CHAPTER XXIII

Of some others.

1. That temperamental dignotions, and conjecture of prevalent humours,

may be collected from spots in our nails, we are not averse to concede.

But yet not ready to admit sundry divinations, vulgarly raised upon

them. Nor do we observe it verified in others, what _Cardan_[SN: De

varietate rerum.] discovered as a property in himself: to have found

therein some signs of most events that ever happened unto him. Or that

there is much considerable in that doctrine of Cheiromancy, that spots

in the top of the nails do signifie things past; in the middle, things

present; and at the bottom, events to come. That white specks presage

our felicity, blew ones our misfortunes. That those in the nail of the

thumb have significations of honour, those in the forefinger, of riches,

and so respectively in other fingers, (according to Planetical

relations, from whence they receive their names) as _Tricassus_ hath

taken up, and _Picciolus_[SN: De inspectione manus.] well rejecteth.

We shall not proceed to querie, what truth there is in Palmistry, or

divination from those lines in our hands, of high denomination. Although

if any thing be therein, it seems not confinable unto man; but other

creatures are also considerable; as is the fore-foot of the Moll, and

especially of the Monkey; wherein we have observed the table line, that

of life, and of the liver.

2. That Children committed unto the school of Nature, without

institution would naturally speak the primitive language of the world,

was the opinion of ancient heathens, and continued since by Christians:

who will have it our _Hebrew_ tongue, as being the language of _Adam_.

That this were true, were much to be desired, not only for the easie

attainment of that useful tongue, but to determine the true and

primitive Hebrew. For whether the present Hebrew, be the unconfounded

language of _Babel_, and that which remaining in _Heber_ was continued

by _Abraham_ and his posterity, or rather the language of _Phœnicia_

and _Canaan_, wherein he lived, some learned men I perceive do yet

remain unsatisfied. Although I confess probability stands fairest for

the former: nor are they without all reason, who think that at the

confusion of tongues, there was no constitution of a new speech in every

family: but a variation and permutation of the old; out of one common

language raising several Dialects: the primitive tongue remaining still

intire. Which they who retained, might make a shift to understand most

of the rest. [SN: _How_ Abraham _might understand the language of

several Nations._] By vertue whereof in those primitive times and

greener confusions, _Abraham_ of the family of _Heber_ was able to

converse with the _Chaldeans_, to understand _Mesopotamians_,

_Cananites_, _Philistins_, and _Egyptians_: whose several Dialects he

could reduce unto the Original and primitive tongue, and so be able to

understand them.

3. Though useless unto us, and rather of molestation, we commonly

refrain from killing Swallows, and esteem it unlucky to destroy them:

whether herein there be not a _Pagan_ relique, we have some reason to

doubt. For we read in _Ælian_, that these birds were sacred unto the

_Penates_ or houshold gods of the ancients, and therefore were

preserved. The same they also honoured as the nuncio's of the spring;

and we find in _Athenæus_[SN: _The same is extant in the_ 8th _of_

Athenæus.] that the _Rhodians_ had a solemn song to welcome in the

Swallow.

[Sidenote: _Why candles may burn blew, before the apparition of a

spirit._]

4. That Candles and Lights burn dim and blew at apparition of spirits,

may be true, if the ambient ayr be full of sulphurious spirits, as it

happeneth oft-times in mines; where damps and acide exhalations are able

to extinguish them. And may be also verified, when spirits do make

themselves visible by bodies of such effluviums. But of lower

consideration is the common foretelling of strangers, from the fungous

parcels about the weeks of Candles: which only signifieth a moist and

pluvious ayr about them, hindering the avolation of the light and

favillous particles: whereupon they are forced to settle upon the Snast.

5. Though Coral doth properly preserve and fasten the Teeth in men, yet

is it used in Children to make an easier passage for them: and for that

intent is worn about their necks. But whether this custom were not

superstitiously founded, as presumed an amulet or defensative against

fascination, is not beyond all doubt. For the same is delivered by

_Pliny_[SN: Lib. 32.]. _Aruspices religiosum Coralli gestamen amoliendis

periculis arbitrantur; et surculi infantiæ alligati, tutelam habere

creduntur._

6. A strange kind of exploration and peculiar way of Rhabdomancy is that

which is used in mineral discoveries; that is, with a forked hazel,

commonly called _Moses_ his Rod, which freely held forth, will stir and

play if any mine be under it. And though many there are who have

attempted to make it good, yet until better information, we are of

opinion with _Agricola_[SN: De re metallica, lib. 2.], that in it self

it is a fruitless exploration, strongly scenting of _Pagan_ derivation,

and the _virgula Divina_, proverbially magnified of old. The ground

whereof were the Magical rods in Poets that of _Pallas_ in _Homer_, that

of _Mercury_ that charmed _Argus_, and that of _Circe_ which transformed

the followers of _Ulysses_. Too boldly usurping the name of _Moses_ rod,

from which notwithstanding, and that of _Aaron_, were probably

occasioned the fables of all the rest. For that of _Moses_ must needs be

famous unto the _Ægyptians_; and that of _Aaron_ unto many other

Nations, as being preserved in the Ark, until the destruction of the

Temple built by _Solomon_.

7. A practise there is among us to determine doubtful matters, by the

opening of a book, and letting fall a staff; which notwithstanding are

ancient fragments of _Pagan_ divinations. The first an imitation of

_Sortes Homericæ_; or _Virgilianæ_, drawing determinations from verses

casually occurring. The same was practised by _Severus_, who entertained

ominous hopes of the Empire, from that verse in _Virgil_, _Tu regere

imperio populos, Romane, memento_; and _Cordianus_ who reigned but few

dayes was discouraged by another, that is, _Ostendunt terris hunc tantum

fata, nec ultra esse sinunt._ Nor was this only performed in heathen

Authors, but upon the sacred text of Scripture, as _Gregorius

Turonensis_ hath left some account, and as the practise of the Emperour

_Heraclius_, before his Expedition into _Asia_ minor, is delivered by

_Cedrenus_.

As for the Divination or decision from the staff; it is an Augurial

relique, and the practise thereof is accused by God himself; [SN: Hosea

4.] My people ask counsel of their stocks, and their staff declareth

unto them. Of this kind of Rhabdomancy was that practised by

_Nabuchadonozor_ in that _Caldean_ miscellany, delivered by

_Ezekiel_[SN: Ezek. 24.]; the king of _Babylon_ stood at the parting of

the way, at the head of two wayes to use divination, he made his arrows

bright, he consulted with Images, he looked in the Liver; at the right

hand were the divinations of _Jerusalem_. That is, as _Estius_ expounded

it, the left way leading unto _Rabbah_, the chief City of the

_Ammonites_, and the right unto _Jerusalem_, he consulted _Idols_ and

entrails, he threw up a bundle of arrows to see which way they would

light; and falling on the right hand he marched towards _Jerusalem_. A

like way of Belomancy or Divination by arrows hath been in request with

_Scythians_, _Alanes_, _Germans_, with the _Africans_ and _Turks_ of

_Algier_. But of another nature was that which was practised by

_Elisha_[SN: 2 King. 13.15.], when by an arrow shot from an Eastern

window, he pre-signified the destruction of _Syria_; or when according

unto the three stroaks of _Joash_, with an arrow upon the ground, he

foretold the number of his victories. For thereby the spirit of God

particular'd the same; and determined the stroaks of the King unto

three, which the hopes of the Prophet expected in twice that number.

8. We cannot omit to observe the tenacity of ancient customs, in the

nominal observation of the several dayes of the week, according to

_Gentile_ and _Pagan_ appellations [SN: Dion. Cassii. lib. 37.]: for the

Original is very high, and as old as the ancient _Ægyptians_, who named

the same according to the seven Planets, the admired stars of heaven,

and reputed Deities among them. Unto every one assigning a several day;

not according to their cœlestial order, or as they are disposed in

heaven; but after a diatesseron or musical fourth. For beginning

Saturday with Saturn, the supremest Planet, they accounted by Jupiter

and Mars unto Sol, making Sunday. From Sol in like manner by Venus and

Mercury unto Luna, making Munday; and so through all the rest. And the

same order they confirmed by numbering the hours of the day unto twenty

four, according to the natural order of the Planets. For beginning to

account from Saturn, Jupiter, Mars, and so about unto twenty four, the

next day will fall unto Sol; whence accounting twenty four, the next

will happen unto Luna, making Munday. And so with the rest, according to

the account and order observed still among us.

The _Jews_ themselves in their Astrological considerations, concerning

Nativities, and Planetary hours, observe the same order, upon as witty

foundations. Because by an equal interval, they make seven triangles,

the bases whereof are the seven sides of a septilateral figure,

described within a circle. That is, If a figure of seven sides be

described in a circle, and at the angles thereof the names of the

Planets be placed in their natural order on it: if we begin with Saturn,

and successively draw lines from angle to angle, until seven equicrural

triangles be described, whose bases are the seven sides of the

septilateral figure; the triangles will be made by this order. The first

being made by Saturn, Sol and Luna, that is, Saturday, Sunday, and

Munday; and so the rest in the order still retained. [SN: Cujus Icon

apud doct. Iaffarel. chap. 11. Et Fabrit. Paduantum.]

But thus much is observable, that however in cœlestial considerations

they embraced the received order of the Planets, yet did they not retain

either characters, or names in common use amongst us; but declining

humane denominations, they assigned them names from some remarkable

qualities; as is very observable in their red and splendent Planets,

that is, of Mars [SN: Maadim.] and Venus. [SN: Nogah.] But the change of

their names disparaged not the consideration of their natures; nor did

they thereby reject all memory of these remarkable Stars; which God

himself admitted in his Tabernacle, if conjecture will hold concerning

the Golden Candlestick, whose shaft resembled the Sun, and six branches

the Planets about it.

9. We are unwilling to enlarge concerning many other; only referring

unto sober examination, what natural effects can reasonably be expected,

when to prevent the Ephialtes or night-Mare we hang up an hollow stone

in our stables; when for amulets against Agues we use the chips of

Gallows and places of execution. When for Warts we rub our hands before

the Moon, or commit any maculated part unto the touch of the dead. What

truth there is in those common female Doctrines, that the first Rib of

Roast Beef powdered is a peculiar remedy against Fluxes. That to urine

upon earth newly cast up by a Moll, bringeth down the menses in Women.

That if a Child dieth, and the neck becommeth not stiff, but for many

howers remaineth Lythe and Flaccid, some other in the same house will

dye not long after. That if a woman with child looketh upon a dead body,

her child will be of a pale complexion, our learned Philosophers and

critical Philosophers might illustrate, whose exacter performances our

adventures do but solicite; mean while, I hope, they will plausibly

receive our attempts, or candidly correct our misconjectures.

_Disce, sed ira cadat naso, rugosaque sanna,

Dum veteres avias tibi de pulmone recello._

THE SIXTH BOOK

Of sundry common opinions Cosmographical and Historical

_The first Discourse comprehended in several Chapters._

CHAPTER I

Concerning the beginning of the World, that the time thereof is not

precisely to be known, as men generally suppose: Of mens

enquiries in what season or point of the Zodiack it began. That

as they are generally made they are in vain, and as particularly

applied uncertain. Of the division of the seasons and four

quarters of the year, according to Astronomers and Physitians.

That the common compute of the Ancients, and which is yet

retained by most, is unreasonable and erroneous. Of some

Divinations and ridiculous diductions from one part of the year

to another. And of the Providence and Wisdom of God in the site

and motion of the Sun.

[Sidenote: _The age of the world not certainly determinable._]

Concerning the World and its temporal circumscriptions, who ever shall

strictly examine both extreams, will easily perceive there is not only

obscurity in its end, but its beginning; that as its period is

inscrutable, so is its nativity indeterminable: That as it is

presumption to enquire after the one, so is there no rest or

satisfactory decision in the other. And hereunto we shall more readily

assent, if we examine the informations, and take a view of the several

difficulties in this point; which we shall more easily do, if we

consider the different conceits of men, and duly perpend the

imperfections of their discoveries.

