He is an author. His first work was a book of twenty-five

sermons. The second a pamphlet, "Know, Do, and Be Happy."

The third, a history of the A. M. E. Zion Church (625

pages).

The fourth a pamphlet, "The True Church, the Real Sacrifice,

the Genuine Membership." His fifth, and most important, is,

"The Plan of the Apocalypse." He has in manuscript, a work

on the Millennium; also the material for a second book of

sermons, and is now writing an Autobiography.

Bishop Haygood of the M. E. Church South, who wrote the

introduction to the Book of Sermons, says: "Bishop Hood has

traveled the continent to and fro. His ability, his

eloquence, his zeal and usefulness, have commanded the

respect and confidence of the best people of both races."

As one of the members of the Ecumenical Conference that met

in London in 1881, Bishop Hood made a lasting impression.

These sermons speak for themselves. Their naturalness, their

clearness, their force and their general soundness of

doctrine, and wholesomeness of sentiment, commend them to

sensible and pious people. I have found them as useful as

interesting.

Those who still question whether the Negro in this country

is capable of education and "uplifting," will modify their

opinions when they read these sermons, or else will conclude

that their author is a very striking exception to what they

assume to be a general rule.

The subject of this article is one upon which much thought has been

spent, and yet, excepting the color of the skin and the texture of the

hair, the Negro has more the appearance of the white American than any

other race. A cultured colored woman, with gloves on her hands and a

veil on her face, is hard to distinguish from a cultured white woman a

little way off.

And the same is true of men when the complexion is not seen. We shall

take the position that the inherent possibility of the Negro is equal

to that of any race. Notwithstanding his environments are against him,

yet he has the inherent power to break through them, and will break

through them and reach the highest plane of Christian civilization.

This is indicated by the progress he has made in the few years in

which he has had any chance for development as an American citizen.

Almost everything has been against him. Every possible effort has been

employed by his enemies to keep him down; but in spite of all he

rises. Like Israel of old, the more he is oppressed the more he

prospers.

His possibility is indicated by the stock from which he comes.

It is the impression of many that the Negro has no history to which he

can point. There could be no greater mistake than this. If it had been

in the power of modern historians of the Caucasian race to rob him of

his history it would have been done. But the Holy Bible has stood as

an everlasting rock in the black man's defense. God himself has

determined that the black man shall not be robbed of his record which

he has made during the ages past.

The first and most illustrious of earth's historians has left on

record statements which set forth the fact beyond reasonable doubt

that an ancestor of the Negro race was the first of the earth's great

monarchs; and that that race ruled the world for a long period; and

the statements of Moses are confirmed by the testimonies of the

earliest secular historians, whose writings have come down to our

time. Ethiopia and Egypt were first among the early monarchies, and

these countries were peopled by the descendants of Ham, through Cush

and Mizraim.

Palestine was peopled by Canaan, the younger son of Ham, upon whom the

curse was pronounced; and, notwithstanding the curse, his posterity

ruled that land for hundreds of years. They were in it when the

promise of it was made to Abraham; and four hundred years later, when

Israel came out of Egypt, they were still in full possession of it.

And, although the land was promised to Israel, yet two tribes, the

Jebusites and Sidonians, resisted the attacks of Israel for more than

four hundred years after they entered upon their promised possessions.

Neither Joshua, nor the Judges of Israel, could drive them out. Not

until David became King were the Jebusites driven out from the

stronghold of Zion. (Even David failed to drive out the Sidonians.) It

was from the ancient seat of the Jebusites, Jerusalem, also called

Salem, the seat of royalty and power, that Melchizedek, the most

illustrious king, priest and prophet of that race, came forth to bless

Abraham, as seen in Gen. XIV., 18:19. There have been many wild

notions respecting this personage, for which there is no good reason.

Dr. Barnes, a standard author, whose commentaries have been adopted by

the Presbyterian Board, takes the position that there can be no

question but that Melchizedek was a Canaanite.

