Newton should not, however, be regarded as an isolated phenomenon, a genius

but for whom the world would have remained in darkness. His first flashing

idea of gravitation deserves perhaps to be called an inspiration. But in

all his other labors, experimental as well as mathematical, he was but

following the spirit of the times. The love of science was abroad, and its

infinite curiosity. Each of Newton's discoveries was claimed also by other

men who had been working along similar lines. Of the dispute over the

gravitation theory Sir David Brewster, the great authority for the career

of Newton, gives some account. The controversy over the calculus was even

more bitter and prolonged.

It were well, however, to disabuse one's mind of the idea that Newton's

work was a finality, that it settled anything. As to why the law of

gravitation exists, why bodies tend to come together, the philosopher had

little suggestion to offer, and the present generation knows no more than

he. Before Copernicus and Newton men looked only with their eyes, and

accepted the apparent movements of sun and stars as real. Now, going one

step deeper, we look with our brains and see their real movements which

underlie appearances. Newton supplied us with the law and rate of the

movement--but not its cause. It is toward that cause, that great "Why?"

that science has ever since been dimly groping.

In the year 1666, when the plague had driven Newton from Cambridge, he was

sitting alone in the garden at Woolsthrope, and reflecting on the nature of

gravity, that remarkable power which causes all bodies to descend toward

the centre of the earth. As this power is not found to suffer any sensible

diminution at the greatest distance from the earth's centre to which we can

reach--being as powerful at the tops of the highest mountains as at the

bottom of the deepest mines--he conceived it highly probable that it must

extend much further than was usually supposed. No sooner had this happy

conjecture occurred to his mind than he considered what would be the effect

of its extending as far as the moon. That her motion must be influenced

by such a power he did not for a moment doubt; and a little reflection

convinced him that it might be sufficient for retaining that luminary in

her orbit round the earth.

Though the force of gravity suffers no sensible diminution at those small

distances from the earth's centre at which we can place ourselves, yet he

thought it very possible that, at the distance of the moon, it might differ

much in strength from what it is on the earth. In order to form some

estimate of the degree of its diminution, he considered that, if the moon

be retained in her orbit by the force of gravity, the primary planets must

also be carried round the sun by the same power; and by comparing the

periods of the different planets with their distances from the sun he found

that, if they were retained in their orbits by any power like gravity, its

force must decrease in the duplicate proportion, or as the squares of their

distances from the sun. In drawing this conclusion, he supposed the planets

to move in orbits perfectly circular, and having the sun in their centre.

Having thus obtained the law of the force by which the planets were drawn

to the sun, his next object was to ascertain if such a force emanating from

the earth, and directed to the moon, was sufficient, when diminished in the

duplicate ratio of the distance, to retain her in her orbit.

In performing this calculation it was necessary to compare the space

through which heavy bodies fall in a second at a given distance from the

centre of the earth, viz., at its surface, with the space through which the

moon, as it were, falls to the earth in a second of time while revolving

in a circular orbit. Being at a distance from books when he made this

computation, he adopted the common estimate of the earth's diameter then

in use among geographers and navigators, and supposed that each degree of

latitude contained sixty English miles.

In this way he found that the force which retains the moon in her orbit,

as deduced from the force which occasions the fall of heavy bodies to the

earth's surface, was one-sixth greater than that which is actually

observed in her circular orbit. This difference threw a doubt upon all his

speculations; but, unwilling to abandon what seemed to be otherwise so

plausible, he endeavored to account for the difference of the two forces

by supposing that some other cause must have been united with the force of

gravity in producing so great velocity of the moon in her circular orbit.

As this new cause, however, was beyond the reach of observation, he

discontinued all further inquiries into the subject, and concealed from his

friends the speculations in which he had been employed.

After his return to Cambridge in 1666 his attention was occupied with

optical discoveries; but he had no sooner brought them to a close than his

mind reverted to the great subject of the planetary motions. Upon the death

of Oldenburg in August, 1678, Dr. Hooke was appointed secretary to the

Royal Society; and as this learned body had requested the opinion of Newton

about a system of physical astronomy, he addressed a letter to Dr. Hooke

on November 28, 1679. In this letter he proposed a direct experiment for

verifying the motion of the earth, viz., by observing whether or not bodies

that fall from a considerable height descend in a vertical direction; for

if the earth were at rest the body would describe exactly a vertical line;

whereas if it revolved round its axis, the falling body must deviate from

the vertical line toward the east.

The Royal Society attached great value to the idea thus casually suggested,

and Dr. Hooke was appointed to put it to the test of experiment. Being

thus led to consider the subject more attentively, he wrote to Newton that

wherever the direction of gravity was oblique to the axis on which the

earth revolved, that is, in every part of the earth except the equator,

falling bodies should approach to the equator, and the deviation from the

vertical, in place of being exactly to the east, as Newton maintained,

should be to the southeast of the point from which the body began to move.