And first, The histories of the _Gentiles_ afford us slender

satisfaction, nor can they relate any story, or affix a probable point

to its beginning. For some thereof (and those of the wisest amongst

them) are so far from determining its beginning, that they opinion and

maintain it never had any at all; as the doctrin of _Epicurus_ implieth,

and more positively _Aristotle_ in his books _De Cœlo_ declareth.

Endeavouring to confirm it with arguments of reason, and those

appearingly demonstrative; wherein his labours are rational, and

uncontroulable upon the grounds assumed, that is, of Physical

generation, and a Primary or first matter, beyond which no other hand

was apprehended. But herein we remain sufficiently satisfied from

_Moses_, and the Doctrin delivered of the Creation; that is, a

production of all things out of nothing, a formation not only of matter,

but of form, and a materiation even of matter it self.

Others are so far from defining the Original of the World or of mankind,

that they have held opinions not only repugnant unto Chronology, but

Philosophy; that is, that they had their beginning in the soil where

they inhabited; assuming or receiving appellations conformable unto such

conceits. [SN: _Why the_ Athenians _did wear a golden Insect upon their

head._] So did the _Athenians_, term themselves αὐτοχθόνες or

_Aborigines_, and in testimony thereof did wear a golden Insect on their

heads: the same name is also given unto the Inlanders, or _Midland_

inhabitants of this Island by _Cæsar_. But this is a conceit answerable

unto the generation of the Giants; not admittable in Philosophy, much

less in Divinity, which distinctly informeth we are all the seed of

_Adam_, that the whole world perished unto eight persons before the

flood, and was after peopled by the _Colonies_ of the sons of _Noah_.

There was therefore never any _Autochthon_, or man arising from the

earth but _Adam_; for the Woman being formed out of the rib, was once

removed from earth, and framed from that Element under incarnation. And

so although her production were not by copulation, yet was it in a

manner seminal: For if in every part from whence the seed doth flow,

there be contained the Idea of the whole; there was a seminality and

contracted _Adam_ in the rib, which by the information of a soul, was

individuated into _Eve_. And therefore this conceit applied unto the

Original of man, and the beginning of the world, is more justly

appropriable unto its end. For then indeed men shall rise out of the

earth: the graves shall shoot up their concealed seeds, and in that

great Autumn, men shall spring up, and awake from their Chaos again.

Others have been so blind in deducing the Original of things, or

delivering their own beginnings, that when it hath fallen into

controversie, they have not recurred unto Chronologie or the Records of

time: but betaken themselves unto probabilities, and the

conjecturalities of Philosophy. Thus when the two ancient Nations,

_Egyptians_ and _Scythians_, contended for antiquity, the _Egyptians_

pleaded their antiquity from the fertility of their soil, [SN: Diodor.

Justin.] inferring that men there first inhabited, where they were with

most facility sustained; and such a land did they conceive was _Egypt_.

The _Scythians_, although a cold and heavier Nation urged more acutely,

deducing their arguments from the two active Elements and Principles of

all things, Fire and Water. For if of all things there was first an

union, and that Fire over-ruled the rest: surely that part of earth

which was coldest, would first get free, and afford a place of

habitation. But if all the earth were first involved in Water, those

parts would surely first appear, which were most high, and of most

elevated situation, and such was theirs. These reasons carried indeed

the antiquity from the _Egyptians_, but confirmed it not in the

_Scythians_: for as _Herodotus_ relateth from _Pargitaus_, their first

King unto _Darius_, they accounted but two thousand years.

[Sidenote: _That men speak not by natural instinct, but by instruction

and imitation._]

As for the _Egyptians_ they invented another way of trial; for as the

same Author relateth, _Psammitichus_ their King attempted this decision

by a new and unknown experiment, bringing up two Infants with Goats, and

where they never heard the voice of man; concluding that to be the

ancientest Nation, whose language they should first deliver. But herein

he forgot that speech was by instruction not instinct, by imitation, not

by nature, that men do speak in some kind but like Parrets, and as they

are instructed, that is, in simple terms and words, expressing the open

notions of things; which the second act of Reason compoundeth into

propositions, and the last into Syllogisms and Forms of ratiocination.

And howsoever the account of _Manethon_ the _Egyptian_ Priest run very

high, and it be evident that _Mizraim_ peopled that Country (whose name

with the _Hebrews_ it beareth unto this day) and there be many things of

great antiquity related in Holy Scripture, yet was their exact account

not very ancient; for _Ptolomy_ their Country-man beginning his

Astronomical compute no higher than _Nabonasser_, who is conceived by

some the same with _Salmanasser_. As for the argument deduced from the

Fertility of the soil, duly enquired, it rather overthroweth than

promoteth their antiquity; if that Country whose Fertility they so

advance, was in ancient times no firm or open land, but some vast lake

or part of the Sea, and became a gained ground by the mud and limous

matter brought down by the River _Nilus_, which setled by degrees into a

firm land. According as is expressed by _Strabo_, and more at large by

_Herodotus_, both from the _Egyptian_ tradition and probable inducements

from reason, called therefore _fluvii donum_, an accession of earth, or

tract of land acquired by the River.

Lastly, Some indeed there are, who have kept Records of time, and a

considerable duration, yet do the exactest thereof afford no

satisfaction concerning the beginning of the world, or any way point out

the time of its creation. The most authentick Records and best approved

antiquity are those of the _Chaldeans_; yet in the time of _Alexander_

the Great, they attained not so high as the flood. For as _Simplicius_

relateth, _Aristotle_ required of _Calisthenes_, who accompanied that

Worthy in his Expedition, that at his arrive at _Babylon_, he would

enquire of the antiquity of their Records; and those upon compute he

found to amount unto 1903 years; which account notwithstanding ariseth

no higher than 95 years after the flood. The _Arcadians_ I confess, were

esteemed of great antiquity, and it was usually said they were before

the Moon, according unto that of _Seneca_, _Sydus post veteres Arcades

editum_; and that of _Ovid_, _Lunâ gens prior illa fuit._ But this as

_Censorinus_ observeth, must not be taken grosly, as though they were

existent before that Luminary; but were so esteemed, because they

observed a set course of year, before the _Greeks_ conformed their year

unto the course and motion of the Moon.

Thus the Heathens affording no satisfaction herein, they are most likely

to manifest this truth, who have been acquainted with Holy Scripture,

and the sacred Chronology delivered by _Moses_, who distinctly sets down

this account, computing by certain intervails, by memorable _Æras_,

_Epoches_, or terms of time. As from the Creation unto the flood, from

thence unto _Abraham_, from _Abraham_ unto the departure from _Egypt_,

etc. Now in this number have only been _Samaritans_, _Jews_ and

_Christians_. [SN: _Different accounts upon Scripture concerning the Age

of the World._] For the _Jews_ they agree not in their accounts, as

_Bodine_ in his method of History hath observed out of _Baal Seder_,

_Rabbi Nassom_, _Gersom_, and others; in whose compute the age of the

World is not yet 5400 years. The same is more evidently observable from

the two most learned _Jews_, _Philo_ and _Josephus_; who very much

differ in the accounts of time, and variously sum up these Intervails

assented unto by all. Thus _Philo_ from the departure out of _Egypt_

unto the building of the Temple, accounts but 920 years, but _Josephus_

sets down 1062. _Philo_ from the building of the Temple to its

destruction 440. _Josephus_ 470. _Philo_ from the Creation to the

Destruction of the Temple 3373, but _Josephus_ 3513. _Philo_ from the

Deluge to the Destruction of the Temple 1718, but _Josephus_ 1913. In

which Computes there are manifest disparities, and such as much divide

the concordance and harmony of times.

For the _Samaritans_; their account is different from these or any

others; for they account from the Creation to the Deluge, but 1302

years; which cometh to pass upon the different account of the ages of

the Patriarks set down when they begat children. For whereas the

_Hebrew_, _Greek_ and _Latin_ texts account _Jared_ 162 when he begat

_Enoch_, they account but 62, and so in others. Now the _Samaritans_

were no incompetent Judges of times and the Chronology thereof; for they

embraced the five books of _Moses_, and as it seemeth, preserved the

Text with far more integrity then the _Jews_; who as _Tertullian_,

_Chrysostom_, and others observe, did several wayes corrupt the same,

especially in passages concerning the prophesies of Christ; So that as

_Jerom_ professeth, in his translation he was fain sometime to relieve

himself by the _Samaritan_ Pentateuch; as amongst others in that Text,

_Deuteronomy_ 27. _Maledictus omnis qui non permanserit in omnibus quæ

scripta sunt in libro Legis._ From hence Saint _Paul_ [SN: Gal. 3.]

inferreth there is no justification by the Law, and urgeth the Text

according to the Septuagint. Now the Jews to afford a latitude unto

themselves, in their copies expunged the word בל or Syncategorematical

term _omnis_: wherein lieth the strength of the Law, and of the Apostles

argument; but the _Samaritan_ Bible retained it right, and answerable

unto what the Apostle had urged.

As for Christians from whom we should expect the exactest and most

concurring account, there is also in them a manifest disagreement, and

such as is not easily reconciled. For first, the Latins accord not in

their account: to omit the calculation of the Ancients, of _Austin_,

_Bede_, and others, the Chronology of the Moderns doth manifestly

dissent. _Josephus Scaliger_, whom _Helvicus_ seems to follow, accounts

the Creation in 765 of the _Julian_ period; and from thence unto the

Nativity of our Saviour alloweth 3947 years; but _Dionysius Petavius_ a

learned Chronologer dissenteth from this compute almost 40 years;

placing the Creation in the 730 of the _Julian_ period, and from thence

unto the Incarnation accounteth 3983 years.

For the Greeks; their accounts are more anomalous: for if we recur unto

ancient computes, we shall find that _Clemens Alexandrinus_, an ancient

Father and _Præceptor_ unto _Origen_, accounted from the Creation unto

our Saviour, 5664 years; for in the first of his Stromaticks, he

collecteth the time from _Adam_ unto the death of _Commodus_ to be 5858

years; now the death of _Commodus_ he placeth in the year after Christ

194, which number deducted from the former, there remaineth 5664.

_Theophilus_ Bishop of _Antioch_ accounteth unto the Nativity of Christ

5515, deduceable from the like way of compute, for in his first book _ad

Autolychum_, he accounteth from _Adam_ unto _Aurelius Verus_ 5695 years;

now that Emperour died in the year of our Lord 180, which deducted from

the former sum, there remaineth 5515. _Julius Africanus_, an ancient

Chronologer, accounteth somewhat less, that is, 5500. _Eusebius_,

_Orosius_ and others dissent not much from this, but all exceed five

thousand.

The latter compute of the Greeks, as _Petavius_ observeth, hath been

reduced unto two or three accounts. The first accounts unto our Saviour

5501, and this hath been observed by _Nicephorus_, _Theophanes_, and

_Maximus_. [SN: _By what account the world hath lasted 7154 years._] The

other accounts 5509; and this of all at present is generally received by

the Church of _Constantinople_, observed also by the _Moscovite_, as I

have seen in the date of the Emperors letters; wherein this year of ours

1645 is from the year of the world 7154, which doth exactly agree unto

this last account 5509, for if unto that sum be added 1645, the product

will be 7154, by this Chronology are many Greek Authors to be

understood; and thus is _Martinus Crusius_ to be made out, when in his

Turcogrecian history he delivers, the City of _Constantinople_ was taken

by the Turks in the year ϛϠξα; that is, 6961. Now according unto these

Chronologists, the Prophecy of _Elias_ the Rabbin, so much in request

with the Jews, and in some credit also with Christians, that the world

should last but six thousand years; unto these I say, it hath been long

and out of memory disproved, for the Sabbatical and 7000 year wherein

the world should end (as did the Creation on the seventh day) unto them

is long ago expired; they are proceeding in the eight thousand year, and

numbers exceeding those days which men have made the types and shadows

of these. But certainly what _Marcus Leo_ the Jew conceiveth of the end

of the heavens, exceedeth the account of all that ever shall be; for

though he conceiveth the Elemental frame shall end in the Seventh or

Sabbatical Millenary, yet cannot he opinion the heavens and more durable

part of the Creation shall perish before seven times seven, or 49, that

is, the Quadrant of the other seven, and perfect Jubilee of thousands.

