue a journal, A Beautiful World.

The Journal of the Society of Comparative Legislation (N.S.

xvi. 1906) contains an article by W.J.B. Byles on Foreign

Law and the Control of Advertisements in Public Places. The

advertisers' handbooks, issued by the leading advertising

agents, will also be found to contain practical information

of great use to the advertiser. (H. R. H.*; C. WE.)

ADVICE (Fr. avis, from Lat. ad, to, and visum,

viewed), counsel given after consideration, or information

from a distance giving particulars of something prospective

( e.g. ``advice'' of an imminent battle, or of a cargo

due). In commerce it is a common word for a formal notice

from one person concerned in a transaction to another.

ADVOCATE (Lat. advocatus, from advocare, to summon,

especially in law to call in the aid of a counsel or witness,

and so generally to summon to one's assistance), a lawyer

authorized to plead the causes of litigants in courts of

law. The word is used technically in Scotland (see ADVOCATES,

FACULTY OF) in a sense virtually equivalent to the English

term barrister, and a derivative from the same Latin source

is so used in most of the countries of Europe where the civil

law is in force. The word advocatus is not often used among

the earlier jurists, and appears not to have had a strict

meaning. It is not always associated with legal proceedings,

and might apparently be applied to a supporter or coadjutor

in the pursuit of any desired object. When it came to be

applied with a more specific limitation to legal services,

the position of the advocatus was still uncertain. It

was different from, and evidently inferior to, that of the

juris-consultus, who gave his opinion and advice in questions

of law, and may be identified with the consulting counsel

of the present day. Nor is the merely professional advocate

to be confounded with the more distinguished orator, or

patronus, who came forward in the guise of the disinterested

vindicator of justice. This distinction, however, appears

to have arisen in later times, when the profession became

mercenary. By the lex Cineia, passed about two centuries

B.C., and subsequently renewed, the acceptance of

remuneration for professional assistance in lawsuits was

prohibited. This law, like all others of the kind, was

evaded. The skilful debater was propitiated with a present;

and though he could not sue for the value of his services, it

was ruled that any honorarium so given could not be demanded

back, even though he died before the anticipated service was

performed. The traces of this evasion of a law may be

found in the existing practice of rewarding counsel by fees

in anticipation of services. The term advocatus came

eventually to be the word employed when the bar had become a

profession, and the qualifications, admission, numbers and

fees of counsel had become a matter of state regulation, to

designate the pleaders as a class of professional men, each

individual advocate, however, being still spoken of as patron

in reference to the litigant with whose interest he was

entrusted. The advocatus fisci, or fiscal advocate, was

an officer whose function, like that of a solicitor of taxes

at the present day, was connected with the collection of the

revenue. The lawyers who practised in the English courts of

common law were never officially known as advocates, the word

being reserved for those who practised in the courts of the

civil and canon law (see DOCTORS' COMMONS). There was formerly

an important official termed his majesty's advocate-general,

or more shortly, the king's advocate, who was the principal law

officer of the crown in the College of Advocates or Doctors'

Commons, and in the admiralty and ecclesiastical courts. He

discharged for these courts the duties which correspond to

those of the solicitor of the treasury (see SOLICITOR).

His opinion was taken by the foreign office on international

matters, and on high ecclesiastical matters he was also

consulted; all orders in council were submitted to him for

approval. The office may now be said to be obsolete, for

after the resignation of Sir Travers Twiss, the last holder,

in 1872, it was not filled up. There was also a second law

officer of the crown in the admiralty court called the admiralty

advocate. This office has long been vacant. Advocate is

also the title still in use in some of the British colonies to

denote the chief law officer of the crown there. For instance,

in Sierra Leone (until 1896), Lagos and Cyprus he is called

the king's advocate; in Malta, crown advocate; in Mauritius,

procureur and advocate-general, and in the provinces of India

advocate-general. In France, the avocats, as a body, were

reorganized under the empire by a decree of the 15th of December

1830. There is, however, a distinction between avocats

and avoues. The latter, whose number is limited, act as

procurators or agents, representing the parties before the

tribunals, draft and prepare for them all formal acts and

writings, and prepare their lawsuits for the oral debates.

The office of the avocat, on the other hand, consists

in giving advice as to the law, and conducting the causes

of his clients by written and oral pleadings. The number

of avocats is not limited; every licentiate of law being

entitled to apply to the corporation of avocats attached to

each court, and after presentation to the court, taking the

oath of office and passing three years in attendance on some

older advocate, to have himself recognised as an advocate.

In Germany the advocat no longer forms a distinct class of

lawyer. Since 1879, when a sweeping judicature act (Deutsche

Justizgesetzgebung) reconstituted the judicial system,

the advocat in his character of adviser, as distinguished

from the procurator, who formerly represented the client

in the courts, has become merged in the Rechtsanwalt,

who has the dual character of counsellor and pleader.

The advocates ecclesiae.

In the middle ages the word advocatus (Fr. avoue, Ger.

Vogt) was used on the continent as the title of the lay

lord charged with the protection and representation in secular

matters of an abbey. The office is traceable as early as

the beginning of the 5th century in the Roman empire, the

churches being allowed to choose defensores from the body

of advocates to represent them in the courts. In the Frankish

kingdom, under the Merovingians, these lay representatives of

the churches appear as agentes, defensores and advocati;

and under the Carolingians it was made obligatory on

bishops, abbots and abbesses to appoint such officials in

every county where they held property. The office was not

hereditary, the advocatus being chosen, either by the abbot

alone, or by the abbot and bishop concurrently with the

count. The same causes that led to the development of the

feudal system also affected the advocatus. In times of

confusion churches and abbeys needed not so much a legal

representative as an armed protector, while as feudal

immunities were conceded to the ecclesiastical foundations,

these required a representative to defend their rights and to

fulfil their secular obligations to the state, e.g. to lead

the ecclesiastical levies to war. A new class of advocatus

thus arose, whose office, commonly rewarded by a grant of

land, crystallized into a fief, which, like other fiefs,

had by the beginning of the 11th century become hereditary.

The French avoue.

In France the advocati (avoues) were of two classes.--(1)

great barons, who held the advocateship of an abbey or

abbeys rather as an office than a fief, though they were

indemnified for the protection they afforded by a domain and

revenues granted by the abbey: thus the duke of Normandy was

adpoeatus of nearly all the abbeys in the duchy; (2) petty

seigneurs, who held their avoueries as hereditary fiefs and

often as their sole means of subsistence. The avoue of an

abbey, of this class, corresponded to the vidame (q.v.) of a

bishop. Their function was generally to represent the abbot

in his capacity as feudal lord; to act as his representative in

the courts of his superior lord; to exercise secular justice in

the abbot's name in the abbatial court; to lead the retainers.