Newton acknowledged that this conclusion was correct in theory, and Dr.

Hooke is said to have given an experimental demonstration of it before the

Royal Society in December, 1679. Newton had erroneously concluded that the

path of the falling body would be a spiral; but Dr. Hooke, on the same

occasion on which he made the preceding experiment, read a paper to the

society in which he proved that the path of the body would be an eccentric

ellipse _in vacuo_, and an ellipti-spiral if the body moved in a resisting

medium.

This correction of Newton's error, and the discovery that a projectile

would move in an elliptical orbit when under the influence of a force

varying in the inverse ratio of the square of the distance, led Newton, as

he himself informs us in his letter to Halley, to discover "the theorem

by which he afterward examined the ellipsis," and to demonstrate the

celebrated proposition that a planet acted upon by an attractive force

varying inversely as the squares of the distances, will describe an

elliptical orbit in one of whose _foci_ the attractive force resides.

But though Newton had thus discovered the true cause of all the celestial

motions, he did not yet possess any evidence that such a force actually

resided in the sun and planets. The failure of his former attempt to

identify the law of falling bodies at the earth's surface with that which

guided the moon in her orbit, threw a doubt over all his speculations, and

prevented him from giving any account of them to the public.

An accident, however, of a very interesting nature induced him to resume

his former inquiries, and enabled him to bring them to a close. In June,

1682, when he was attending a meeting of the Royal Society of London, the

measurement of a degree of the meridian, executed by M. Picard in 1679,

became the subject of conversation. Newton took a memorandum of the result

obtained by the French astronomer, and having deduced from it the diameter

of the earth, he immediately resumed his calculation of 1665, and began to

repeat it with these new data. In the progress of the calculation he saw

that the result which he had formerly expected was likely to be produced,

and he was thrown into such a state of nervous irritability that he was

unable to carry on the calculation. In this state of mind he intrusted it

to one of his friends, and he had the high satisfaction of finding his

former views amply realized. The force of gravity which regulated the fall

of bodies at the earth's surface, when diminished as the square of the

moon's distance from the earth, was found to be almost exactly equal to the

centrifugal force of the moon as deduced from her observed distance and

velocity.

The influence of such a result upon such a mind may be more easily

conceived than described. The whole material universe was spread out before

him; the sun with all his attending planets; the planets with all their

satellites; the comets wheeling in every direction in their eccentric

orbits; and the systems of the fixed stars stretching to the remotest

limits of space. All the varied and complicated movements of the heavens,

in short, must have been at once presented to his mind as the necessary

result of that law which he had established in reference to the earth and

the moon.

After extending this law to the other bodies of the system, he composed a

series of propositions on the motion of the primary planets about the sun,

which were sent to London about the end of 1683, and were soon afterward

communicated to the Royal Society.

About this period other philosophers had been occupied with the same

subject. Sir Christopher Wren had many years before endeavored to explain

the planetary motions "by the composition of a descent toward the sun, and

an impressed motion; but he at length gave it over, not finding the means

of doing it." In January, 1683-1684, Dr. Halley had concluded from Kepler's

law of the periods and distances, that the centripetal force decreased in

the reciprocal proportion of the squares of the distances, and having one

day met Sir Christopher Wren and Dr. Hooke, the latter affirmed that he had

demonstrated upon that principle all the laws of the celestial motions. Dr.

Halley confessed that his attempts were unsuccessful, and Sir Christopher,

in order to encourage the inquiry, offered to present a book of forty

shillings value to either of the two philosophers who should, in the space

of two months, bring him a convincing demonstration of it. Hooke persisted

in the declaration that he possessed the method, but avowed it to be his

intention to conceal it for time. He promised, however, to show it to Sir

Christopher; but there is every reason to believe that this promise was

never fulfilled.

In August, 1684, Dr. Halley went to Cambridge for the express purpose of

consulting Newton on this interesting subject. Newton assured him that he

had brought this demonstration to perfection, and promised him a copy of

it. This copy was received in November by the doctor, who made a second

visit to Cambridge, in order to induce its author to have it inserted in

the register book of the society. On December 10th Dr. Halley announced

to the society that he had seen at Cambridge Newton's treatise _De Motu

Corporum_, which he had promised to send to the society to be entered upon

their register, and Dr. Halley was desired to unite with Mr. Paget, master

of the mathematical school in Christ's Hospital, in reminding Newton of his

promise, "for securing the invention to himself till such time as he can be

at leisure to publish it."