Thus may we observe the difference and wide dissent of mens opinions,

and thereby the great incertainty in this establishment. The Hebrews not

only dissenting from the Samaritans, the Latins from the Greeks, but

every one from another. Insomuch that all can be in the right it is

impossible; that any one is so, not with assurance determinable. And

therefore as _Petavius_ confesseth, to effect the same exactly without

inspiration it is impossible, and beyond the Arithmetick of any but God

himself. And therefore also what satisfaction may be obtained from those

violent disputes, and eager enquirers in what day of the month the world

began either of March or October; likewise in what face or position of

the Moon, whether at the prime or full, or soon after, let our second

and serious considerations determine.

[Sidenote: _The cause of so different accounts about the age of the

world._]

Now the reason and ground of this dissent, is the unhappy difference

between the Greek and Hebrew Editions of the Bible, for unto these two

Languages have all translations conformed; the holy Scripture being

first delivered in Hebrew, and first translated into Greek. For the

Hebrew; it seems the primitive and surest text to rely on, and to

preserve the same entire and uncorrupt there hath been used the highest

caution humanity could invent. For as _R. Ben. Maimon_ hath declared, if

in the copying thereof one letter were written twice, or if one letter

but touched another, that copy was not admitted into their Synagogues,

but only allowable to be read in Schools and private families. Neither

were they careful only in the exact number of their Sections of the Law,

but had also the curiosity to number every word, and affixed the account

unto their several books. [SN: _Corruption even in the Hebrew Text of

the Bible._] Notwithstanding all which, divers corruptions ensued, and

several depravations slipt in, arising from many and manifest grounds,

as hath been exactly noted by _Morinus_ in his preface unto the

Septuagint.

As for the Septuagint, it is the first and most ancient Translation; and

of greater antiquity than the Chaldee version; occasioned by the request

of _Ptolomeus Philadelphus_, King of _Egypt_, for the ornament of his

memorable Library; unto whom the high Priest addressed six Jews out of

every Tribe, which amounteth unto 72; and by these was effected that

Translation we usually term the Septuagint, or Translation of seventy.

[SN: _The Credit of the Septuagint translation._] Which name, however it

obtain from the number of their persons, yet in respect of one common

Spirit, it was the Translation but as it were of one man; if as the

story relateth, although they were set apart and severed from each

other, yet were their Translations found to agree in every point,

according as is related by _Philo_ and _Josephus_; although we find not

the same in _Aristæas_ [Sidenote: Aristeas ad Philocratorem de 72

interpretibus.], who hath expresly treated thereof. But of the Greek

compute there have passed some learned dissertations not many years ago,

wherein the learned _Isacius Vossius_ makes the nativity of the world to

anticipate the common account one thousand four hundred and forty years.

This Translation in ancient times was of great authority, by this many

of the Heathens received some notions of the Creation and the mighty

works of God; This in express terms is often followed by the

Evangelists, by the Apostles, and by our Saviour himself in the

quotations of the Old Testament. This for many years was used by the

Jews themselves, that is, such as did Hellenize and dispersedly dwelt

out of Palestine with the Greeks; and this also the succeeding

Christians and ancient Fathers observed; although there succeeded other

Greek versions, that is, of _Aquila_, _Theodosius_ and _Symmachus_; for

the Latin translation of _Jerom_, called now the Vulgar, was about 800

years after the Septuagint; although there was also a Latin translation

before, called the Italick version. Which was after lost upon the

general reception of the translation of Saint _Jerom_ [SN: Præfat. in

Paralipom.]. Which notwithstanding (as he himself acknowledgeth) had

been needless, if the Septuagint copys had remained pure, and as they

were first translated. But, (beside that different copys were used, that

_Alexandria_ and _Egypt_ followed the copy of _Hesychius_, _Antioch_ and

_Constantinople_ that of _Lucian_ the Martyr, and others that of

_Origen_) the Septuagint was much depraved, not only from the errors of

Scribes, and the emergent corruptions of time, but malicious contrivance

of the Jews; as _Justin Martyr_ hath declared, in his learned dialogue

_Tryphon_, and _Morinus_ hath learnedly shewn from many confirmations.

[Sidenote: De Hebræi et Græci textus sinceritate.]

Whatsoever Interpretations there have been since, have been especially

effected with reference unto these, that is, the Greek and Hebrew text,

the Translators sometimes following the one, sometimes adhering unto the

other, according as they found them consonant unto truth, or most

correspondent unto the rules of faith. Now however it cometh to pass,

these two are very different in the enumeration of Genealogies, and

particular accounts of time; for in the second intervail, that is,

between the Flood and _Abraham_, there is by the Septuagint introduced

one _Cainan_ to be the son of _Arphaxad_ and father of _Salah_; whereas

in the Hebrew there is no mention of such a person, but _Arphaxad_ is

set down to be the father of _Salah_. But in the first intervail, that

is, from the Creation unto the Flood, their disagreement is more

considerable; for therein the Greek exceedeth the Hebrew, and common

account almost 600 years. And 'tis indeed a thing not very strange, to

be at the difference of a third part, in so large and collective an

account, if we consider how differently they are set forth in minor and

less mistakable numbers. So in the Prophesie of _Jonah_, both in the

Hebrew and Latin text, it is said, Yet forty dayes and _Ninevy_ shall be

overthrown: But the Septuagint saith plainly, and that in letters at

length, τρεῖς ἡμέρας that is, yet three dayes and _Ninevy_ shall be

destroyed. Which is a difference not newly crept in, but an observation

very ancient, discussed by _Austin_ and _Theodoret_, and was conceived

an error committed by the Scribe. Men therefore have raised different

computes of time, according as they have followed their different texts;

and so have left the history of times far more perplexed than Chronology

hath reduced.

Again, However the texts were plain, and might in their numerations

agree, yet were there no small difficulty to set down a determinable

Chronology, or establish from whence any fixed point of time. For the

doubts concerning the time of the Judges are inexplicable; that of the

Reigns and succession of Kings is as perplexed; it being uncertain

whether the years both of their lives and reigns ought to be taken as

compleat, or in their beginning and but currant accounts. Nor is it

unreasonable to make some doubt whether in the first ages and long lives

of our fathers, _Moses_ doth not sometime account by full and round

numbers, whereas strictly taken they might be some few years above or

under; as in the age of _Noah_, it is delivered to be just five hundred

when he begat _Sem_; whereas perhaps he might be somewhat above or below

that round and compleat number. For the same way of speech is usual in

divers other expressions: Thus do we say the Septuagint, and using the

full and articulate number, do write the Translation of Seventy;

whereas we have shewn before, the precise number was Seventy two. So is

it said that Christ was three days in the grave; according to that of

_Mathew_, as _Jonas_ was three days and three nights in the Whales

belly, so shall the Son of man be three days and three nights in the

heart of the earth: which notwithstanding must be taken Synecdochically;

or by understanding a part for an whole day; for he remained but two

nights in the grave; for he was buried in the afternoon of the first

day, and arose very early in the morning on the third; that is, he was

interred in the eve of the Sabbath, and arose in the morning after it.

Moreover although the number of years be determined and rightly

understood, and there be without doubt a certain truth herein; yet the

text speaking obscurely or dubiously, there is oft-times no slender

difficulty at what point to begin or terminate the account. So when it

is said _Exod._ 12. the sojourning of the children of _Israel_ who dwelt

in _Egypt_ was 430 years, it cannot be taken strictly, and from their

first arrival into Egypt, for their habitation in that land was far

less; but the account must begin from the Covenant of God with

_Abraham_, and must also comprehend their sojourn in the land of

_Canaan_, according as is expressed, _Gal._ 3. The Covenant that was

confirmed before of God in Christ, the Law which was 430 years after

cannot disanul. Thus hath it also happened in the account of the 70

years of their captivity, according to that of _Jeremy_ [SN: _Chap._

20.], This whole land shall be a desolation, and these nations shall

serve the King of _Babylon_ 70 years. Now where to begin or end this

compute, ariseth no small difficulties; for there were three remarkable

captivities and deportations of the Jews. The first was in the third or

fourth year of _Joachim_, and first of _Nabuchodonozor_, when _Daniel_

was carried away; the second in the reign of _Ieconiah_, and the eighth

year of the same King; the third and most deplorable to the reign of

_Zedechias_ and in the nineteenth year of _Nabuchodonozor_, whereat both

the Temple and City were burned. Now such is the different conceit of

these times, that men have computed from all; but the probablest account

and most concordant unto the intention of _Ieremy_, is from the first of

_Nabuchodonozor_ unto the first of King _Cyrus_ over _Babylon_; although

the Prophet _Zachary_ [SN: _Chap._ 1. 12.] accounteth from the last. O

Lord of hosts, How Long! Wilt thou not have mercy on _Ierusalem_,

against which thou hast had indignation these threescore and ten years?

for he maketh this expostulation in the second year of _Darius

Histaspes_, wherein he prophesied, which is about eighteen years in

account after the other.

[Sidenote: _The difficulties of_ Daniels _70 Weeks_.]

Thus also although there be a certain truth therein, yet is there no

easie doubt concerning the seventy weeks, or seventy times seven years

of _Daniel_; whether they have reference unto the nativity or passion of

our Saviour, and especially from whence, or what point of time they are

to be computed. For thus is it delivered by the Angel _Gabriel_: Seventy

weeks are determined upon the people; and again in the following verse:

Know therefore and understand, that from the going forth of the

Commandment to restore and to build _Ierusalem_ unto the Messias the

Prince, shall be seven weeks, and threescore and two weeks, the street

shall be built again, and the wall even in troublesome times; and after

threescore and two weeks shall Messiah be cut off. Now the going out of

the Commandment to build the City, being the point from whence to

compute, there is no slender controversie when to begin. For there are

no less than four several Edicts to this effect, the one in the first

year of _Cyrus_, the other in the second of _Darius_, the third and

fourth in the seventh, and in the twentieth of _Artaxerxes Longimanus_;

although as _Petavius_ accounteth, it best accordeth unto the twenty

year of _Artaxerxes_, from whence _Nehemiah_ deriveth his Commission.

[SN: _Of our Bless. Saviours age at his Passion._] Now that computes are

made uncertainly with reference unto Christ, it is no wonder, since I

perceive the time of his Nativity is in controversie, and no less his

age at his Passion. For _Clemens_ and _Tertullian_ conceive he suffered

at thirty; but _Irenæus_ a Father neerer his time, is further off in his

account, that is, between forty and fifty.

_Longomontanus_ a late Astronomer, endeavours to discover this secret

from Astronomical grounds, that is, the Apogeum of the Sun; conceiving

the Excentricity invariable, and the Apogeum yearly to move one scruple,

two seconds, fifty thirds, etc. Wherefore if in the time of

_Hipparchus_, that is, in the year of the _Iulian_ period 4557 it was in

the fifth degree of _Gemini_, and in the daies of _Tycho Brahe_, that is

in the year of our Lord 1588, or of the world 5554, the same was removed

unto the fift degree of _Cancer_; by the proportion of its motion, it

was at the Creation first in the beginning of _Aries_, and the Perigeum

or nearest point in _Libra_. But this conceit how ingenious or subtile

soever, is not of satisfaction; it being not determinable, or yet agreed

in what time precisely the Apogeum absolveth one degree, as _Petavius_

[SN: De Doctrina temporum 1.4.] hath also delivered.

Lastly, However these or other difficulties intervene, and that we

cannot satisfie our selves in the exact compute of time, yet may we sit

down with the common and usual account; nor are these differences

derogatory unto the Advent or Passion of Christ, unto which indeed they

all do seem to point, for the Prophecies concerning our Saviour were

indefinitely delivered before that of _Daniel_; so was that pronounced

unto _Eve_ in paradise, that after of _Balaam_, those of _Isaiah_ and

the Prophets, and that memorable one of _Iacob_, the Scepter shall not

depart from _Israel_ untill _Shilo_ come; which time notwithstanding it

did not define at all. In what year therefore soever, either from the

destruction of the Temple, from the re-edifying thereof, from the flood,

or from the Creation he appeared, certain it is, that in the fulness of

time he came. When he therefore came is not so considerable, as that he

is come: in the one there is consolation, in the other no satisfaction.