Of the abbey to battle under the banner of the patron saint.

In England.

In England the word advocatus was never used to denote

an hereditary representative of an abbot; but in some of

the larger abbeys there were hereditary stewards whose

functions and privileges were not dissimilar to those of

the continental advocati. The word advocatus, however,

was in constant use in England to denote the patron of an

ecclesiastical benefice, whose sole right of any importance

was an hereditary one of presenting a parson to the bishop for

institution. In this way the hereditary right of presentation

to a benefice came to be called in English an ``advowson''

(advocatio). The advocatus played a more important part in

the feudal polity of the Empire and of the Low Countries than

in France, where his functions, confined to the protection of

the interests of religious houses, were superseded from the

13th century onwards by the growth of the central power and

the increasing efficiency of the royal administration. They

had, indeed, long ceased to be effective for their original

purpose; and from the time when their office became a fief

they had taken advantage of their position to pillage and

suppress those whom it was their function to defend. The

medieval records, not in France only, are full of complaints

by abbots of their usurpations, exactions and acts of violence.

The German Vogt.

In Germany the title of advocatus ( Vogt) was given not only

to the advocati of churches and abbeys, but to the officials

appointed, from early in the middle ages, by the emperor to

administer their immediate domains, in contradistinction to

the counts, who had become hereditary princes of the Empire.

The territory so administered was known as Vogtland (terra

advocatorum), a name still sometimes employed to designate

the strip of country which embraces the principalities of

Reuss and adjacent portions of Saxony, Prussia and Bavaria.

These imperial advocati tended in their turn to become

hereditary. Sometimes the emperor himself assumed the title of

Vogt of some particular part of his immediate domain. In the

Netherlands as well as in Germany advocati were often appointed

in the cities, by the overlord or by the emperor, sometimes

to take the place of the bailiff (Ger. Schultheiss, Dutch

schout, Lat. scultetus), sometimes alongside this official.

See Du Cange, Glossarium (ed. 1883, Niort), s. ``Advocati'';

A. Luchaire, Manuel des institutions francaises (Paris,

1892); Herzog Hauck, Realencyklopadie (ed. Leipzig, 1896), s.

``Advocatus ecclesiae,'' where further references will be found.

ADVOCATES, FACULTY OF, the collective term by which what

in England are called barristers are known in Scotland. They

professionally attend the supreme courts in Edinburgh; but

they are privileged to plead in any cause before the inferior

courts, where counsel are not excluded by statute. They may

act in cases of appeal before the House of Lords; and in some

of the British colonies, where the civil law is in force, it

is customary for those who practise as barristers to pass as

advocates in Scotland. This body has existed by immemorial

custom. Its privileges are constitutional, and are founded

on no statute or charter of incorporation. The body formed

itself gradually, from time to time, on the model of the

French corporations of avocats, appointing like them by

a general vote, a dean or doyen, who is their principal

officer. It also differs from the English and Irish societies

in that there is no governing body similar to the benchers,

nor is there any resemblance to the quasi-collegiate discipline

and the usages and customs prevailing in an inn of court.

No curriculum of study, residence or professional training

was, until 1856, required on entering this profession; but the

faculty have always had the power, believed to be liable to

control by the Court of Session, of rejecting any candidate for

admission. The candidate undergoes two private examinations

--the one in general scholarship, in lieu of which, however,

he may produce evidence of his having graduated as master

of arts in a Scottish university, or obtained an equivalent

degree in an English or foreign university; and the other,

at the interval of a year, in Roman, private international

and Scots law, He must, before the latter examination,

produce evidence of attendance at classes of Scots law and

conveyancing in a Scottish university, and at classes of

civil law, public or international law, constitutional law

and medical jurisprudence in a Scottish or other approved

university. He has then to undergo the old academic form

of the public impugnment of a thesis on some title of the

pandects; but this ceremony, called the public examination,

has degenerated into a mere form. A large proportion of the

candidate's entrance fees (amounting to L. 339) is devoted

to the magnificent library belonging to the faculty, which

literary investigators in Edinburgh find so eminently useful.

ADVOCATUS DIABOLI, devil's advocate, the name popularly

given to the promoter of the Faith (promotor fidei), and

officer of the Sacred Congregation of Rites at Rome, whose

duty is to prepare all possible arguments against the admission

of any one to the posthumous honours of beatification and

canonization. This functionary is first formally mentioned

under Leo X.(1513- 1521) in the proceedings in connexion

with the canonization of St Lorenzo Giustiniani. In 1631

Urban VIII. made his presence, either in person or by

deputy, necessary for the validity of any act connected

with the process of beatification or canonization (see

CANONISATION). The phrase, ``devil's advocate,'' has by

an easy transference come to be used of any one who puts

himself up, or is put up, for the sake of promoting debate,

to argue a case in which he does not necessarily believe.

ADVOWSON, or @ADVOWZEN (through O. Fr. advouson, from

Lat. advocatio, a summons to), the right of presentation

to a vacant ecclesiastical benefice, so called because

the patron defends or advocates the claims of the person

whom he presents. At what period the right of advowson

arose is uncertain; it was probably the result of gradual

growth. The earliest trace of the practice is found in the

decree of the council of Orange, A.D. 441, which allowed a

bishop, who had built a church in the diocese of another

bishop, to nominate the clerk, but not to consecrate the

church. The 123rd Novel of Justinian, promulgated about

the end of the 5th century, decreed ``that if any man should

erect an oratory, and desire to present a clerk thereto by

himself or his heirs, if they furnish a competency for his

livelihood, and nominate to the bishop such as are worthy,

they may be ordained.'' The 57th Novel empowered the bishop

to examine them and judge of their qualifications, and, where

those were sufficient, obliged him to admit the clerk. In

England, for quite two centuries after its conversion, the

clergy administered only pro tempore in the parochial

churches, receiving their maintenance from the cathedral

church, all the appointments within the diocese lying with the

bishop. But in order to promote the building and endowment

of parochial churches those who had contributed to their

erection either by a grant of land, by building or by endowment,

became entitled to present a clerk of their own choice to the

bishop, who was invested with the revenues derived from such

contribution. After the Norman Conquest, when the boundaries

between church and state were more clearly marked, it became

usual for patrons to appoint to livings not only without

the consent, but even against the will, of the bishops.