That the Phoenicians, who were the founders of Carthage in connection

with the original Africans, were the descendants of Canaan there ought

to be no question; but, since everything honorable to the Negro race

is questioned, we will simply give the testimony of Rollin. He says:

"The Canaanites are certainly the same people who are called almost

always Phoenicians by the Greeks, for which name no reason can be

given, any more than the oblivion of the true one." Thus it is seen,

that up to Rollin's time there was no question as to the fact that the

Phoenicians were Canaanites. Rollin did not know why this, instead of

the true name, was given; neither do we know; but we may easily

conjecture that, since it was the Greeks that gave this name instead

of the true one, it may have been their purpose to hide the fact that

the people to whom they were so greatly indebted were the descendants

of the accursed son of Ham. This would be in perfect accord with the

conduct of Caucasian authors now. We have also the testimony of Dr.

Barnes that the Phoenicians were descended from the Canaanites. In his

notes on Matt. XV., 22, of the woman of Canaan who met Jesus on the

coasts of Tyre and Sidon, he says: "This woman is also called a Greek,

a Syro-Phoenician by birth" (Mark VII., 26).

Anciently the whole land, including Tyre and Sidon, was in the

possession of the Canaanites, and called Canaan. The Phoenicians were

descended from the Canaanites. The country, including Tyre and Sidon,

was called Phoenicia or Syro-Phoenicia. That country was taken by the

Greeks under Alexander the Great, and these cities, in the time of

Christ, were Greek cities. This woman was therefore a Gentile, living

under the Greek government, and probably speaking that language. She

was by birth a Syro-Phoenician, born in that country, and descended

therefore from the ancient Canaanites. On the same text Dr. Abbott

says: "The term Canaan was the older title of the country and the

inhabitants were successively termed Canaanites and Phoenicians; as

the inhabitants of England were successively called Britons or

Englishmen."

Of Carthage we may remark that through all the hundreds of years of

its existence as an independent government, it remained a republic.

Rollin, speaking of the government, says: "The government of Carthage

was founded upon principles of most consummate wisdom; and it is with

reason that Aristotle ranks this republic in the number of those that

were held in the greatest esteem by the ancients, and which were fit

to serve as a model for others. He grounds his opinion on a reflection

which does great honor to Carthage, by remarking that from the

foundation to his time (that is, upward of five hundred years) no

considerable sedition had disturbed the peace, nor any tyrant

oppressed the liberty of the state. Indeed, mixed governments such as

that of Carthage, where the power was divided betwixt the nobles and

the people, are subject to the inconveniences either of degenerating

into an abuse of liberty by the seditions of the populace, as

frequently happened in Athens, and in all the Grecian republics, or in

the oppression of the public liberty by the tyranny of the nobles; as

in Athens, Syracuse, Corinth, Thebes, and Rome itself, under Sylla and

Caesar. It is, therefore, giving Carthage the highest praise to

observe that it had found out the art by the wisdom of its laws, and

the harmony of the different parts of its government, to shun during

so long a series of years, two rocks that are so dangerous, and on

which others so often split. It were to be wished that some ancient

author had left us an accurate and regular description of the customs

and laws of the famous republic."

While we agree with Rollin in his lament of the want of a more

complete history of that ancient Negro republic, yet, if those

Caucasians who are wont to arrogate to themselves all the excellencies

of the world, and deny that the Negro ever has been great, or ever can

be, would take time to read what has been written with sufficient care

to understand it, they would lose some of their self-conceit and add

much to their store of knowledge.

That the ancient Egyptians were black, both the Holy Scriptures and

the discoveries of science, as also the most ancient histories, most

fully attest. But as some profess to have doubts on this point, we

shall take some testimony, which, we think, no fair minded man will

attempt to dispute.