The greater Quere is, when he will come again; and yet indeed it is no

Quere at all: for that is never to be known, and therefore vainly

enquired: 'tis a professed and authentick obscurity, unknown to all but

to the omniscience of the Almighty. Certainly the ends of things are

wrapt up in the hands of God, he that undertakes the knowledge thereof,

forgets his own beginning, and disclaims his principles of earth. No man

knows the end of the world, nor assuredly of any thing in it: God sees

it, because unto his Eternity it is present; he knoweth the ends of us,

but not of himself: and because he knows not this, he knoweth all

things, and his knowledge is endless, even in the object of himself.

CHAPTER II

Of mens Enquiries in what season or Point of the Zodiack it began,

that as they are generally made, they are in vain, and as

particularly, uncertain.

[Sidenote: _The world began in all the four quarters of the year._]

Concerning the Seasons, that is, the quarters of the year, some are

ready to enquire, others to determine, in what season, whether in the

Autumn, Spring, Winter or Summer the World had its beginning. Wherein we

affirm, that as the question is generally, and in respect of the whole

earth proposed, it is with manifest injury unto reason in any particular

determined; because when ever the world had its beginning it was created

in all these four. For, as we have elsewhere delivered, whatsoever sign

the Sun possesseth (whose recess or vicinity defineth the quarters of

the year) those four seasons were actually existent; it being the nature

of that Luminary to distinguish the several seasons of the year; all

which it maketh at one time in the whole earth, and successively in any

part thereof. Thus if we suppose the Sun created in Libra, in which sign

unto some it maketh Autumn; at the same time it had been Winter unto the

Northern-pole, for unto them at that time the Sun beginneth to be

invisible, and to shew it self again unto the Pole of the South. Unto

the position of a right Sphere or directly under the Æquator, it had

been Summer; for unto that situation the Sun is at that time vertical.

Unto the latitude of Capricorn, or the Winter Solstice it had been

Spring; for unto that position it had been in a middle point, and that

of ascent, or approximation, but unto the latitude of Cancer or the

Summer Solstice it had been Autumn; for then had it been placed in a

middle point, and that of descent, or elongation.

And if we shall take it literally what _Moses_ described popularly, this

was also the constitution of the first day. For when it was evening unto

one longitude, it was morning unto another; when night unto one, day

unto another. And therefore that question, whether our Saviour shall

come again in the twilight (as is conceived he arose) or whether he

shall come upon us in the night, according to the comparison of a thief,

or the _Jewish_ tradition, that he will come about the time of their

departure out of _Ægypt_, when they eat the Passover, and the Angel

passed by the doors of their houses; this Quere I say needeth not

further dispute. For if the earth be almost every where inhabited, and

his coming (as Divinity affirmed) must needs be unto all; then must the

time of his appearance be both in the day and night. For if unto

_Jerusalem_, or what part of the world soever he shall appear in the

night, at the same time unto the _Antipodes_, it must be day; if

twilight unto them, broad day unto the _Indians_; if noon unto them, yet

night unto the _Americans_: and so with variety according unto various

habitations, or different positions of the Sphere, as will be easily

conceived by those who understand the affections of different

habitations, and the conditions of _Antæci_, _Periæci_, and _Antipodes_.

And so although he appear in the night, yet may the day of Judgement or

Dooms-day well retain that name; for that implieth one revolution of the

Sun, which maketh the day and night, and that one natural day. [SN:

Νυχθήμερον] And yet to speak strictly, if (as the Apostle affirmeth) we

shall be changed in the twinckling of an eye (and as the Schools

determine) the destruction of the world shall not be successive but in

an instant; we cannot properly apply thereto the usual distinctions of

time; called that twelve hours, which admits not the parts thereof, or

use at all the name of time, when the nature thereof shall perish.

But if the enquiry be made unto a particular place, and the question

determined unto some certain Meridian; as namely, unto _Mesopotamia_

wherein the seat of paradice is presumed, the Query becomes more

reasonable, and is indeed in nature also determinable. Yet positively to

define that season, there is no slender difficulty; for some contend

that it began in the Spring; as (beside _Eusebius_, _Ambrose_, _Bede_,

and _Theodoret_) some few years past _Henrico Philippi_ in his

Chronology of the Scripture. Others are altogether for Autumn; and from

hence do our Chronologers commence their compute; as may be observed in

_Helvicus_, _Jo. Scaliger_, _Calvisius_, and _Petavius_.

CHAPTER III

Of the Divisions of the seasons and four Quarters of the year,

according unto Astronomers and Physitians; that the common

compute of the Ancients, and which is still retained by some is

very questionable.

As for the divisions of the year, and the quartering out this remarkable

standard of time, there have passed especially two distinctions; the

first in frequent use with Astronomers, according to the cardinal

intersections of the Zodiack, that is, the two Æquinoctials and both

the Solstitial points; defining that time to be the Spring of the year,

wherein the Sun doth pass from the Æquinox of Aries unto the Solstice of

Cancer; the time between the Solstice and the Æquinox of Libra, Summer;

from thence unto the Solstice of Capricornus, Autumn; and from thence

unto the Æquinox of Aries again, Winter. Now this division although it

be regular and equal, is not universal; for it includeth not those

latitudes which have the seasons of the year double; as have the

inhabitants under the Equator, or else between the Tropicks. [SN:

_Between the Tropicks two Summers in a year._] For unto them the Sun is

vertical twice a year, making two distinct Summers in the different

points of verticality. So unto those which live under the Æquator, when

the sun is in the Æquinox it is Summer, in which points it maketh Spring

or Autumn unto us; and unto them it is also Winter when the Sun is in

either Tropick; whereas unto us it maketh always Summer in the one. And

the like will happen unto those habitations, which are between the

Tropicks and the Æquator.

A second and more sensible division there is observed by _Hippocrates_,

and most of the ancient _Greeks_, according to the rising and setting of

divers stars; dividing the year, and establishing the account of seasons

from usual alterations, and sensible mutations in the air, discovered

upon the rising and setting of those stars, accounting the Spring from

the Æquinoxial point of Aries; from the rising of the Pleiades, or the

several stars on the back of Taurus, Summer; from the rising of

Arcturus, a star between the thighs of Bootes, Autumn; and from the

setting of the Pleiades, Winter. Of these divisions because they were

unequal, they were fain to subdivide the two larger portions, that is of

the Summer and Winter quarters; the first part of the Summer they named

θέρος, the second unto the rising of the Dog-star, ὤρα, from thence unto

the setting of Arcturus, ὀπώρα. The Winter they divided also into three

parts; the first part, or that of seed time they named σπόρετον, the

middle or proper Winter, χειμὼν, the last, which was their planting or

grafting time φυταλίαν. This way of division was in former ages

received, is very often mentioned in Poets, translated from one Nation

to another; from the _Greeks_ unto the _Latines_ as is received by good

Authors; and delivered by Physitians, even unto our times.

Now of these two, although the first in some latitude may be retained,

yet is not the other in any to be admitted. For in regard of time (as we

elsewhere declare) the stars do vary their longitudes, and consequently

the times of their ascension and descension. That star which is the term

of numeration, or point from whence we commence the account, altering

his site and longitude in process of time, and removing from West to

East, almost one degree in the space of 72 years, so that the same star,

since the age of _Hippocrates_ who used this account, is removed in

_consequentia_ about 27 degrees. Which difference of their longitudes,

doth much diversifie the times of their ascents, and rendereth the

account unstable which shall proceed thereby.

Again, In regard of different latitudes, this cannot be a setled rule,

or reasonably applied unto many Nations. For whereas the setting of the

Pleiades or seven stars, is designed the term of Autumn, and the

beginning of Winter; unto some latitudes these stars do never set, as

unto all beyond 67 degrees. And if in several and far distant latitudes

we observe the same star as a common term of account unto both, we

shall fall upon an unexpected, but an unsufferable absurdity; and by the

same account it will be Summer unto us in the North, before it be so

unto those, which unto us are Southward, and many degrees approaching

nearer the Sun. For if we consult the Doctrine of the sphere, and

observe the ascension of the Pleiades, which maketh the beginning of

Summer, we shall discover that in the latitude of 40, these stars arise

in the 16 degree of Taurus; but in the latitude of 50, they ascend in

the eleventh degree of the same sign, that is, 5 dayes sooner; so shall

it be Summer unto _London_, before it be unto _Toledo_, and begin to

scorch in _England_, before it grow hot in _Spain_.

This is therefore no general way of compute, nor reasonable to be

derived from one Nation unto another; the defect of which consideration

hath caused divers errors in Latine poets, translating these expressions

from the _Greeks_; and many difficulties even in the _Greeks_

themselves; which living in divers latitudes, yet observed the same

compute. So that to make them out, we are fain to use distinctions;

sometime computing cosmically what they intended heliacally: and

sometime in the same expression accounting the rising heliacally, the

setting cosmically. Otherwise it will be hardly made out, what is

delivered by approved Authors; and is an observation very considerable

unto those which meet with such expressions, as they are very frequent

in the poets of elder times, especially _Hesiod_, _Aratus_, _Virgil_,

_Ovid_, _Manilius_; and Authors Geoponical, or which have treated _de re

rustica_, as _Constantine_, _Marcus Cato_, _Columella_, _Palladius_ and

_Varro_.

Lastly, The absurdity in making common unto many Nations those

considerations whose verity is but particular unto some, will more

evidently appear, if we examine the Rules and Precepts of some one

climate, and fall upon consideration with what incongruity they are

transferrible unto others. Thus is it advised by _Hesiod_.

_Pleiadibus Atlante natis orientibus

Incipe messem, Arationem vero occidentibus._

Implying hereby the Heliacal ascent and Cosmical descent of those stars.

Now herein he setteth down a rule to begin harvest at the arise of the

Pleiades; which in his time was in the beginning of _May_. This indeed

was consonant unto the clime wherein he lived, and their harvest began

about that season: but is not appliable unto our own, for therein we are

so far from expecting an harvest, that our Barley-seed is not ended.

Again, correspondent unto the rule of _Hesiod_, _Virgil_ affordeth

another,

_Ante tibi Eoæ Atlantides abscondantur,

Debita quam sulcis committas semina._

Understanding hereby their Cosmical descent, or their setting when the

Sun ariseth, and not their Heliacal obscuration, or their inclusion in

the lustre of the Sun, as _Servius_ upon this place would have it; for

at that time these stars are many signs removed from that luminary. Now

herein he strictly adviseth, not to begin to sow before the setting of

these stars; which notwithstanding without injury to agriculture, cannot

be observed in _England_; for they set unto us about the 12 of November,

when our Seed-time is almost ended.

And this diversity of clime and cœlestial observations, precisely

observed unto certain stars and moneths, hath not only overthrown the

deductions of one Nation to another, but hath perturbed the observation

of festivities and statary Solemnities, even with the _Jews_ themselves.

For unto them it was commanded that at their entrance into the land of

_Canaan_, in the fourteenth of the first moneth (that is _Abib_ or

_Nisan_ which is Spring with us) they should observe the celebration of

the Passover; and on the morrow after, which is the fifteenth day, the

feast of unleavened bread; and in the sixteenth of the same moneth, that

they should offer the first sheaf of the harvest. Now all this was

feasible and of an easie possibility in the land of _Canaan_, or

latitude of _Jerusalem_; for so it is observed by several Authors in

later times; and is also testified by holy Scripture in times very far

before. For when the children of _Israel_ passed the river _Jordan_ [SN:

Josh. 3.], it is delivered by way of parenthesis, that the river

overfloweth its banks in the time of harvest; which is conceived the

time wherein they passed; and it is after delivered [SN: Josh. 5.], that

in the fourteenth day they celebrated the Passover: which according to

the Law of _Moses_ was to be observed in the first moneth, or moneth of

_Abib_.