Advowsons are divided into two kinds, appendant and in

gross. Originally the right of nominating1 or presenting

was annexed to the person who built or endowed the church,

but the right gradually became annexed to the manor in

which it was built, for the endowment was considered parcel

of the manor, the church being built for the use of the

inhabitants, and the tithes of the manor being attached to the

church. Consequently where the right of patronage (the

right of the patron to present to the bishop the person whom

he has nominated to become rector or vicar of the parish

to the benefice of which he claims the right of advowson)

remains attached to the manor, it is called an advowson

appendant, and passes with the estate by inheritance or

sale without any special conveyance. But where, as is often

the case, the right of presentation has been sold by itself,

and so separated from the manor, it is called an advowson

in gross. An advowson may also be partly appendant, and

partly in gross, e.g. if an owner granted to another

every second presentment, the advowson would be appendant

for the grantor's turn and in gross for the grantee's.

Advowsons are further distinguished into presentative

and collative. In a presentative advowson, the patron

presents a clergyman to the bishop, with the petition

that he be instituted into the vacant living. The bishop

is bound to induct if he find the clergyman canonically

qualified, and a refusal on his part is subject to an

appeal to an ecclesiastical court either by patron or by

presentee. In a collative advowson the bishop is himself the

patron, either in his own right or in the right of the proper

patron, which has lapsed to him through not being exercised

within the statutory period of six months after the vacancy

occurred. No petition is necessary in this case, and the

bishop is said to collate to the benefice. Before 1898

there were also donative advowsons, but the Benefices Act

1898 made all donations with cure of souls presentative.

In a donative advowson, the sovereign, or any subject by

special licence from the sovereign, conferred a benefice by

a simple letter of gift, without any reference to the bishop,

and without presentation and institution. The incumbent of

such a living was to a great extent free from the jurisdiction

of the bishop, who could only reach him through the action

of an ecclesiastical court. The Benefices Act of 1898 did

not make any substantial change in the legal character of

advowsons, which remain practically the same as before the

act. Briefly, it prevents the dealing with the right of

presentation as a thing apart from the advowson itself;

increases the power of the bishops to refuse the presentation

of unfit persons, and removes several abuses which had arisen

in the transfer of patronage. Under the previously existing

law, simony, or ``the corrupt presentation of any person

to an ecclesiastical benefice for gift, money or reward,''

renders the presentation void, and subjects the persons

privy or party to it to penalties; a presentation to a vacant

benefice cannot be sold, and no clerk in holy orders can

purchase for himself a next presentation. An advowson may,

however, be sold during a vacancy, though that will not give

the right to present to that vacancy; and a clerk may buy

an advowson even though it be only an estate for life, and

present himself on the next vacancy. Under the Benefices

Act, advowsons may not be sold by public auction except in

conjunction with landed property adjacent to the benefice;

transfers of patronage must be registered in the registry

of the diocese, and no such transfers can be made within

twelve months after the last admission or institution to the

benefice. Restrictions had also been imposed on the transfer

of patronage of churches built under the Church Building Acts

and New Parishes Acts, and on that of benefices in the gift

of the lord chancellor, and sold by him in order to augment

others; but agreements may be made as to the patronage of

such churches in favour of persons who have contributed to

their building or enlargement without being void for simony.

The right of presentation may be exercised by its owner

whether he be an infant, executors, trustees, coparceners

(who, if they cannot agree, present in turn in order of

age) or mortgagee (who must present the nominee of the

mortgagor), or a bankrupt (who, although the advowson

belongs to his creditors, yet has the right to present to a

vacancy). Certain owners of advowsons are temporarily or

permanently disabled from exercising the right which devolves

upon other persons; and the crown as patron paramount of all

benefices can fill all churches not regularly filled by other

patrons. It thus presents to all vacancies caused by simoniacal

presentations, or by the incumbent having been presented to

a bishopric or in benefices belonging to a bishopric when

the see is vacant by the bishop's death, translation or

deprivation. Where a presentation belongs to a lunatic,

the lord chancellor presents for him. Where it belongs to

a Roman Catholic the right is exercised in his behalf by the

University of Oxford if the benefice be situate south of the

river Trent, and by that of Cambridge if it be north of that

river. Besides the qualifications required of a presentee

by canon law, such as being of the canonical age, and in

priest's orders before admission, sufficient learning and

proper orthodoxy or morals, the Benefices Act requires that

a year shall have elapsed since a transfer of the right of

patronage, unless it can be shown that such transfer was not

made in view of a probable vacancy; that the presentee has

been a deacon for three years; and that he is not unfit for

the discharge of his duties by reason of physical or mental

infirmity or incapacity, grave pecuniary embarrassment, grave

misconduct or neglect of duty in an ecclesiastical office,

evil life, or conduct causing grave scandal concerning his

moral character since his ordination, or being party to

an illegal agreement with regard to the presentation; that

notice of the presentation has been given to the parish of the

benefice. Except by leave of the bishop or sequestrator, the

incumbent of a sequestered benefice cannot be presented. The

act also gives to both patron and presentee an alternative

mode of appeal against a bishop's refusal to institute or

admit, except on a ground of doctrine or ritual, to a court

composed of an archbishop of the province and a judge of the

High Court nominated for that purpose by the lord chancellor,

a course which, however, bars resort being had to the ordinary

suits of duplex querela or action of quare impedit. In

case of refusal of one presentee, a lay patron may present

another, and a clerical patron may do so after an unsuccessful

appeal against the refusal. Upon institution the church is

full against everybody except the crown, and after six months'

peaceable possession the clerk is secured in possession of the

benefice, even though he may have been presented by a person

who is not the proper patron. The true patron can, however,

exercise his right to present at the next vacancy, and can

reserve the advowson from an usurper at any time within three

successive incumbencies so created adversely to his right, or

within sixty years. Collation, which otherwise corresponds to

institution, does not make the church full, and the true patron

can dispossess the clerk at any time, unless he is a patron who

collates. Possession of the benefice is completed by induction,

which makes the church full against any one, including the

crown. If the proper patron fails to exercise his right within

six calendar months from the vacancy, the right devolves or

lapses to the next superior patron, e.g. from an ordinary

patron to the bishop, and if he makes similar default to

the archbishop, and from him on similar default to the

crown. If a bishopric becomes vacant after a lapse has

accrued to it, it goes to the metropolitan; but in case of a

vacancy of a benefice during the vacancy of the see the crown

presents. Until the right of presentation so accruing to

a bishop or archbishop is exercised, the patron can still

effectually present but not if lapse has gone to the crown.

(See also BBNEFICE; GLEBE; INCUMBENT; VICAR.)

AUTHORITIES.---Burn, Ecclesiastical Law; Bingham's Origines

Ecclesiasticae, or, the Antiquities of the English Church;

Mirehouse, On Advowson; Phillimore, Ecclesiastical Law.