The Psalmist calls to memory the wonders which God wrought for his

people, and celebrates in song his dealings with Israel in Egypt, and

frequently calls Egypt the land of Ham. How can this be accounted for

if Egypt was not peopled by the posterity of Ham? But he goes further

than this; he calls their dwellings the tabernacles of Ham. "He smote

the firstborn in Egypt; the chief of their strength in the tabernacles

of Ham." Psalm lxvii, 51: "Israel also came into Egypt; and Jacob

sojourned in the land of Ham." Psalm cv, 23: "He sent Moses, his

servant and Aaron whom he had chosen. They set among them his signs

and wonders in the land of Ham." Psalm cv, 26:27: "They forget their

God their Savior which had done great things in Egypt; wondrous things

in the land of Ham." (Psalm xvi, 21:22.)

The man who, after reading these passages, can doubt that the

Egyptians to whom Israel was in bondage were the descendants of Ham,

is beyond the reach of reason. The repetition seems designed to settle

this fact beyond question. We might add, if it were necessary, that

the Book of Canticles is an allegory, based upon Solomon's affection

for his beautiful black wife, the daughter of Pharaoh, King of Egypt.

In the sixty-eighth Psalm we have a prophecy which connects Egypt

with Ethiopia, as follows: "Princes shall come out of Egypt. Ethiopia

shall soon stretch forth her hands unto God."

Rollin, in speaking of the fact, that all callings in Egypt were

honorable, gives this as a probable reason: "That as they all

descended from Ham, their common father, the memory of their still

recent origin, occurring to the minds of all in those first ages,

established among them a kind of equality, and stamped in their

opinion a nobility on every person descended from the common stock."

Again, treating of the history of the Kings of Egypt, Rollin says:

"The ancient history of Egypt comprises two thousand one hundred and

fifty-eight years; and is naturally divided into three periods. The

first begins with the establishment of the Egyptian monarchy by Menes

or Mizraim the son of Ham, in the year of the world 1816." On the next

page he says of Ham: "He had four children, Cush, Mizraim, Phut and

Canaan." After speaking of the settlements of the other sons he

returns to Mizraim and says: "He is allowed to be the same as Menes,

whom all historians declare to be the first king of Egypt."

In speaking of the sons of Ham, Rollin says: "Cush settled in

Ethiopia, Mizraim in Egypt, which generally is called in Scripture

after his name, and by that of Cham (Ham) his father."

That ancient Egypt was the seat of the arts and sciences, there can be

no doubt; the evidences of this still remain. The cities built by the

early kings of Egypt have been the wonder of all succeeding ages.

Sesostris stands at the head of the list of the great Egyptian

warriors. Rollin says: "His father, whether by inspiration, caprice,

or, as the Egyptians say, by the authority of an oracle, formed the

design of making his son a conqueror. * * * " (See Rollin, Vol. I, p.

161.)

The record given by Rollin indicates that Sesostris was among the

wisest, as well as among the most powerful monarchs of the earth.

Napoleon was a great warrior, but he died in exile, a prisoner of war.

Alexander was a great general, but he made a foolish march across a

desert country almost to the destruction of his army, for the foolish

purpose of worshipping at the shrine, and being called the son of

Jupiter Ammon. This so discouraged his forces that he never

accomplished the object of his ambition.

Sesostris made no such blunders in his campaigns. He went forth

conquering until he met a providential interposition; his climax of

wisdom was displayed in his turning back when he discovered that not

merely mortal beings, but the Great Immortal, opposed his further

conquest.

He returned to his own country to enjoy in peace and prosperity the

fruits of his unparalleled victories. His conduct toward those cities

which resisted in attacks most stubbornly was in striking contrast to

that of Alexander. As Alexander advanced to invade Egypt, he found at

Gaza a garrison so strong that he was obliged to besiege it. It held

out a long time, during which he received two wounds; this provoked

him to such a degree that when he had captured the place he treated

the soldiers and inhabitants most cruelly.

Sesostris, on the other hand, was pleased with those who defended

their possessions most bravely; the degree of resistance which he had

to overcome was denoted by him in hieroglyphical figures on monuments.