And therefore it is no wonder, what is related by _Luke_, that the

Disciples upon the _Deuteroproton_, as they passed by, plucked the ears

of corn. [SN: _What the Sabbaton Deuteroproton_, Luk. 6. _was_.] For the

_Deuteroproton_ or second first Sabbath, was the first Sabbath after the

Deutera or second of the Passover, which was the sixteenth of _Nisan_ or

_Abib_. And this is also evidenced from the received construction of the

first and latter rain. I will give you the rain of your land in his due

season, the first rain and the latter rain. [SN: _Deut._ 11.] For the

first rain fell upon the seed-time about October, and was to make the

seed to root, the latter was to fill the ear, and fell in Abib or March,

the first moneth: according as is expressed. [SN: _Joel_ 2.] And he will

cause to come down for you the rain, the former rain and the latter

rain in the first moneth; that is the moneth of _Abib_ wherein the

Passover was observed. This was the Law of _Moses_, and this in the land

of _Canaan_ was well observed, according to the first institution: but

since their dispersion and habitation in Countries, whose constitutions

admit not such tempestivity of harvests; and many not before the latter

end of Summer; notwithstanding the advantage of their Lunary account,

and intercalary moneth Veader, affixed unto the beginning of the year,

there will be found a great disparity in their observations; nor can

they strictly and at the same season with their forefathers observe the

commands of God.

To add yet further, those Geoponical rules and precepts of Agriculture

which are delivered by divers Authors, are not to be generally received;

but respectively understood unto climes whereto they are determined. For

whereas one adviseth to sow this or that grain at one season, a second

to set this or that at another, it must be conceived relatively, and

every Nation must have its Country Farm; for herein we may observe a

manifest and visible difference, not only in the seasons of harvest, but

in the grains themselves. For with us Barley-harvest is made after

wheat-harvest, but with the _Israelites_ and _Ægyptians_ it was

otherwise; so is it expressed by way of priority, _Ruth_ the 2. So

_Ruth_ kept fast by the maidens of _Boaz_ to glean unto the end of

Barley-harvest and of Wheat-harvest, which in the plague of hayl in

_Ægypt_ is more plainly delivered, _Exod._ 9. And the Flax and the

Barley were smitten, for the Barley was in the ear and the Flax was

bolled, but the Wheat and the Rye were not smitten, for they were not

grown up.

And thus we see the account established upon the arise or descent of the

stars can be no reasonable rule unto distant Nations at all, and by

reason of their retrogression but temporary unto any one. Nor must these

respective expressions be entertained in absolute considerations; for so

distinct is the relation, and so artificial the habitude of this

inferiour globe unto the superiour, and even of one thing in each unto

the other, that general rules are dangerous, and applications most safe

that run with security of circumstance. Which rightly to effect, is

beyond the subtlety of sense, and requires the artifice of reason.

CHAPTER IV

Of some computation of days and deductions of one part of the year

unto another.

[Sidenote: _That the days decrease and increase unequally._]

Fourthly, There are certain vulgar opinions concerning days of the year,

and conclusions popularly deduced from certain days of the moneth: men

commonly believing the days increase and decrease equally in the whole

year: which notwithstanding is very repugnant unto truth. For they

increase in the moneth of March, almost as much as in the two moneths of

January and February: and decrease as much in September, as they do in

July and August. For the days increase or decrease according to the

declination of the Sun, that is, its deviation Northward or Southward

from the Æquator. Now this digression is not equal but near the

Æquinoxial intersections, it is right and greater, near the Solstices

more oblique and lesser. So from the eleventh of March the vernal

Æquinox, unto the eleventh of April the Sun declineth to the North

twelve degrees; from the eleventh of April unto the eleventh of May but

eight, from thence unto the fifteenth of June, or the Summer Solstice

but three and a half: all which make twenty two degrees and an half, the

greatest declination of the Sun.

[Sidenote: _The natural proportion of humane growth_, etc.]

And this inequality in the declination of the Sun in the Zodiack or line

of life, is correspondent unto the growth or declination of man. For

setting out from infancy we increase not equally, or regularly attain to

our state or perfection: nor when we descend from our state, is our

declination equal, or carrieth us with even paces unto the grave. For as

_Hippocrates_ affirmeth, a man is hottest in the first day of his life,

and coldest in the last: his natural heat setteth forth most vigorously

at first, and declineth most sensibly at last. [SN: _In the world,_] And

so though the growth of man end not perhaps until twenty one, yet is his

stature more advanced in the first septenary than in the second, and in

the second, more than in the third, and more indeed in the first seven

years, than in the fourteen succeeding; for what stature we attain unto

at seven years, we do sometimes but double, most times come short of at

one and twenty. And so do we decline again: For in the latter age upon

the Tropick and first descension from our solstice, we are scarce

sensible of declination: but declining further, our decrement

accelerates, we set apace, and in our last days precipitate into our

graves. [SN: _and in the womb._] And thus are also our progressions in

the womb, that is, our formation, motion, our birth or exclusion. For

our formation is quickly effected, our motion appeareth later, and our

exclusion very long after: if that be true which _Hippocrates_ and

_Avicenna_ have declared, that the time of our motion is double unto

that of formation, and that of exclusion treble unto that of motion. As

if the Infant be formed at thirty five days, it moveth at seventy, and

is born the two hundred and tenth day, that is, the seventh month; or if

it receives not formation before forty five days, it moveth the

ninetieth day, and is excluded in the two hundred and seventy, that is,

the ninth month.

There are also certain popular prognosticks drawn from festivals in the

Calender, and conceived opinions of certain days in months; so is there

a general tradition in most parts of _Europe_, that inferreth the

coldness of succeeding winter from the shining of the Sun upon

_Candlemas_ day, or the Purification of the Virgin _Mary_, according to

the proverbial distich,

_Si Sol splendescat Mariâ purificante,

Major erit glacies post festum quam fuit ante._

So is it usual among us to qualifie and conditionate the twelve months

of the year, answerably unto the temper of the twelve days in

_Christmas_; and to ascribe unto March certain borrowed days from April;

all which men seem to believe upon annual experience of their own, and

the received traditions of their fore-fathers.

Now it is manifest, and most men likewise know, that the Calenders of

these computers, and the accounts of these days are very different; the

Greeks dissenting from the Latins, and the Latins from each other; the

one observing the _Julian_ or ancient account, as great _Britain_ and

part of _Germany_; the other adhering to the _Gregorian_ or new account,

as _Italy_, _France_, _Spain_, and the united Provinces of the

Netherlands. Now this later account by ten days at least anticipateth

the other; so that before the one beginneth the account, the other is

past it; yet in the several calculations, the same events seem true, and

men with equal opinion of verity, expect and confess a confirmation from

them all. Whereby is evident the Oraculous authority of tradition, and

the easie seduction of men, neither enquiring into the verity of the

substance, nor reforming upon repugnance of circumstance.

And thus may divers easily be mistaken who superstitiously observe

certain times, or set down unto themselves an observation of unfortunate

months, or dayes, or hours; As did the _Egyptians_, two in every month,

and the _Romans_, the days after the Nones, Ides and Calends. And thus

the Rules of Navigators must often fail, setting down, as _Rhodiginus_

observeth, suspected and ominous days in every month, as the first and

seventh of March, the fift and sixt of April, the sixt, the twelfth and

fifteenth of February. For the accounts hereof in these months are very

different in our days, and were different with several Nations in Ages

past; and how strictly soever the account be made, and even by the

self-same Calender, yet is it possible that Navigators may be out. For

so were the Hollanders, who passing Westward through _fretum le Mayre_,

and compassing the Globe, upon their return into their own Country,

found that they had lost a day. For if two men at the same time travel

from the same place, the one Eastward, the other Westward round about

the earth, and meet in the same place from whence the first set forth;

it will so fall out, that he which hath moved Eastward against the

diurnal motion of the Sun, by anticipating dayly something of its circle

with his own motion, will gaine one day; but he that travelleth

Westward, with the motion of the Sun, by seconding its revolution,

shall lose or come short a day. And therefore also upon these grounds

that _Delos_ was seated in the middle of the earth, it was no exact

decision, because two Eagles let fly East and West by _Jupiter_, their

meeting fell out just in the Island _Delos_.

CHAPTER V

A Digression of the wisdom of God in the site and motion of the Sun.

Having thus beheld the ignorance of man in some things, his error and

blindness in others, that is, in the measure of duration both of years

and seasons, let us a while admire the Wisdom of God in this

distinguisher of times, and visible Deity (as some have termed it) the

Sun. Which though some from its glory adore, and all for its benefits

admire, we shall advance from other considerations, and such as

illustrate the artifice of its Maker. Nor do we think we can excuse the

duty of our knowledge, if we only bestow the flourish of Poetry hereon,

or those commendatory conceits which popularly set forth the eminency of

this creature; except we ascend unto subtiler considerations, and such

as rightly understood, convincingly declare the wisdom of the Creator.

Which since a Spanish Physitian [SN: Valerius de Philos. _Sacr._] hath

begun, we will enlarge with our deductions; and this we shall endeavour

from two considerations; its proper situation, and wisely ordered

motion.

And first we cannot pass over his providence, in that it moveth at all;

for had it stood still, and were it fixed like the earth, there had been

then no distinction of times, either of day or year, of Spring, of

Autumn, of Summer, or of Winter; for these seasons are defined by the

motions of the Sun; when that approacheth neare our Zenith, or vertical

Point, we call it Summer, when furthest off, Winter, when in the middle

spaces, Spring or Autumn, whereas remaining in one place these

distinctions had ceased, and consequently the generation of all things

depending on their vicissitudes; making in one hemisphere a perpetual

Summer, in the other a deplorable and comfortless Winter. [SN: _What the

natural day is._] And thus had it also been continual day unto some, and

perpetual night unto others; for the day is defined by the abode of the

Sun above the Horizon, and the night by its continuance below; so should

we have needed another Sun, one to illustrate our Hemisphere, a second

to enlighten the other; which inconvenience will ensue in what site

soever we place it, whether in the Poles, or the Æquator, or between

them both; no spherical body of what bigness soever illuminating the

whole sphere of another, although it illuminate something more than half

of a lesser, according unto the doctrine of the Opticks.

[Sidenote: _Every part of the Earth habitable._]

His wisdom is again discernable, not only in that it moveth at all, and

in its bare motion, but wonderful in contriving the line of its

revolution; which is so prudently effected, that by a vicissitude in one

body and light it sufficeth the whole earth, affording thereby a

possible or pleasurable habitation in every part thereof; and this is

the line Ecliptick; all which to effect by any other circle it had been

impossible. For first, if we imagine the Sun to make his course out of

the Ecliptick, and upon a line without any obliquity, let it be

conceived within that Circle, that is either on the Æquator, or else on

either side: (For if we should place it either in the Meridian or

Colures, beside the subversion of its course from East to West, there

would ensue the like incommodities.) Now if we conceive the sun to move

between the obliquity of this Ecliptick in a line upon one side of the

Æquator, then would the Sun be visible but unto one pole, that is the

same which was nearest unto it. So that unto the one it would be

perpetual day; unto the other perpetual night; the one would be

oppressed with constant heat, the other with insufferable cold; and so

the defect of alternation would utterly impugn the generation of all

things; which naturally require a vicissitude of heat to their

production, and no less to their increase and conservation.

But if we conceive it to move in the Æquator; first unto a parallel

sphere, or such as have the pole for their Zenith, it would have made

neither perfect day nor night. For being in the Æquator it would

intersect their Horizon, and be half above and half beneath it: or

rather it would have made perpetual night to both; for though in regard

of the rational Horizon, which bisecteth the Globe into equal parts, the

Sun in the Æquator would intersect the Horizon: yet in respect of the

sensible Horizon (which is defined by the eye) the Sun would be visible

unto neither. For if as ocular witnesses report, and some also write, by

reason of the convexity of the Earth, the eye of man under the Æquator

cannot discover both the poles; neither would the eye under the poles

discover the Sun in the Æquator. Thus would there nothing fructifie

either near or under them: The Sun being Horizontal to the poles, and of

no considerable altitude unto parts a reasonable distance from them.

Again, unto a right sphere, or such as dwell under the Æquator,

although it made a difference in day and night, yet would it not make

any distinction of seasons: for unto them it would be constant Summer,

it being alwaies vertical, and never deflecting from them: So had there

been no fructification at all, and the Countries subjected would be as

uninhabitable, as indeed antiquity conceived them.