1 The distinction between nomination to a living and

presentation is to be noted. Nomination is the power,

by virtue of a manor or otherwise, to appoint a clerk to

the patron of a benefice, to be by him presented to the

ordinary. Presentation is the act of a patron in offering

his clerk to the bishop, to be instituted in a benefice of

his gift. Nomination and presentation, though generally

used in law lor the same thing must be so distinguishnd,

for it is possible that the rights of nomination may be

in one person, and the rights of presentation in another.

ADYE, SIR JOHN MILLER (1819-1900), British general, son of

Major James P. Adye, was born at Sevenoaks, Kent, on the 1st

of November 1819. He entered the Royal Artillery in 1836, was

promoted captain in 1846, and served throughout the Crimean War

as brigade-major and assistant adjutant-general of artillery

(C.B., brevets of major and lieutenant-colonel). In the

Indian Mutiny he served on the staff in a similar capacity.

Promoted brevet-colonel in 1860, he was specially employed in

1863 in the N.W. frontier of India campaign, and was deputy

adjutant-general, Bengal, from 1863 to 1866, when he returned

home. From 1870 to 1875 Adye was director of artillery and

stores at the War Office. He was made a K.C.B. in 1873,

and was promoted to be major-general and appointed governor

of the Royal Military Academy, Woolwich, in 1875, and survey

or general of the ordnance in 1880. In 1882 he was chief

of staff and second in command of the expedition to Egypt,

and served throughout the campaign (G.C.B. and thanks of

parliament). He held the government of Gibraltar from 1883 to

1886. Promoted lieutenant-general in 1879, general and

colonel commandant of the Royal Artillery in 1884, he

retired in 1886. He unsuccessfully contested Bath in the

Liberal interest in 1892. He died on the 26th of August

1900. He was author of A Review of The Crimean War; The

Defense of Cawnpore; A Frontier Campaign in Afghanistan;

Recollections of a Military Life; and Indian Frontier Policy.

ADYTUM, the Latinized form of aduton (not to be entered),

the innermost sanctuary in ancient temples, access to which

was forbidden to all but the officiating priests. The most

famous adytum in Greece was in the temple of Apollo at Delphi.

ADZE (from the Old Eng. adesa, of which the origin is

unknown), a tool used for cutting and planing. It is somewhat

like an axe reversed, the edge or the blade curving inward

and placed at right angles to the handle. This shape is

most suitable for planing uneven timber, as inequalities

are ``hooked off'' by the curved blade. (See TOOLS.)

AEACUS, in Greek legend, ancestor of the Aeacidae, was the

son of Zeus and Aegina, daughter of the river-god Asopus.

His mother was carried off by Zeus to the island of Oenone,

which was afterwards called by her name. The island having

been depopulated by a pestilence, Zeus changed the ants upon

it into human beings (Ovid, Met. vii. 520), who were called

Myrmidones (murmekes = ants) . Aeacus ruled over his people

with such justice and impartiality that after his death he

was made judge of the lower world together with Minos and

Rhadamanthus. By his wife Endeis he was the father of Telamon

and Peleus. His successful prayer to Zeus for rain at a time

of drought (Isocrates, Evagoras, 14) was commemorated by

a temple at Aegina (Pausanias ii. 29). He himself erected a

temple to Zeus Panhellenios and helped Poseidon and Apollo

to build the walls of Troy. See Hutchinson, Aeacus, 1901.

AECLANUM, an ancient town of Samnium, Italy, 15 m.

E.S.E. of Beneventum, on the Via Appia (near the modern

Mirabella). It became the chief town of the Hirpini after

Beneventum had become a Roman colony. Sulla captured it

in 89 B.C. by setting on fire the wooden breastwork by

which it was defended, and new fortifications were erected.

Hadrian, who repaired the Via Appia from Beneventum to this

point, made it a colony; it has ruins of the city walls, of an

aqueduct, baths and an amphitheatre; nearly 400 inscriptions

have also been discovered. Two different routes to Apulia

diverged at this point, one (Via Aurelia Aeclanensis) leading

through the modern Ariano to Herdoniae, the other (the Via

Appia of the Empire) passing the Lacus Ampsanctus and going

on to Aquilonia and Venusia; while the road from Aeclanum

to Abellinum (mod. Avellini) may also follow an ancient

line. H. Nissen (Italische Landes kunde, Berlin, 1902,

ii. 819) speaks of another road, which he believes to have

been that followed by Horace, from Aeclanum to Trevicum and

thence to Ausculum; but Th. Monimsen (Corpus Inscrip. Lat.,

Berlin, 1883, ix. 602) is more likely to be right in supposing

that the road taken by Horace ran directly from Beneventum to

Trevicum and thence to Aquilonia (though the course of this

road is not yet determined in detail), and that the easier,

though somewhat longer, road by Aeclanum was of later date.

AEDESIUS (d. A.D. 355), Neoplatonist philosopher, was

born of a noble Cappadocian family. He migrated to Syria,

attracted by the lectures of Iamblichus, whose follower he

became. According to Eunapius, he differed from Iamblichus on

certain points connected with magic. He taught at Pergamum,

his chief disciples being Eusebius and Maximus. He seems

to have modified his doctrines through fear of Constantine.

See Ritter and Preller, 552; Ritter's Geschichte der

Philosophie; T. Whittaker, The Neoplatonists (Cambridge, 1901).

AEDICULA (diminutive of Lat. aedis or aedes, a temple

or house), a small house or temple,--a household shrine

holding small altars or the statues of the Lares and Penates.

AEDILE (Lat. aedilis), in Roman antiquities, the name of

certain Roman magistrates, probably derived from aedis (a

temple), because they had the care of the temple of Ceres,

where the plebeian archives were kept. They were originally

two in number, called ``plebeian'' aediles. They were created

in the same year as the tribunes of the people (494 B.C.),

their persons were sacrosanct or inviolable, and (at least

after until they were elected at the Comitia Tributa out of

the plebeians alone. Originally intended as assistants to

the tribunes, they exercised certain police functions, were

empowered to inflict fines and managed the plebeian and Roman

games. According to Livy (vi. 42), after the passing of

the Licinian rogations, an extra day was added to the Roman

games; the aediles refused to bear the additional expense,

whereupon the patricians offered to undertake it, on condition

that they were admitted to the aedileship. The plebeians

accepted the offer, and accordingly two ``curule'' aediles

were appointed--at first from the patricians alone, then from

patricians and plebeians in turn, lastly, from either--at the

Comitia Tributa under the presidency of the consul. Although

not sacrosanct, they had the right of sitting in a curule

chair and wore the distinctive toga praetexta. They took over

the management of the Roman and Megalesian games, the care

of the patrician temples and had the right of issuing edicts

as superintendents of the markets. But although the curule

aediles always ranked higher than the plebeian, their functions

gradually approximated and became practically identical.