On February 25th Mr. Aston, the secretary, communicated a letter from

Newton in which he expressed his willingness "to enter in the register

his notions about motion, and his intentions to fit them suddenly for the

press." The progress of his work was, however, interrupted by a visit of

five or six weeks which he made in Lincolnshire; but he proceeded with such

diligence on his return that he was able to transmit the manuscript to

London before the end of April. This manuscript, entitled _Philosophic

Naturalis Principia Mathematics_ and dedicated to the society, was

presented by Dr. Vincent on April 28, 1686, when Sir John Hoskins, the

vice-president and the particular friend of Dr. Hooke, was in the chair.

Dr. Vincent passed a just encomium on the novelty and dignity of the

subject; and another member added that "Mr. Newton had carried the thing

so far that there was no more to be added." To these remarks the

vice-president replied that the method "was so much the more to be prized

as it was both invented and perfected at the same time." Dr. Hooke took

offence at these remarks, and blamed Sir John for not having mentioned

"what he had discovered to him"; but the vice-president did not seem to

recollect any such communication, and the consequence of this discussion

was that "these two, who till then were the most inseparable cronies, have

since scarcely seen one another, and are utterly fallen out." After the

breaking up of the meeting, the society adjourned to the coffee house,

where Dr. Hooke stated that he not only had made the same discovery, but

had given the first hint of it to Newton.

An account of these proceedings was communicated to Newton through two

different channels. In a letter dated May 22d Dr. Halley wrote to him

"that Mr. Hooke has some pretensions upon the invention of the rule of the

decrease of gravity being reciprocally as the squares of the distances

from the centre. He says you had the notion from him, though he owns the

demonstration of the curves generated thereby to be wholly your own. How

much of this is so you know best, as likewise what you have to do in this

matter; only Mr. Hooke seems to expect you would make some mention of him

in the preface, which it is possible you may see reason to prefix."

This communication from Dr. Halley induced the author, on June 20th,

to address a long letter to him, in which he gives a minute and able

refutation of Hooke's claims; but before this letter was despatched another

correspondent, who had received his information from one of the members

that were present, informed Newton "that Hooke made a great stir,

pretending that he had all from him, and desiring they would see that

he had justice done him." This fresh charge seems to have ruffled the

tranquillity of Newton; and he accordingly added an angry and satirical

postscript, in which he treats Hooke with little ceremony, and goes so far

as to conjecture that Hooke might have acquired his knowledge of the law

from a letter of his own to Huygens, directed to Oldenburg, and dated

January 14,1672-1673. "My letter to Hugenius was directed to Mr. Oldenburg,

who used to keep the originals. His papers came into Mr. Hooke's

possession. Mr. Hooke, knowing my hand, might have the curiosity to look

into that letter, and there take the notion of comparing the forces of the

planets arising from their circular motion; and so what he wrote to me

afterward about the rate of gravity might be nothing but the fruit of my

own garden."

In replying to this letter Dr. Halley assured him that Hooke's "manner of

claiming the discovery had been represented to him in worse colors than

it ought, and that he neither made public application to the society for

justice nor pretended that you had all from him." The effect of this

assurance was to make Newton regret that he had written the angry

postscript to his letter; and in replying to Halley on July 14, 1686, he

not only expresses his regret, but recounts the different new ideas which

he had acquired from Hooke's correspondence, and suggests it as the best

method "of compromising the present dispute" to add a _scholium_ in which

Wren, Hooke, and Halley are acknowledged to have independently deduced the

law of gravity from the second law of Kepler.

At the meeting of April 28th, at which the manuscript of the _Principia_

was presented to the Royal Society, it was agreed that the printing of

it should be referred to the council: that a letter of thanks should be

written to its author; and at a meeting of the council on May 19th it was

resolved that the manuscript should be printed at the society's expense,

and that Dr. Halley should superintend it while going through the press.

These resolutions were communicated by Dr. Halley in a letter dated May

22d; and in Newton's reply on June 20th, already mentioned, he makes the

following observations:

"The proof you sent me I like very well. I designed the whole to consist

of three books; the second was finished last summer, being short, and only

wants transcribing and drawing the cuts fairly. Some new propositions I

have since thought on which I can as well let alone. The third wants the

theory of comets. In autumn last I spent two months in calculation to no

purpose, for want of a good method, which made me afterward return to the

first book and enlarge it with diverse propositions, some relating to

comets, others to other things found out last winter. The third I now

design to suppress. Philosophy is such an impertinently litigious lady that

a man had as good be engaged in lawsuits as have to do with her. I found it

so formerly, and now I can no sooner come near her again but she gives me

warning. The first two books, without the third, will not so well bear the

title of _Philosophies Naturalis Principia Mathematica_; and therefore I

had altered it to this: _de Moti Corporum, Libri duo_. But after second

thoughts I retain the former title. 'Twill help the sale of the book, which

I ought not to diminish now 'tis yours."