Lastly, It moving thus upon the Æquator, unto what position soever,

although it had made a day, yet could it have made no year: for it could

not have had those two motions now ascribed unto it, that is, from East

to West, whereby it makes the day, and likewise from West to East,

whereby the year is computed. For according to received Astronomy, the

poles of the Æquator are the same with those of the _Primum Mobile_. Now

it is impossible that on the same circle, having the same poles, both

these motions from opposite terms should be at the same time performed;

all which is salved, if we allow an obliquity in his annual motion, and

conceive him to move upon the Poles of the Zodiack, distant from these

of the world 23 degrees and an half. Thus may we discern the necessity

of its obliquity, and how inconvenient its motion had been upon a circle

parallel to the Æquator, or upon the Æquator it self.

Now with what Providence this obliquity is determined, we shall perceive

upon the ensuing inconveniences from any deviation. For first, if its

obliquity had been less (as instead of twenty three degrees, twelve or

the half thereof) the vicissitude of seasons appointed for the

generation of all things, would surely have been too short; for

different seasons would have hudled upon each other; and unto some it

had not been much better than if it had moved on the Æquator.

But had the obliquity been greater than now it is, as double, or of 40

degrees; several parts of the earth had not been able to endure the

disproportionable differences of seasons, occasioned by the great

recess, and distance of the Sun. For unto some habitations the Summer

would have been extream hot, and the Winter extream cold; likewise the

Summer temperate unto some, but excessive and in extremity unto others,

as unto those who should dwell under the Tropick of Cancer, as then

would do some part of _Spain_, or ten degrees beyond, as _Germany_, and

some part of _England_; who would have Summers as now the _Moors_ of

_Africa_. For the Sun would sometime be vertical unto them: but they

would have Winters like those beyond the Artick Circle; for in that

season the Sun would be removed above 80 degrees from them. Again, it

would be temperate to some habitations in the Summer, but very extream

in the Winter: temperate to those in two or three degrees beyond the

Artick Circle, as now it is unto us; for they would be equidistant from

that Tropick, even as we are from this at present. But the Winter would

be extream, the Sun being removed above an hundred degrees, and so

consequently would not be visible in their Horizon, no position of

sphere discovering any star distant above 90 degrees, which is the

distance of every Zenith from the Horizon. And thus if the obliquity of

this Circle had been less, the vicissitude of seasons had been so small

as not to be distinguished; if greater, so large and disproportionable

as not to be endured.

[Sidenote: _A competent distinction of seasons necessary, and why._]

Now for its situation, although it held this Ecliptick line, yet had it

been seated in any other Orb, inconveniences would ensue of condition

like the former; for had it been placed in the lowest sphere of the

Moon, the year would have consisted but of one month; for in that space

of time it would have passed through every part of the Ecliptick: so

would there have been no reasonable distinction of seasons required for

the generation and fructifying of all things; contrary seasons which

destroy the effects of one another, so suddenly succeeding. Besides by

this vicinity unto the earth, its heat had been intollerable; for if (as

many affirm) there is a different sense of heat from the different

points of its proper Orb, and that in the Apogeum or highest point

(which happeneth in Cancer) it is not so hot under that Tropick, on this

side the Æquator, as unto the other side in the Perigeum or lowest part

of the Eccentrick (which happeneth in Capricornus) surely being placed

in an Orb far lower, its heat would be unsufferable, nor needed we a

fable to set the world on fire.

But had it been placed in the highest Orb, or that of the eighth sphere,

there had been none but _Platoes_ year, and a far less distinction of

seasons; for one year had then been many, and according unto the slow

revolution of that Orb which absolveth not his course in many thousand

years, no man had lived to attain the account thereof. These are the

inconveniences ensuing upon its situation in the extream orbs, and had

it been placed in the middle orbs of the Planets, there would have

ensued absurdities of a middle nature unto them.

Now whether we adhere unto the hypothesis of _Copernicus_, affirming the

earth to move, and the Sun to stand still; or whether we hold, as some

of late have concluded, from the spots in the Sun, which appear and

disappear again; that besides the revolution it maketh with its Orbs, it

hath also a dinetical motion, and rowls upon its own Poles, whether I

say we affirm these or no, the illations before mentioned are not

thereby infringed. We therefore conclude this contemplation, and are not

afraid to believe, it may be literally said of the wisdom of God, what

men will have but figuratively spoken of the works of Christ; that if

the wonders thereof were duly described, the whole world, that is, all

within the last circumference, would not contain them. For as his Wisdom

is infinite, so cannot the due expressions thereof be finite, and if the

world comprise him not, neither can it comprehend the story of him.

CHAPTER VI

Concerning the vulgar opinion, that the Earth was slenderly peopled

before the Flood.

Beside the slender consideration men of latter times do hold of the

first ages, it is commonly opinioned, and at first thought generally

imagined, that the earth was thinly inhabited, at least not remotely

planted before the flood; whereof there being two opinions, which seem

to be of some extremity, the one too largely extending, the other too

narrowly contracting the populosity of those times; we shall not pass

over this point without some enquiry into it.

Now for the true enquiry thereof, the means are as obscure as the

matter, which being naturally to be explored by History, Humane or

Divine, receiveth thereby no small addition of obscurity. For as for

humane relations, they are so fabulous in _Deucalions_ flood, that they

are of little credit about _Ogyges_ and _Noahs_. For the Heathens (as

_Varro_ accounteth) make three distinctions of time: the first from the

beginning of the world unto the general Deluge of _Ogyges_, they term

_Adelon_, that is, a time not much unlike that which was before time,

immanifest and unknown; because thereof there is almost nothing or very

obscurely delivered: for though divers Authors have made some mention of

the Deluge, as _Manethon_ the _Egyptian_ Priest, _Xenophon_ de

æquivocis, _Fabius Pictor_ de Aureo seculo, _Mar. Cato_ de originibus,

and _Archilochus_ the Greek, who introduceth also the Testimony of

_Moses_ in his fragment _de temporibus_: yet have they delivered no

account of what preceded or went before. _Josephus_ I confess in his

Discourse against _Appion_ induceth the antiquity of the _Jews_ unto the

flood, and before from the testimony of humane Writers; insisting

especially upon _Maseus_ of _Damascus_, _Jeronimus Ægyptius_, and

_Berosus_; and confirming the long duration of their lives, not only

from these, but the authority of _Hesiod_, _Erathius_, _Hellanicus_ and

_Agesilaus_. _Berosus_ the _Chaldean_ Priest, writes most plainly,

mentioning the city of _Enos_, the name of _Noah_ and his Sons, the

building of the Ark, and also the place of its landing. And _Diodorus

Siculus_ hath in his third book a passage, which examined, advanceth as

high as _Adam_: for the _Chaldeans_, saith he, derive the Original of

their Astronomy and letters forty three thousand years before the

Monarchy of _Alexander_ the Great: now the years whereby they computed

the antiquity of their letters, being as _Xenophon_ interprets to be

accounted Lunary: the compute will arise unto the time of _Adam_. For

forty three thousand Lunary years make about three thousand six hundred

thirty four years, which answereth the Chronology of time from the

beginning of the world unto the reign of _Alexander_, as _Annius_ of

_Viterbo_ computeth in his Comment upon _Berosus_.

The second space or interval of time is accounted from the flood unto

the first Olympiad, that is, the year of the world 3174, which extendeth

unto the days of _Isaiah_ the Prophet, and some twenty years before the

foundation of _Rome_: this they term _Mythicon_ or fabulous, because the

account thereof, especially of the first part, is fabulously or

imperfectly delivered. Hereof some things have been briefly related by

the Authors above mentioned: more particularly by _Dares Phrygius_,

_Dictys Cretensis_, _Herodotus_, _Diodorus Siculus_, and _Trogus

Pompeius_; the most famous _Greek_ Poets lived also in this interval, as

_Orpheus_, _Linus_, _Musæus_, _Homer_, _Hesiod_; and herein are

comprehended the grounds and first inventions of Poetical fables, which

were also taken up by historical Writers, perturbing the _Chaldean_ and

_Egyptian_ Records with fabulous additions; and confounding their names

and stories, with their own inventions.

The third time succeeding until their present ages, they term

_Historicon_, that is, such wherein matters have been more truly

historified, and may therefore be believed. Of these times also have

been written _Herodotus_, _Thucydides_, _Xenophon_, _Diodorus_; and both

of these and the other preceding such as have delivered universal

Histories or Chronologies; as (to omit _Philo_, whose Narrations concern

the _Hebrews_) _Eusebius_, _Julius Africanus_, _Orosius_, _Ado_ of

_Vienna_, _Marianus Scotus_, _Historia tripartita_, _Urspergensis_,

_Carion_, _Pineda_, _Salian_, and with us Sir _Walter Raleigh_.

Now from the first hereof that most concerneth us, we have little or no

assistance; the fragments and broken records hereof inforcing not at

all our purpose. And although some things not usually observed, may be

from thence collected, yet do they not advantage our discourse, nor any

way make evident the point in hand. For the second, though it directly

concerns us not, yet in regard of our last medium and some illustrations

therein, we shall be constrained to make some use thereof. As for the

last, it concerns us not at all; for treating of times far below us, it

can no way advantage us. And though divers in this last Age have also

written of the first, as all that have delivered the general accounts of

time, yet are their Tractates little auxiliary unto ours, nor afford us

any light to detenebrate and clear this Truth.

As for holy Scripture and divine revelation, there may also seem therein

but slender information, there being only left a brief narration hereof

by _Moses_, and such as affords no positive determination. For the Text

delivereth but two genealogies, that is, of _Cain_ and _Seth_; in the

line of _Seth_ there are only ten descents, in that of _Cain_ but seven,

and those in a right line with mention of father and son; excepting that

of _Lamech_, where is also mention of wives, sons, and a daughter.

Notwithstanding if we seriously consider what is delivered therein, and

what is also deducible, it will be probably declared what is by us

intended, that is, the populous and ample habitation of the earth before

the flood. Which we shall labour to induce not from postulates and

entreated Maxims, but undeniable Principles declared in holy Scripture;

that is, the length of mens lives before the flood, and the large extent

of time from Creation thereunto.

We shall only first crave notice, that although in the relation of

_Moses_ there be very few persons mentioned, yet are there many more to

be presumed; nor when the Scripture in the line of _Seth_ nominates but

ten persons, are they to be conceived all that were of this generation:

The Scripture singly delivering the holy line, wherein the world was to

be preserved, first in _Noah_, and afterward in our Saviour. For in this

line it is manifest there were many more born than are named, for it is

said of them all, that they begat sons and daughters. And whereas it is

very late before it is said they begat those persons which are named in

the Scripture, the soonest at 65, it must not be understood that they

had none before; but not any in whom it pleased God the holy line should

be continued. And although the expression that they begat sons and

daughters be not determined to be before or after the mention of these,

yet must it be before in some; for before it is said that _Adam_ begat

_Seth_ at the 130 year, it is plainly affirmed that _Cain_ knew his

wife, and had a son; which must be one of the daughters of _Adam_, one

of those whereof it is after said, he begat sons and daughters. And so

for ought can be disproved there might be more persons upon earth then

are commonly supposed, when _Cain_ slew _Abel_; nor the fact so

hainously to be aggravated in the circumstance of the fourth person

living. And whereas it is said upon the nativity of _Seth_, God hath

appointed me another seed instead of _Abel_, it doth not imply he had no

other all this while; but not any of that expectation, or appointed (as

his name applies) to make a progression in the holy line; in whom the

world was to be saved, and from whom he should be born, that was

mystically slain in _Abel_.