Cicero (Legg. iii. 3, 7) divides these functions under three

heads:--(1) Care of the city: the repair and preservation of

temples, sewers and aqueducts; street cleansing and paving;

regulations regarding traffic, dangerous animals and dilapidated

buildings; precautions against fire; superintendence of baths and

taverns; enforcement of sumptuary laws; punishment of gamblers

and usurers; the care of public morals generally, including the

prevention of foreign superstitions. They also punished those

who had too large a share of the ager publicus, or kept too

many cattle on the state pastures. (2) Care of provisions:

investigation of the quality of the articles supplied and the

correctness of weights and measures; the purchase of corn for

disposal at a low price in case of necessity. (3) Care of

line games: superintendence and organization of the public

games, as well as of those given by themselves and private

individuals (e.g. at funerals) at their own expense.

Ambitious persons often spent enormous sums in this manner to

win the popula1 favour with a view to official advancement.

In 44 Caesar added two patrician aediles, called Cereales,

whose special duty was the care of the corn-supply.

Under Augustus the office lost much of its importance,

its juridical functions and the care of the games being

transferred to the praetor, while its city responsibilities

were limited by the appointment of a praefectus urbi.

In the 3rd century A.D. it disappeared altogether.

AUTHORITIES.--Schubert, De Romanorum Aedilibus (1828);

Hoffmann, De Aedilibus Romanis (1842); Goll, De Aedilibus

sub Caesarum Imperio (1860); Labatut, Les Ediles et les

moeurs (1868); Marquardt Mommsen, Handbuch der romanischen

Altertumer, ii. (1888); Soltau, Die ursprungliche

Bedeutung und Competenz der Aediles Plebis (Bonn, 1882).

AEDUI, HAEDUI or HEDUI (Gr. Aidouoi), a Gallic people

of Gallia Lugdunensis, who inhabited the country between the

Arar (Saone) and Liger (Loire). The statement in Strabo (ii.

3. 192) that they dwelt between the Arar and Dubis (Doubs) is

incorrect. Their territory thus included the greater part

of the modern departments of Saone-et-Loire, Cote d'Or and

Nievre. According to Livy (v. 34), they took part in

the expedition of Bellovesus into Italy in the 6th century

B.C. Before Caesar's time they had attached themselves

to the Romans, and were honoured with the title of brothers

and kinsmen of the Roman people. When the Sequani, their

neighbours on the other side of the Arar, with whom they

were continually quarrelling, invaded their country and

subjugated them with the assistance of a German chieftain

named Ariovistus, the Aedui sent Divitiacus, the druid, to

Rome to appeal to the senate for help, but his mission was

unsuccessful. On his arrival in Gaul (58 B.C.), Caesar

restored their independence. In spite of this, the Aedui

joined the Gallic coalition against Caesar (B.G. vii. 42),

but after the surrender of Vercingetorix at Alesia were glad

to return to their allegiance. Augustus dismantled their

native capital Bibracte on Mont Beuvray, and substituted a

new town with a half-Roman, half-Gaulish name, Augustodunum

(mod. Autun). During the reign of Tiberias (A.D. 21),

they revolted under Julius Sacrovir, and seized Augustudunum,

but were soon put down by Gaius Silius (Tacitus Ann. iii.

43-46). The Aedui were the first of the Gauls to receive

from the emperor Claudius the distinction of juo hanorum.

The oration of Eumenius (q.v.), in which he pleaded for the

restoration of the schools of his native place Augustodunum,

shows that the district was neglected. The chief magistrate

of the Aedui in Caesar's time was called Vergobretus

(according to Mommsen, ``judgment-worker''), who was elected

annually, possessed powers of life and death, but was

forbidden to go beyond the frontier. Certain clientes,

or small communities, were also dependent upon the Aedui.

See A. E. Desjardins, Geographie de la Gaide, ii.

(1876-1893); T. R. Holmes, Caesar's Conquest of Gaul (1899).

AEGADIAN ISUANDS (Ital. Isole Egati; anc. Aegales Insulae),

a group of small mountainous islands off the western coast of

Sicily, chiefly remarkable as the scene of the defeat of the

Carthaginian fleet by C. Lutatius Catulus in 241 B.C., which

ended the First Punic War. Favignana (Aegusa), the largest, pop.

(1901) 6414, lies 10 m. S.W. of Trapani; Levanzo (Phorbantia) 8

m. W.; while Maritimo, the ancient iera nesos, 15

m. W. of Trapani, is now reckoned as a part of the group.

They belonged to the Pallavicini family of Genoa until

1874, when they were bought by Signor Florio of Palermo.

AEGEAN CIVILIZATION, the general term for the prehistoric

civilization, previously called ``Mycenaean'' because its existence

was first brought to popular notice by Heinrich Schliemann's

excavations at Mycenae in 1876. Subsequent discoveries, however,

have made it clear that Mycenae was not its chief centre in its

earlier stages, or, perhaps, at any period; and, accordingly,

it is more usual now to adopt a wider geographical title.

I. History of Discovery and Distribution of Remains.--Mycenae

and Tiryns are the two principal sites on which evidence of a

prehistoric civilization was remarked long ago by the classical

Greeks. The curtain-wall and towers of the Mycenaean citadel,

its gate with heraldic lions, and the great ``Treasury of

Atreus'' had borne silent witness for ages before Schliemann's

time; but they were supposed only to speak to the Homeric,

or at farthest a rude Heroic beginning of purely Hellenic,

civilization. It was not till Schliemann exposed the

contents of the graves which lay just inside the gate (see

MYCENAE), that scholars recognized the advanced stage of

art to which prehistoric dwellers in the Mycenaean citadel

had attained. There had been, however, a good deal of

other evidence available before 1876, which, had it been

collated and seriously studied, might have discounted the

sensation that the discovery of the citadel graves eventually

made. Although it was recognized that certain tributaries,

represented e.g. in the XVIIIth Dynasty tomb of Rekhmara

at Egyptian Thebes as bearing vases of peculiar forms, were

of some Mediterranean race, neither their precise habitat nor

the degree of their civilization could be determined while so

few actual prehistoric remains were known in the Mediterranean

lands. Nor did the Aegean objects which were lying obscurely

in museums in 1870, or thereabouts, provide a sufficient

test of the real basis underlying the Hellenic myths of the

Argolid, the Troad and Crete, to cause these to he taken

seriously. Both at Sevres and Neuchatel Aegean vases have

been exhibited since about 1840, the provenience being in

the one case Phylakope in Melos, in the other Cephalonia.