The more stubborn the resistance, the greater the achievement; and the

more worthy the people to become his subjects.

If the descendants of the accursed son of Ham could establish and

maintain for five hundred years a republic which was never disturbed

by sedition nor tyranny, and enjoyed a civilization in some respects

better than the boasted American civilization, there is no reason why

any other branch of Ham's family may not attain to the highest and

best civilization.

Our opinion is, that within two hundred and fifty years the American

Negro will reach that Christian civilization taught by the Son of God

to a degree equal to any race on the face of the globe. He has in him

the elements for such a civilization to a degree not possessed by some

other races.

But the limit allowed this article has been reached.

TOPIC III.

HOW CAN THE FRIENDLY RELATIONS NOW EXISTING BETWEEN THE TWO RACES IN

THE SOUTH BE STRENGTHENED AND MAINTAINED?

BY HON. H. P. CHEATHAM.

[Illustration: Hon. H. P. Cheatham]

HENRY PLUMMER CHEATHAM.

Men who attain to real leadership and those who lift as they

climb; broad in mental resource, generous, and strong in

manly impulse, they forget self and become the embodiment of

principles that make genuine progress and win the hearts of

their comrades by the compelling force of character and

personal magnetism. Promoting the well-being of a race,

multiplying the happiness of the individual, these captains

of moral thought practically accept the duty marked out by

the Great Teacher and "cause two blades of grass to grow

where but one grew before."

Such a man as pictured above is Henry Plummer Cheatham, one

of the most successful forces in the public life of the

twentieth century Negro. His career has been visited by

success because he has richly deserved it. Mr. Cheatham was

born in Henderson, N. C., some forty-odd years ago. He was

educated in the public schools of his county and at Shaw

University, of his native state. He was a promising lad, and

with prophetic spirit laid deep the foundation upon which a

brilliant character was to be built. His first public office

was that of registrar of deeds in his native county. So

conspicuous was his work and so worthily did he impress

himself upon the judgment of the people, Mr. Cheatham was

nominated and elected to the Fifty-first Congress, and was

again chosen to sit in the Fifty-second Congress. When

President McKinley reached the White House, one of his

earliest appointments was that of Mr. Cheatham to be

Recorder of Deeds for the District of Columbia, a post which

has come to be regarded as carrying the insignia of

leadership in the political councils of the race. That he

has performed his duties capably and zealously, goes without

saying. He is an ardent adherent of the merit system, and in

both appointments and promotions the merit system has been

his invariable guide, declining to be influenced by

considerations of person, politics, religion or color. He

has been instrumental in enrolling more Afro-Americans upon

the governmental roster than any other Negro living.

Mr. Cheatham is a positive race man and is a foremost

champion of the idea that the Negro's best development must

come along natural lines, and that material progress is as

much the result of sensible and persistent individual effort

as of legislation and adventitious aid. He believes in

practical education for the masses, technical education for

the captains of professional thought and industrial

leadership. He is unusually effective upon the "stump," and

has been heard with pleasure and profit in many states

during national campaigns.

Prosperity to a nation is most secure when all elements and classes of

that nation are at peace, one with the other. Christianity reaches the

height of its sacred mission when the spirit of co-operation and

brotherly love is most conspicuously in evidence. National prestige

and the influence of a people in the councils of the world are

invincible when the contributing forces of the land are happy and

united. The problems of civilization are solved when wars are silenced

and "rumors of wars" are heard no more.

America, as we have come to call the land of our birth, has not grown

to her present proud proportions upon "flowery beds of ease." Her

strong place among the powers of the earth has not been gained without

resort to martial strife. But, it is a gratifying fact, that up to

this hour every struggle against outside foes has made American people

stronger from within, and every victory, in our long, unbroken line of

successful campaigns, has bred a warmer spirit of homogeneity and knit

us together in closer bonds as a national unit. Foreign foes offer our

country no danger to-day. Our army and navy are without peers upon the

globe, and, despite our marvelous sketch of coast line, we have

nothing to fear from foreign invasion.