Now our first ground to induce the numerosity of people before the

flood, is the long duration of their lives, beyond 7, 8, and 9, hundred

years. Which how it conduceth unto populosity we shall make but little

doubt, if we consider there are two main causes of numerosity in any

kind or species, that is, a frequent and multiparous way of breeding,

whereby they fill the world with others, though they exist not long

themselves; or a long duration and subsistence, whereby they do not only

replenish the world with a new annumeration of others, but also maintain

the former account in themselves. From the first cause we may observe

examples in creatures oviparous, as Birds and Fishes; in vermiparous, as

Flies, Locusts, and Gnats; in animals also viviparous, as Swine and

Conies. Of the first there is a great example in the herd of Swine in

_Galilee_; although an unclean beast, and forbidden unto the _Jews_. Of

the other a remarkable one in _Athenus_, in the Isle _Astipalea_, one of

the Cyclades now called _Stampalia_, wherein from two that were

imported, the number so increased, that the Inhabitants were constrained

to have recourse unto the Oracle _Delphos_, for an invention how to

destroy them.

Others there are which make good the paucity of their breed with the

length and duration of their daies, whereof there want not examples in

animals uniparous: [SN: _A Million of Beeves yearly killed in England._]

First, in bisulcous or cloven-hooft, as Camels, and Beeves, whereof

there is above a million annually slain in _England_. It is also said of

_Job_, that he had a thousand yoak of Oxen, and six thousand Camels; and

of the children of _Israel_ passing into the land of _Canaan_, that they

took from the _Midianites_ threescore and ten thousand Beeves; and of

the Army of _Semiramis_, that there were therein one hundred thousand

Camels. For Solipeds or firm-hoofed animals, as Horses, Asses, Mules,

etc., they are also in mighty numbers, so it is delivered that _Job_

had a thousand she Asses: that the _Midianites_ lost sixty one thousand

Asses. For Horses it is affirmed by _Diodorus_, that _Ninus_ brought

against the _Bactrians_ two hundred eighty thousand Horses; after him

_Semiramis_ five hundred thousand Horses, and Chariots one hundred

thousand. Even in creatures steril and such as do not generate, the

length of life conduceth much unto the multiplicity of the species; for

the number of Mules which live far longer then their Dams or Sires, in

Countries where they are bred, is very remarkable, and far more common

then Horses.

For Animals multifidous, or such as are digitated or have several

divisions in their feet, there are but two that are uniparous, that is,

Men and Elephants; who though their productions be but single, are

notwithstanding very numerous. The Elephant (as _Aristotle_ affirmeth)

carrieth the young two years, and conceiveth not again (as _Edvardus

Lopez_ affirmeth) in many after, yet doth their age requite this

disadvantage; they living commonly one hundred, sometime two hundred

years. Now although they be rare with us in _Europe_, and altogether

unknown unto _America_, yet in the two other parts of the world they are

in great abundance, as appears by the relation of _Gorcias ab Horto_,

Physitian to the Viceroy at _Goa_, who relates that at one venation the

King of _Sion_ took four thousand; and is of opinion they are in other

parts in greater number then herds of Beeves in _Europe_. And though

this delivered from a _Spaniard_ unacquainted with our Northern droves,

may seem very far to exceed; yet must we conceive them very numerous, if

we consider the number of teeth transported from one Country to another;

they having only two great teeth, and those not falling or renewing.

As for man, the disadvantage in his single issue is the same with these,

and in the lateness of his generation somewhat greater then any; yet in

the continual and not interrupted time thereof, and the extent of his

days, he becomes at present, if not then any other species, at least

more numerous then these before mentioned. Now being thus numerous at

present, and in the measure of threescore, fourscore or an hundred

years, if their dayes extended unto six, seven, or eight hundred, their

generations would be proportionably multiplied; their times of

generation being not only multiplied, but their subsistence continued.

For though the great Grand-child went on, the _Petrucius_ [SN: _The term

for that person from whom consanguineal relations are accounted, as in

the_ Arbor civilis.] and first Original would subsist and make one of

the world; though he outlived all the terms of consanguinity, and became

a stranger unto his proper progeny. So by compute of Scripture _Adam_

lived unto the ninth generation, unto the days of _Lamech_ the Father of

_Noah_; _Methuselah_ unto the year of the flood; and _Noah_ was

contemporary unto all from _Enoch_ unto _Abraham_. So that although some

died, the father beholding so many descents, the number of Survivers

must still be very great; for if half the men were now alive, which

lived in the last Century, the earth would scarce contain their number.

Whereas in our abridged and Septuagesimal Ages, it is very rare, and

deserves a Distick [SN: Mater ait natæ dic natæ filia, etc.] to behold

the fourth generation. _Xerxes_ complaint still remaining; and what he

lamented in his Army, being almost deplorable in the whole world: men

seldom arriving unto those years whereby _Methuselah_ exceeded nine

hundred, and what _Adam_ came short of a thousand, was defined long ago

to be the age of man.

Now although the length of days conduceth mainly unto the numerosity of

mankind, and it be manifest from Scripture they lived very long, yet is

not the period of their lives determinable, and some might be longer

livers, than we account that any were. For (to omit that conceit of

some, that _Adam_ was the oldest man, in as much as he is conceived to

be created in the maturity of mankind, that is, at 60, (for in that age

it is set down they begat children) so that adding this number unto his

930, he was 21 years older than any of his posterity) that even

_Methuselah_ was the longest liver of all the children of _Adam_, we

need not grant; nor is it definitively set down by _Moses_. Indeed of

those ten mentioned in Scripture, with their severall ages it must be

true; but whether those seven of the line of _Cain_ and their progeny,

or any of the sons or daughters posterity after them out-lived those, is

not expressed in holy Scripture; and it will seem more probable, that of

the line of _Cain_ some were longer lived than any of _Seth_; if we

concede that seven generations of the one lived as long as nine of the

other. As for what is commonly alledged, that God would not permit the

life of any unto a thousand, because (alluding unto that of _David_) no

man should live one day in the sight of the Lord; although it be urged

by divers, yet is it methinks an inference somewhat Rabbinicall; and not

of power to perswade a serious examinator.

Having thus declared how powerfully the length of lives conduced unto

populosity of those times, it will yet be easier acknowledged if we

descend to particularities, and consider how many in seven hundred years

might descend from one man; wherein considering the length of their

dayes, we may conceive the greatest number to have been alive together.

And this that no reasonable spirit may contradict, we will declare with

manifest disadvantage; for whereas the duration of the world unto the

flood was above 1600 years, we will make our compute in less then half

that time. Nor will we begin with the first man, but allow the earth to

be provided of women fit for marriage the second or third first

Centuries; and will only take as granted, that they might beget children

at sixty, and at an hundred years have twenty, allowing for that number

forty years. Nor will we herein single out _Methuselah_, or account from

the longest livers, but make choice of the shortest of any we find

recorded in the Text, excepting _Enoch_; who after he had lived as many

years as there be days in the year, was translated at 365. And thus from

one stock of seven hundred years, multiplying still by twenty, we shall

find the product to be one thousand, three hundred forty seven millions,

three hundred sixty eight thousand, four hundred and twenty.

{1} 20.

{2} 400.

{3} 8000.

{4} 160,000.

Century {5} 3,200,000.

{6} 46,000,000.

{7} 1,280,000,000.

{-----------------}

Product { 1,347,368,420.}

Now if this account of the learned _Petavius_ will be allowed, it will

make an unexpected encrease, and a larger number than may be found in

_Asia_, _Africa_ and _Europe_; especially if in _Constantinople_, the

greatest City thereof, there be no more of Europe than _Botero_

accounteth, seven hundred thousand souls. Which duly considered, we

shall rather admire how the earth contained its inhabitants, then doubt

its inhabitation; and might conceive the deluge not simply penall, but

in some way also necessary, as many have conceived of translations, if

_Adam_ had not sinned, and the race of man had remained upon earth

immortal.

Now whereas some to make good their longevity, have imagined that the

years of their compute were Lunary; unto these we must reply: That if by

a Lunary year they understand twelve revolutions of the Moon, that is

354 days, eleven fewer then in the Solary year; there will be no great

difference; at least not sufficient to convince or extenuate the

question. But if by a Lunary year they mean one revolution of the Moon,

that is, a moneth, they first introduce a year never used by the Hebrews

in their Civil accompts; and what is delivered before of the Chaldean

years (as _Xenophon_ gives a caution) was only received in the

Chronology of their Arts. Secondly, they contradict the Scripture, which

makes a plain enumeration of many moneths in the account of the Deluge;

for so is it expressed in the Text. In the tenth moneth, in the first

day of the moneth were the tops of the mountains seen: Concordant

whereunto is the relation of humane Authors, _Inundationes plures fuere,

prima novimestris inundatio terrarum sub prisco Ogyge. [SN: Xenophon de

Æquivocis.] Meminisse hoc loco par est post primum diluvium Ogygi

temporibus notatum, cum novem et amplius mensibus diem continua nox

inumbrasset, Delon ante omnes terras radiis solis illuminatum

sortitumque ex eo nomen._ [SN: Solinus.] And lastly, they fall upon an

absurdity, for they make _Enoch_ to beget children about six years of

age. For whereas it is said he begat _Methuselah_ at 65, if we shall

account every moneth a year, he was at that time some six years and an

half, for so many moneths are contained in that space of time.

Having thus declared how much the length of mens lives conduced unto the

populosity of their kind, our second foundation must be the large extent

of time, from the Creation unto the Deluge, that is (according unto

received computes about 1655 years) almost as long a time as hath passed

since the nativity of our Saviour: and this we cannot but conceive

sufficient for a very large increase, if we do but affirm what

reasonable enquirers will not deny: That the earth might be as populous

in that number of years before the flood, as we can manifest it was in

the same number after. And whereas there may be conceived some

disadvantage, in regard that at the Creation the original of mankind was

in two persons, but after the flood their propagation issued at least

from six; against this we might very well set the length of their lives

before the flood, which were abbreviated after, and in half this space

contracted into hundreds and threescores. Notwithstanding to equalize

accounts, we will allow three hundred years, and so long a time as we

can manifest from the Scripture. There were four men at least that begat

children, _Adam_, _Cain_, _Seth_, and _Enos_; So shall we fairly and

favourably proceed, if we affirm the world to have been as populous in

sixteen hundred and fifty before the flood, as it was in thirteen

hundred after. Now how populous and largely inhabited it was within this

period of time, we shall declare from probabilities, and several

testimonies of Scripture and humane Authors.

And first, To manifest the same neer those parts of the earth where the

Ark is presumed to have rested, we have the relation of holy Scripture

accounting the genealogy of _Japhet_, _Cham_ and _Sem_, and in this

last, four descents unto the division of the earth in the days of

_Peleg_, which time although it were not upon common compute much above

an hundred years, yet were men at this time mightily increased. Nor can

we well conceive it otherwise, if we consider they began already to

wander from their first habitation, and were able to attempt so mighty a

work as the building of a City and a Tower, whose top should reach unto

the heavens. Whereunto there was required no slender number of persons,

if we consider the magnitude thereof, expressed by some, and conceived

to be _Turris Beli_ in _Herodotus_; and the multitudes of people

recorded at the erecting of the like or inferiour structures: for at the

building of _Solomons_ Temple there were threescore and ten thousand

that carried burdens, and fourscore thousand hewers in the mountains,

beside the chief of his officers three thousand and three hundred; and

at the erecting of the Piramids in the reign of King _Cheops_, as

_Herodotus_ reports, there were _decem myriads_, that is an hundred

thousand _men_. And though it be said of the _Egyptians_, _Porrum et

cæpe nefas violare et frangere morsu_ [SN: Juvenal.]; yet did the summes

expended in Garlick and Onyons amount unto no less then one thousand six

hundred Talents.

[Sidenote: _Who_ Nimrod _and_ Assur _were._]

The first Monarchy or Kingdom of _Babylon_ is mentioned in Scripture

under the foundation of _Nimrod_, which is also recorded in humane

history; as beside _Berosus_, in _Diodorus_ and _Justine_, for _Nimrod_

of the Scriptures is _Belus_ of the Gentiles, and _Assur_ the same with

_Ninus_ his successour. There is also mention of divers Cities,

particularly of _Ninivey_ and _Resen_ expressed emphatically in the Text

to be a great City.