Ludwig Ross, by his explorations in the Greek islands from

1835 onwards, called attention to certain early intaglios,

since known as Inselsteine; but it was not till 1878 that

C. T. Newton demonstrated these to be no strayed Phoenician

products. In 1866 primitive structures were discovered in the

island of Therasia by quarrymen extracting pozzolana for the

Suez Canal works; and when this discovery was followed up in

1870, on the neighbouring Santorin (Thera), by representatives

of the French School at Athens, much pottery of a class now

known immediately to precede the typical late Aegean ware,

and many stone and metal objects, were found and dated by

the geologist Fouque, somewhat arbitrarily, to 2000 B.C.,

by consideration of the superincumbent eruptive stratum.

Meanwhile, in 1868, tombs at Ialysus in Rhodes had yielded

to M. A. Biliotti many fine painted vases of styles which

were called later the third and fourth ``Mycenaean''; but

these, bought by John Ruskin, and presented to the British

Museum, excited less attention than they deserved, being

supposed to be of some local Asiatic fabric of uncertain

date. Nor was a connexion immediately detected between them

and the objects found four years later in a tomb at Menidi in

Attica and a rock-cut ``bee-hive'' grave near the Argive Heraeum.

Even Schliemann's first excavations at Hissarlik in the Troad

(q.v.) did not excite surprise. But the ``Burnt City'' of

his second stratum, revealed in 1873, with its fortifications

and vases, and a hoard of gold, silver and bronze objects,

which the discoverer connected with it, began to arouse a

curiosity which was destined presently to spread far outside

the narrow circle of scholars. As soon as Schliemann came on

the Mycenae graves three years later, light poured from all

sides on the prehistotic period of Greece. It was recognized

that the character of both the fabric and the decoration

of the Mycenaean objects was not that of any well-known

art. A wide range in space was proved by the identification

of the Inselsteine and the Ialysus vases with the new style,

and a wide range in time by collation of the earlier Theraean

and Hissarlik discoveries. A relation between objects of art

described by Homer and the Mycenaean treasure was generally

allowed, and a correct opinion prevailed that, while certainly

posterior, the civilization of the Iliad was reminiscent of the

Mycenaean. Schliemann got to work again at Hissarlik in 1878,

and greatly increased our knowledge of the lower strata, but

did not recognize the Aegean remains in his ``Lydian'' city

of the sixth stratum, which were not to be fully revealed

till Dr W. Dorpfeld resumed the work at Hissarlik in 1892

after the first explorer's death (see TROAD). But by

laying bare in 1884 the upper stratum of remains on the rock

of Tiryns (q.v.), Schliemann made a contribution to our

knowledge of prehistoric domestic life which was amplified

two years later by Chr. Tsountas's discovery of the Mycenae

palace. Schliemann's work at Tiryns was not resumed till

1905, when it was proved, as had long been suspected, that

an earlier palace underlies the one he had exposed. From

1886 dates the finding of Mycenaean sepulchres outside the

Argolid, from which, and from the continuation of Tsountas's

exploration of the buildings and lesser graves at Mycenae,

a large treasure, independent of Schliemann's princely gift,

has been gathered into the National Museum at Athens. In

that year were excavated dome-tombs, most already rifled but

retaining some of their furniture, at Arkina and Eleusis in

Attica, at Dimini near Volo in Thessaly, at Kampos on the

west of Mount Taygetus, and at Maskarata in Cephalonia.

The richest grave of all was explored at Vaphio in Laconia

in 1889, and yielded, besides many gems and miscellaneous

goldsmiths' work, two golden goblets chased with scenes of

bull-hunting, and certain broken vases painted in a large

bold style which remained an enigma till the excavation of

Cnossus. In 1890 and 1893 Staes cleared out certain less

rich dome-tombs at Thoricus in Attica; and other graves,

either rock-cut ``bee-hives'' or chambers, were found at Spata

and Aphidna in Attica, in Aegina and Salamis, at the Heraeum

(see ARGOS) and Nauplia in the Argolid, near Thebes and

Delphi, and not far from the Thessalian Larissa. During the

excavations on the Acropolis at Athens, terminated in 1888,

many potsherds of the Mycenaean style were found; but Olympia

had yielded either none, or such as had not been recognized

before being thrown away, and the temple site at Delphi produced

nothing distinctively Aegean. The American explorations of

the Argive Heraeum, concluded in 1895, also failed to prove

that site to have been important in the prehistoric time,

though, as was to be expected from its neighbourhood to Mycenae

itself, there were traces of occupation in the later Aegean

periods. Prehistoric research had now begun to extend

beyond the Greek mainland. Certain central Aegean islands,

Antiparos, Ios, Amorgos, Syros and Siphnos, were all found

to be singularly rich in evidence of the middle-Aegean

period. The series of Syran built graves, containing

crouching corpses, is the best and most representative that

is known in the Legean. Melos, long marked as a source of

early objects, but not systematically excavated until taken

in hand by the British School at Athens in 1896, yielded

at Phylakope remains of all the Aegean periods, except the

Neolithic. A map of Cyprus in the later Bronze Age (such

as is given by J. L. Myres and M. O. Richter in Catalogue

of the Cyprus Museum) shows more than five-and-twenty

settlements in and about the Mesaorea district alone, of which

one, that at Enkomi, near the site of Salamis, has yielded

the richest Aegean treasure in precious metal found outside

Mycenae. E. Chantre in 1894 picked up lustreless ware,

like that of Hissariik, in central Phtygia and at Pteria

(q.v.), and the English archaeological expeditions, sent

subsequently into north-western Anatolia, have never falled

to bring back ceramic specimens of Aegean appearance from

the valleys of the Rhyndncus, Sangarius and Halys. In Egypt

in 1887 W. M. F. Petrie found painted sherds of Cretan style

at Kahun in the Fayum, and farther up the Nile, at Tell

el-Amarna, chanced on bits of no fewer than 800 Aegean vases in

1889. There have now been recognized in the collections at

Cairo, Florence, London, Paris and Bologna several Egyptian

imitations of the Aegean style which can be set off against

the many debts which the centres of Aegean culture owed to

Egypt. Two Aegean vases were found at Sidon in 1885, and

many fragments of Aegean and especially Cypriote pottery have

been turned up during recent excavations of sites in Philistia

by the Palestine Fund. South-eastern Sicily, ever since P.

Orsi excavated the Sicel cemetery near Lentini in 1877, has

proved a mine of early remains, among which appear in regular

succession Aegean fabrics and motives of decoration from

the period of the second stratum at Hissarlik. Sardinia has

Aegean sites, e.g. at Abini near Teti; and Spain has yielded

objects recognized as Aegean from tombs near Cadiz and from

Saragossa. One land, however, has eclipsed all others in the

Aegean by the wealth of its remains of all the prehistoric

ages, viz. Crete, so much so that, for the present, we

must regard it as the fountain-head of Aegean civilization,

and probably for long its political and social centre. The

island first attracted the notice of archaeologists by the

remarkable archaic Greek bronzes found in a cave on Mount

Ida in 1885, as well as by epigraphic monuments such as the

famous law of Gortyna; but the first undoubted Aegean remains

reported from it were a few objects extracted from Cnossus by

Minos Kalokhairinos of Candia in 1878. These were followed

by certain discoveries made in the S. plain Messara by F.