The disease that threatens us _most_ is from within. If salvation be

needed, we must pray to be "saved from ourselves." To "make clean our

hearts"--to face in proper spirit the duty that lies before us--should

be the earnest supplication of every true American citizen. A spirit

of unity is our urgent need at the opening of the 20th century.

Thanks to the wise economic policies of those intrusted with the reins

of legislation and government, our country is enjoying a period of

unexampled commercial prosperity. Business is booming, money is easy,

crops are abundant and labor is receiving a fair return for energy

expended. But, in our mad rush for the material things of life are we

not forgetting the spiritual wants of the citizen, are we not

neglecting the moral qualities that make nations enduring and the

principles that must live when cities decay and dynasties cease to be?

In fine are we not veering too far from the altruism of our fathers,

in the apparent subordination of human rights to the acquisition of

power and of wealth? This dangerous ambition breeds in our midst

socialism and industrial unrest, exemplified in strikes and lockouts.

It fosters anarchy--a spirit of lawlessness, from which but a few

weeks ago the nation suffered the loss of a beloved chief magistrate.

It stirs up racial antagonisms, and defies the ameliorating influences

of Christian brotherhood. All difficulties surrounding our labor

problems, however, are easy of solution, for while capital and

mechanical industry may be frequently at war for one reason or

another, the outbreaks are merely sporadic and short lived. They are

invariably adjusted, from time to time, either through arbitration or

equitable concessions. Capital and industry are of one color, and the

complications are purely superficial. The one contention, that

"passeth all understanding" and which defies the skill of the

ethnologist, the psychologist, and all who deal with the ancestral or

philosophical aspects of mankind, is the "race-problem."

I say "race problem" advisedly, because sociologists, in analyzing the

issues growing out of the relations between the white American and the

colored American, have eliminated from the discussion all difficulties

surrounding their settlement--save the impossible effacement of race

or color. All have admitted that the bronzed American may have

character, intellect, capacity, wealth, industry and comeliness--yet

he is a social "Pariah" because of his social identification. A

problem that otherwise would be simple is thus converted into a

perpetual issue by reason of race, and hence we have a "race problem."

The race issue is particularly acute at the South--not because the

Southern Negro differs materially from his Northern brother in

character or attainments--but because in the Southern states the Negro

abounds in the greatest numbers, and because upon her fertile soil he

was once held in bondage. As a slave, the Negro came to be regarded as

one whose inferiority must continue from generation to generation. The

Civil War brought freedom in its wake, and one of its results was to

clothe the emancipated servitor with the full vestments of

citizenship. By proclamation and legislation, the ex-slave was made

the political equal of his white master, and if numbers are to be

counted the slave class became the superior force in the reconstructed

Southland. That the new Negro citizen was honest and well-meaning, no

one doubts. It must be confessed, however, that the masses were

ignorant of the high responsibilities charged to them, and it is but

natural that many mistakes were unwittingly made. Indeed, the wonder

is not that many errors could be laid at the door of the amateur

"statesman," lawmakers and suffragists, but that more grievous

blunders were not made. The result, all things considered, is highly

creditable to the heads and hearts of the leaders of that trying

epoch. The masters did not take kindly to the seeming domination of

their former bondmen. The anomalous situation was made infinitely

worse by the gross frauds and maladministration of Northern white

carpet-baggers, who misled the trusting Negro into false channels and

bred in the minds of the landowners and former slave-magnates a bitter

hatred for all that savored of the Negro and the party that they held

responsible for their humiliation. Readers of history are familiar

with the stirring scenes that went abreast with the efforts of the

whites to free themselves from the consequences of the war. With the

accession of President Hayes came the restoration of the democracy to

local control in the Southern states. All are acquainted with the

"reign of terror" and the depredations of red-shirted adventurers and

night-riders. The instinct of white supremacy solidified that section,

and later came the era of lynchings. General disorder prevailed

wherever the racial problem was brought actively to the fore.

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