That other Countries round about were also peopled, appears by the Wars

of the Monarchs of _Assyria_ with the _Bactrians_, _Indians_,

_Scythians_, _Ethiopians_, _Armenians_, _Hyrcanians_, _Parthians_,

_Persians_, _Susians_; they vanquishing (as _Diodorus_ relateth)

_Egypt_, _Syria_, and all _Asia_ minor, even from _Bosphorus_ unto

_Tanais_. And it is said, that _Semiramis_ in her expedition against the

_Indians_ brought along with her the King of _Arabia_. About the same

time of the _Assyrian_ Monarchy, do Authors place that of the

_Sycionians_ in _Greece_, and soon after that of the _Argives_, and not

very long after, that of the _Athenians_ under _Cecrops_; and within our

period assumed are historified many memorable actions of the Greeks, as

the expedition of the _Argonautes_, with the most famous Wars of

_Thebes_ and _Troy_.

That _Canaan_ also and _Egypt_ were well peopled far within this period,

besides their plantation by _Canaan_ and _Misraim_, appeareth from the

history of _Abraham_, who in less then 400 years after the Flood,

journied from _Mesopotamia_ unto _Canaan_ and _Egypt_, both which he

found well peopled and policied into Kingdoms: wherein also in 430

years, from threescore and ten persons which came with _Jacob_ into

_Egypt_, he became a mighty Nation; for it is said, at their departure,

there journeyed from _Rhamesis_ to _Succoth_ about six hundred thousand

on foot, that were men, besides children. Now how populous the land from

whence they came was, may be collected not only from their ability in

commanding such subjections and mighty powers under them, but from the

several accounts of that Kingdom delivered by _Herodotus_. And how soon

it was peopled, is evidenced from the pillar of their King _Osyris_,

with this inscription in _Diodorus_; _Mihi pater est Saturnus deorum

junior, sum vero Osyris rex qui totum peragravi orbem usq; ad Indorum

fines, ad eos quoq; sum profectus qui septentrioni subjacent usq; ad

Istri fontes, et alias partes usq; ad Occanum._ [SN: _Who_ Osyris _and_

Saturnus Ægyptius _were_.] Now according unto the best determinations

_Osyris_ was _Misraim_, and _Saturnus Egyptius_ the same with _Cham_;

after whose name _Egypt_ is not only called in Scripture the laud of

_Ham_, but thus much is also testified by _Plutarch_; for in his

Treatise _de Osyride_, he delivereth that _Egypt_ was called _Chamia a

Chamo Noe filio_, that is from _Cham_ the son of _Noah_. And if

according to the consent of ancient Fathers, _Adam_ was buried in the

same place where Christ was crucified, that is Mount _Calvary_, the

first man ranged far before the Flood, and laid his bones many miles

from that place, where its presumed he received them. And this migration

was the greater, if as the text expresseth, he was cast out of the

East-side of Paradise to till the ground; and as the Position of the

Cherubines implieth, who were placed at the east end of the garden to

keep him from the tree of life.

That the remoter parts of the earth were in this time inhabited is also

induceable from the like testimonies; for (omitting the numeration of

_Josephus_, and the genealogies of the Sons of _Noah_) that _Italy_ was

inhabited, appeareth from the Records of _Livie_, and _Dionysius

Halicarnasscus_, the story of _Æneas_, _Evander_ and _Janus_, whom

_Annius_ of _Viterbo_, and the Chorographers of _Italy_, do make to be

the same with _Noah_. That _Sicily_ was also peopled, is made out from

the frequent mention thereof in _Homer_, the Records of _Diodorus_ and

others; but especially from a remarkable passage touched by _Aretius_

and _Ranzanus_ Bishop of _Lucerium_, but fully explained by _Thomas

Fazelli_ in his accurate History of _Sicily_; that is, from an ancient

inscription in a stone at _Panormo_, expressed by him in its proper

characters, and by a _Syrian_ thus translated, _Non est alius Deus

præter unum Deum, non est alius potens præter eundem Deum, neq; est

alius victor præter eundem quem colimus Deum: Hujus turris præfectus

est_ Sapha _filius_ Eliphat, _filii_ Esau, _fratris_ Jacob, _filii_

Isaac, _filii_ Abraham: _et turri quidem ipsi nomen est_ Baych, _sed

turri huic proximæ nomen est_ Pharath. The antiquity of the inhabitation

of _Spain_ is also confirmable, not only from _Berosus_ in the

plantation of _Tubal_, and a City continuing yet in his name, but the

story of _Gerion_, the travels of _Hercules_ and his pillars: and

especially a passage in _Strabo_, which advanceth unto the time of

_Ninus_, thus delivered in his fourth book. The _Spaniards_ (saith he)

affirm that they have had Laws and Letters above six thousand years. Now

the _Spaniards_ or _Iberians_ observing (as _Xenophon_ hath delivered)

_Annum quadrimestrem_, four moneths unto a year, this compute will make

up 2000 solary years, which is about the space of time from _Strabo_,

who lived in the days of _Augustus_, unto the reign of _Ninus_.

That _Mauritania_ and the coast of _Africa_ were peopled very soon, is

the conjecture of many wise men, and that by the _Phœnicians_, who

left their Country upon the invasion of _Canaan_ by the _Israelites_.

For beside the conformity of the _Punick_ or _Carthaginian_ language

with that of _Phœnicia_, there is a pregnant and very remarkable

testimony hereof in _Procopius_, who in his second _de bello Vandalico_,

recordeth, that in a town of _Mauritania Tingitana_, there was to be

seen upon two white Columns in the _Phœnician_ language these ensuing

words; _Nos Maurici sumus qui fugimus a facie Jehoschua filii Nunis

prædatoris_. The fortunate Islands or _Canaries_ were not unknown; for

so doth _Strabo_ interpret that speech in _Homer_ of _Proteus_ unto

_Menelaus_,

_Sed te qua terræ postremus terminus extat,

Elysium in Campum cœlestia numina ducunt._

The like might we affirm from credible histories both of _France_ and

_Germany_, and perhaps also of our own Country. For omitting the

fabulous and _Trojan_ original delivered by _Jeofrey_ of _Monmouth_, and

the express text of Scripture; that the race of _Japhet_ did people the

Isles of the _Gentiles_; the _Brittish_ Original was so obscure in

_Cæsars_ time, that he affirmeth the Inland inhabitants were

_Aborigines_, that is, such as reported that they had their beginning in

the Island. That _Ireland_ our neighbour Island was not long time

without Inhabitants, may be made probable by sundry accounts; although

we abate the Traditions of _Bartholanus_ the _Scythian_, who arrived

there three hundred years after the flood, or the relation of

_Giraldus_; that _Cæsaria_ the daughter of _Noah_ dwelt there before.

Now should we call in the learned account of _Bochartus_ [SN: Bochart.

Geog. _Sacr. part. 2._], deducing the ancient names of Countries from

_Phœnicians_, who by their plantations, discoveries, and sea

negotiations, have left unto very many Countries, _Phœnician_

denominations; the enquiry would be much shorter, and if _Spain_ in the

_Phœnician_ Original, be but the region of _Conies_, _Lusitania_, or

_Portugal_ the Countrey of Almonds, if _Brittanica_ were at first

_Baratanaca_, or the land of Tin, and _Ibernia_ or _Ireland_, were but

_Ibernae_, or the farthest habitation; and these names imposed and

dispersed by _Phœnician_ Colonies in their several navigations; the

Antiquity of habitations might be more clearly advanced.

Thus though we have declared how largely the world was inhabited within

the space of 1300 years, yet must it be conceived more populous then can

be clearly evinced; for a greater part of the earth hath ever been

peopled, then hath been known or described by Geographers, as will

appear by the discoveries of all Ages. For neither in _Herodotus_ or

_Thucydides_ do we find any mention of _Rome_, nor in _Ptolomy_ of many

parts of _Europe_, _Asia_ or _Africa_. And because many places we have

declared of long plantations of whose populosity notwithstanding or

memorable actions we have no ancient story; if we may conjecture of

these by what we find related of others, we shall not need many words,

nor assume the half of 1300 years. And this we might illustrate from the

mighty acts of the _Assyrians_ performed not long after the flood;

recorded by _Justine_ and _Diodorus_; who makes relation of expeditions

by Armies more numerous then have been ever since. For _Ninus_ King of

_Assyria_ brought against the _Bactrians_ 700000 foot, 200000 horse,

10600 Chariots. _Semiramis_ his successor led against the _Indians_

1300000 foot, 500000 horse, 100000 Chariots, and as many upon Camels:

And it is said, _Staurobates_ the _Indian_ King, met her with greater

forces then she brought against him. All which was performed within less

then four hundred years after the flood.

Now if any imagine the unity of their language did hinder their

dispersion before the flood, we confess it some hindrance at first, but

not much afterward. For though it might restrain their dispersion, it

could not their populosity; which necessarily requireth transmigration

and emission of Colonies; as we read of _Romans_, _Greeks_,

_Phœnicians_ in ages past, and have beheld examples thereof in our

days. We may also observe that after the flood before the confusion of

tongues, men began to disperse: for it is said, they journeyed towards

the East: and the Scripture it self expresseth a necessity conceived of

their dispersion, for the intent of erecting the Tower is so delivered

in the text, Lest we be scattered abroad upon the face of the earth.

[Sidenote: _Whether any Islands before the Flood._]

Again, If any apprehend the plantation of the earth more easie in regard

of Navigation and shipping discovered since the flood, whereby the

Islands and divided parts of the earth are now inhabited; he must

consider, that whether there were Islands or no before the flood, is not

yet determined, and is with probability denied by very learned Authors.

Lastly, If we shall fall into apprehension that it was less inhabited,

because it is said in the sixt of _Genesis_ about a 120 years before the

flood, and it came to pass that when men began to multiply upon the face

of the earth. Beside that this may be only meant of the race of _Cain_,

it will not import they were not multiplied before, but that they were

at that time plentifully encreased; for so is the same word used in

other parts of Scripture. And so is it afterward in the 9 Chapter said,

that _Noah_ began to be an husbandman, that is, he was so, or earnestly

performed the Acts thereof; so it is said of our Saviour, that he began

to cast them out that bought and sold in the Temple, that is, he

actually cast them out, or with alacrity effected it.

Thus have I declared some private and probable conceptions in the

enquiry of this truth; but the certainty hereof let the Arithmetick of

the last day determine; and therefore expect no further belief than

probability and reason induce. Only desire men would not swallow

dubiosities for certainties, and receive as Principles points mainly

controvertible; for we are to adhere unto things doubtful in a dubious

and opinative way. It being reasonable for every man to vary his opinion

according to the variance of his reason, and to affirm one day what he

denied another. Wherein although at last we miss of truth; we die

notwithstanding in harmless and inoffensive errors; because we adhere

unto that, whereunto the examen of our reasons, and honest enquiries

induce us.

CHAPTER VII

Of East, and West.

The next shall be of East and West; that is, the proprieties and

conditions ascribed unto Regions respectively unto those situations;

which hath been the obvious conception of Philosophers and Geographers,

magnifying the condition of _India_, and the Eastern Countries, above

the setting and occidental Climates, some ascribing hereto the

generation of gold, precious stones and spices, others the civility and

natural endowments of men; conceiving the bodies of this situation to

receive a special impression from the first salutes of the Sun, and some

appropriate influence from his ascendent and oriental radiations. But

these proprieties affixed unto bodies, upon considerations deduced from

East, West, or those observable points of the sphere, how specious and

plausible so ever, will not upon enquiry be justified from such

foundations.

For to speak strictly, there is no East and West in nature, nor are

those absolute and invariable, but respective and mutable points,

according unto different longitudes, or distant parts of habitation,

whereby they suffer many and considerable variations. For first, unto

some the same part will be East or West in respect of one another, that

is, unto such as inhabit the same parallel, or differently dwell from

East to West. Thus as unto _Spain_, _Italy_ lyeth East, unto _Italy_

_Greece_, unto _Greece_ _Persia_, and unto _Persia_ _China_; so again

unto the Country of _China_, _Persia_ lyeth West, unto _Persia_

_Greece_, unto _Greece_ _Italy_, and unto _Italy_ _Spain_. So that the

same Countrey is sometimes East and sometimes West; and _Persia_ though

East unto _Greece_, yet is it West unto _China_.