In replying to this letter on June 29th Dr. Halley regrets that our

author's tranquillity should have been thus disturbed by envious rivals,

and implores him in the name of the society not to suppress the third book.

"I must again beg you," says he, "not to let your resentments run so high

as to deprive us of your third book, wherein your applications of your

mathematical doctrine to the theory of comets, and several curious

experiments which, as I guess by what you write ought to compose it,

will undoubtedly render it acceptable to those who will call themselves

philosophers without mathematics, which are much the greater number."

To these solicitations Newton seems to have readily yielded. His second

book was sent to the society, and presented on March 2, 1687. The third

book was also transmitted, and presented on April 6th, and the whole work

was completed and published in the month of May, 1687.

Such is the brief account of the publication of a work which is memorable

not only in the annals of one science or of one country, but which will

form an epoch in the history of the world, and will ever be regarded as the

brightest page in the records of human reason. We shall endeavor to convey

to the reader some idea of its contents, and of the brilliant discoveries

which it disseminated over Europe.

The _Principia_ consists of three books. The first and second, which occupy

three-fourths of the work, are entitled _On the Motion of Bodies_, and the

third bears the title _On the System of the World_. The two first books

contain the mathematical principles of philosophy, namely, the laws and

conditions of motions and forces; and they are illustrated with several

philosophical _scholia_ which treat of some of the most general and

best-established points in philosophy, such as the density and resistance

of bodies, spaces void of matter, and the motion of sound and light.

The object of the third book is to deduce from these principles the

constitution of the system of the world; and this book has been drawn up in

as popular a style as possible, in order that it may be generally read.

The great discovery which characterizes the _Principia_ is that of the

principle of universal gravitation, as deduced from the motion of the moon,

and from the three great facts or laws discovered by Kepler. This principle

is: _That every particle of matter is attracted by or gravitates to every

other particle of matter, with a force inversely proportional to the

squares of their distances_. From the first law of Kepler, namely, the

proportionality of the areas to the times of their revolution, Newton

inferred that the force which kept the planet in its orbit was always

directed to the sun; and from the second law of Kepler, that every planet

moves in an ellipse with the sun in one of its foci, he drew the still more

general inference that the force by which the planet moves round that focus

varies inversely as the square of its distance from the focus. As this law

was true in the motion of satellites round their primary planets Newton

deduced the equality of gravity in all the heavenly bodies toward the sun,

upon the supposition that they are equally distant from its centre; and

in the case of terrestrial bodies he succeeded in verifying this truth by

numerous and accurate experiments.

By taking a more general view of the subject Newton demonstrated that a

conic section was the only curve in which a body could move when acted

upon by a force varying inversely as the square of the distance; and he

established the conditions depending on the velocity and the primitive

position of the body, which were requisite to make it describe a circular,

an elliptical, a parabolic, or a hyberbolic orbit.

Notwithstanding the generality and importance of these results, it still

remained to be determined whether the forces resided in the centres of

the planets or belonged to each individual particle of which they were

composed. Newton removed this uncertainty by demonstrating that if a

spherical body acts upon a distant body with a force varying as the

distance of this body from the centre of the sphere, the same effect

will be produced as if each of its particles acted upon the distant body

according to the same law. And hence it follows that the spheres, whether

they are of uniform density or consist of concentric layers, with densities

varying according to any law whatever, will act upon each other in the same

manner as if their force resided in their centres alone.

But as the bodies of the solar system are very nearly spherical they will

all act upon one another, and upon bodies placed on their surfaces, as if

they were so many centres of attraction; and therefore we obtain the law of

gravity which subsists between spherical bodies, namely, that one sphere

will act upon another with a force directly proportional to the quantity of

matter, and inversely as the square of the distance between the centres

of the spheres. From the equality of action and reaction, to which no

exception can be found, Newton concluded that the sun gravitated to the

planets, and the planets to their satellites; and the earth itself to

the stone which falls upon its surface, and, consequently, that the two

mutually gravitating bodies approached to one another with velocities

inversely proportional to their quantities of matter.

Having established this universal law, Newton was enabled not only to

determine the weight which the same body would have at the surface of the

sun and the planets, but even to calculate the quantity of matter in the

sun, and in all the planets that had satellites, and even to determine the

density or specific gravity of the matter of which they were composed. In

this way he found that the weight of the same body would be twenty-three

times greater at the surface of the sun than at the surface of the earth,

and that the density of the earth was four times greater than that of the

sun, the planets increasing in density as they receded from the centre of

the system.

The Great Events by Famous Historians, Volume 12 · 第 6 / 37 段