Halbherr. W. J. Stillman and H. Schliemann both made

unsuccessful attempts at Cnossus, and A. J. Evans, coming on

the scene in 1893, travelled in succeeding years about the

island picking up trifles of unconsidered evidence, which

gradually convinced him that greater things would eventually be

found. He obtained enough to enable him to forecast the

discovery of written characters, till then not suspected in

Aegean civilization. The revolution of 1897-98 opened the

door to wider knowledge, and much exploration has ensued,

for which see CRETE. Thus the ``Aegean Area'' has now come

to mean the Archipelago with Crete and Cyprus, the Hellenic

peninsula with the Ionian isles, and Western Anatolic.

Evidence is still wanting for the Macedonian and Thracian

coasts. Offshoots are found in the W. Mediterranean, in

Sicily, Italy, Sardinia and Spain, and in the E. in Syria and

Egypt. About the Cyrenaica we are still insufficiently informed.

II. General Nature of the Evidence.---For details of

monumental evidence the articles on CRETE, MYCENAE,

TIRYNS, TROAD, CYPRUS, &c., must be consulted. The

most representative site explored up to now is Cnossus (see

CRETE, sect. Archaeology), which has yielded not only

the most various but the most continuous evidence from the

Neolithic age to the twilight of classical civilization.

Next in importance come Hissarlik, Mycenae, Phaestus,

Hagia, Triada, Tiryns, Phylakope, Palaikastro and Gournia.

A. The internal evidence at present available comprises--

Structures.---Ruins of palaces, palatial villas, houses,

built dome- or cist-graves and fortifications (Aegean isles,

Greek mainland and N.W. Anatolia), but not distinct temples;

small shrines, however, and temene (religious enclosures,

remains or one of which were probably found at Petsofa

near Palaikastro by J. L. Myres in 1904) are represented

on intaglios and frescoes. From the sources and from

inlay-work we have also representations of palaces and houses.

(2) Structural Decoration.--Architectural features, such as

columns, friezes and various mouldings; mural decoration,

such as fresco-paintings, coloured reliefs and mosaic inlay.

(3) Furniture.--(a) Domestic, such as vessels of all

sorts and in many materials, from huge store-jars down to tiny

unguent-pots; culinary and other implements; thrones, seats,

tables, &c., these all in stone or plastered terra-cotta. (b)

Sacred, such as models or actual examples of ritual objects;

of these we have also numerous pictorial representations.

(c) Funerary, e.g. coffins in painted terra-cotta.

(4) Artistic fabrics, e.g. plastic objects, carved in

stone or ivory, cast or beaten in metals (gold, silver,

copper and bronze), or modelled in clay, faience, paste,

&c. Very little trace has yet been found of large free

sculpture, but many examples exist of sculptors' smaller

work. Vases of all kinds, carved in marble or other stones,

cast or beaten in metals or fashioned in clay, the latter in

enormous number and variety, richly ornamented with coloured

schemes, and sometimes bearing moulded decoration. Examples

of painting on stone, opaque and transparent. Engraved

objects in great numberr e.g. ring-bezels and gems; and

an immense quantity of clay impressions, taken from these.

(5) Weapons, tools and implements, in stone, clay and

bronze, and at the last iron, sometimes richly ornamented or

inlaid. Numerous representations also of the same. No actual

body-armour, except such as was ceremonial and buried with the

dead, like the gold breastplates in the circle-graves at Mycenae.

(6) Articles of personal use, e.g. brooches efbulae), pins,

razors, tweezers, &c., often found as dedications to a deity,

e.g. in the Dictaean Cavern of Crete. No textiles have survived.

(7) Written documents, e.g. clay tablets and discs (so far in

Crete only), but nothing of more perishable nature, such as skin,

papyrus, &c.; engraved gems and gem impressions; legends written

with pigment on pottery (rare); characters incised on stone or

pottery. These show two main systems of script (see CRETE).

(8) Excavated tombs, of either the pit or the grotto

kind, in which the dead were laid, together with

various objects of use and luxury, without cremation,

and in either coffins or loculi or simple wrappings.

(9) Public works, such as paved and stepped

roadways, bridges, systems of drainage, &c.

B. There is also a certain amount of external evidence

to be gathered from--(1) Monuments and records of other

contemporary civilizations, e.g. representations of alien

peoples in Egyptian frescoes; imitation of Aegean fabrics

and style in non-Aegean lands; allusions to Mediterranean

peoples in Egyptian, Semitic or Babylonian records.

(2) Literary traditions of subsequent civilizations, especially

the Hellenic; such as, e.g., those embodied in the Homeric poems,

the legenda concerning Crete, Mycenae, &c.; statements as to the

origin of gods, cults and so forth, transmitted to us by Hellenic

antiquarians such as Strabo, Pausanias, Diodorus Siculus, &c.

(3) Traces of customs, creeds, rituals, &c., in the

Aegean area at a later time, discordant with the

civilization in which they were practised and indicating

survival from earlier systems. There are also possible

linguistic and even physical survivals to be considered.

III General Features of Aegean Civalization.--The

leading features of Aegean civilization, as deduced

from the evidence, must be stated very briefly.

(1) Political Organisation.--The great Cretan palaces and

the fortified citadels of Mycenae, Tiryns and Hissarlik, each

containing little more than one great residence, and dominating

lower towns of meaner houses, point to monarchy at all

periods. Independent local developments of art before the

middle of the 2nd millennium B.C. suggest the early existence

of independent units in various parts, of which the strongest

was the Cnossian. After that date the evidence goes strongly

to show that one political dominion was spread for a brief

period, or for two brief periods, over almost all the area (see

later). The great number of tribute-tallies found at Cnossus

perhaps indicates that the Centre of power was always there.

(2) Religion.--The fact that shrines have so far been found

within palaces and not certainly anywhere else indicates that

the kings kept religious power in their own hands; perhaps they

were themselves high-priests. Religion in the area seems to

have been essentially the same everywhere from the earliest

period, viz. the cult of a Divine Principle, resident in

dominant features of nature (sun, stars, mountains, trees,

&c.) and controlling fertility. This cult passed through

an aniconic stage, from which fetishes survived to the

last, these being rocks or pillars, trees, weapons (e.g.

bipennis, or double war-axe, shield), etc. When the iconic

stage was reached, about 2000 B.C., we find the Divine Spirit

represented as a goddess with a subordinate young god, as

in many other E. Mediterranean lands. The god was probably

son and mate of the goddess, and the divine pair represented

the genius of Reproductive Fertility in its relations with

humanity. The goddess sometimes appears with doves, as

uranic, at others with snakes, as chthonic. In the ritual

fetishes, often of miniature form, played a great part:

all sorts of plants and animals were sacred: sacrifice (not

burnt, and human very doubtful), dedication of all sorts of

offerings and simulacra, invocation, &c., were practised.

The dead, who returned to the Great Mother, were objects

of a sort of hero-worship. This early nature-cult explains

many anomalous features of Hellenic religion, especially

in the cults of Artemis and Aphrodite. (See CRETE.)

(3) Social Organization.---There is a possibility that

features of a primeval matriarchate long survived; but

there is no certain evidence. Of the organization of the

people under the monarch we are ignorant. There are so few

representations of armed men that it seems doubtful if there

can have been any professional military Class. Theatral

structures found at Cnossus and Phaestus, within the precincts

of the palaces, were perhaps used for shows or for sittings

of a royal assize, rather than for popular assemblies. The

Cnossian remains contain evidence of an elaborate system of

registration, account-keeping and other secretarial work, which

perhaps indicates a considerable body of law. The line of

the ruling class was comfortable and even luxurious from early

times. Fine stone palaces, richly decorated, with separate

sleeping apartments, large halls, ingenious devices for admitting

light and air, sanitary conveniences and marvellously modern

arrangements for supply of water and for drainage, attest this

fact. Even the smaller houses, after the Neolithic period,

seem also to have been of stone, plastered within. After

1600 B.C. the palaces in Crete had more than one story, fine

stairways, bath-chambers, windows, folding and sliding doors,

&c. In this later period, the distinction of blocks of apartments

in some palaces has been held to indicate the seclusion of

women in harems, at least among the ruling caste. Cnossian

frescoes show women grouped apart, and they appear alone on

gems. Flesh and fish and many kinds of vegetables were evidently

eaten, and wine and beer were drunk. Vessels for culinary,

table, and luxurious uses show an infinite variety of form and

purpose. Artificers' implements of many kinds were in

use, bronze succeeding obsidian and other hard stones as the

material. Seats are found carefully shaped to the human

person. There was evidently olive- and vine-culture on a

large scale in Crete at any rate. Chariots were in use in the

later period, as is proved by the pictures of them on Cretan

tablets, and therefore, probably, the horse also was known.

Indeed a horse appears on a gem impression. Main ways were

paved. Sports, probably more or less religious, are often

represented, e.g. bullfighting, dancing, boxing, armed combats.

(4) Commerce was practised to some extent in very early

times, as is proved by the distribution of Melian obsidian

over all the Aegean area and by the Nilotic influence on early

Minoan art. We find Cretan vessels exported to Melos, Egypt

and the Greek mainland. Melian vases came in their turn to

Crete. After 1600 B.C. there is very close intercourse with

Egypt, and Aegean things hnd their way to all coasts of the

Mediterranean (see below). No traces of currency have come

to light, unless certain axeheads, too slight for practical

use, had that character; but standard weights have been

found, and representations of ingots. The Aegean written

documents have not yet proved (by being found outside the area)

epistolary correspondence with other lands. Representations

of ships are not common, but several have been observed

on Aegean gems, gem-sealings and vases. They are vessels

of low free-board, with masts. Familiarity with the sea

is proved by the free use of marine motives in decoration.

(5) Treatment or the Dead.--The dead in the earlier

period wore laid (so far as we know at present) within cists

constructed of upright stones. These were sometimes inside

caves. After the burial the cist was covered in with earth.

A little later, in Crete, bone-pits seem to have come into

use, containing the remains of many burials. Possibly the

flesh was boiled off the bones at once (``scarification''), or

left to rot in separate cists awhile; afterwards the skeletons

were collected and the cists re-used. The coffins are of small

size, contain corpses with the knees drawn up to the chin and

are found in excavated chambers or pits. In the later period

a peculiar ``bee-hive'' tomb became common, sometimes wholly

or partly excavated, sometimes (as in the magnificent Mycenaean

``Treasuries'') constructed domewise. The shaft-graves

in the Mycenae circle are also a late type, paralleled in

the later Cnossian cemetery. The latest type of tomb is a

flatly vaulted chamber approached by a horizontal or slightly

inclined way, whose sides converge above. At no period do the

Aegean dead seem to have been burned. Weapons, food, water,

unguents and various trinkets were laid with the corpse at all

periods. In the Mycenae circle an altar seems to have been

erected over the graves, and perhaps slaves were killed to

bear the dead chiefs company. A painted sarcophagus, found

at Hagia Triada, also possibly shows a hero-cult of the dead.

(6) Artistic Production.--Ceramic art reached a specially

high standard in fabric, form and decoration by the middle

of the 3rd millennium B.C. in Crete. The products of

that period compare favourably with any potters' work in the

world. The same may be said of fresco-painting, and probably

of metal work. Modelling in terra-cotta, sculpture in stone

and ivory, engraving on gems, were following it closely by

the beginning of the 2nd millennium. After 2000 B.C. all

these arts revived, and sculpture, as evidenced by relief

work, both on a large and on a small scale, carved stone

vessels, metallurgy in gold, silver and bronze, advanced

farther. This art and those of fresco- and vase-painting and

of gem-engraving stood higher about the 15th century B.C.

than at any subsequent period before the 6th century. The

manufacture, modelling and painting of faience objects, and

the making of inlays in many materials were also familiar to

Aegean craftsmen, who show in all their best work a strong

sense of natural form and an appreciation of ideal balance and

decorative effect, such as are seen in the best products of

later Hellenic art. Architectural ornament was also highly

developed. The richness of the Aegean capitals and columns

may be judged by those from the ``Treasury of Atreus'' now

set up in the British Museum; and of the friezes we have

examples in Mycenaean and Cnossian fragments, and Cnossian

paintings. The magnificent gold work of the later period,

preserved to us at Mycenae and Vaphio, needs only to be

mentioned. It should be compared with stone work in Crete,

especially the steatite vases with reliefs found at Hagia

Triada. On the whole, Aegean art, at its two great

periods, in the middle of the 3rd and 2nd millennia

respectively, will bear comparison with any contemporary arts.

IV. Origin, Nature and History of Aegean Civilization.---The

evidence, summarized above, though very various and

voluminous, is not yet sufficient to answer all the

questions which may be asked as to the origin, nature

and history of this civilization, or to answer any but a

few questions with absolute certainty. We shall try to

indicate the extent to which it can legitimately be applied.