CHAPTER XVIII.

THE MOTOR LORRY THAT WAITED.

How a motor lorry waited at the Ecole Militaire to take away the maps to

the Coast--The Motor Lorry Reserve--An "appreciation" of the

position--Germany lost the War in the first three months--Some notes of

German blunders.

One night in the Spring of 1918 a mysterious motor lorry drew up in the

yard of the Ecole Militaire at Montreuil. Its driver reported and was

ordered to stand by. He stood by all that night; and in the morning was

relieved by another driver. But the empty lorry still waited. At night a

relief driver came on duty. But the empty lorry still waited.

[Illustration: THE ECOLE MILITAIRE]

Lorries in those days were precious. Because the German had seized many

of our light railways, had put under his shell-fire our main front

lateral line and had brought our whole railway system to a point

perilously close to collapse, the fate of the British Army was to a

great extent dependent on its motor lorries. By an intuitional stroke

of genius, or of luck, the new Quartermaster-General had just brought to

completion one of his "gyms"--the building up of a G.H.Q. reserve of

motor lorries. There had been all kinds of explanations of that

reserve--mostly of the humorous-malicious order. It had been said that

they were intended to carry about the baggage of the G.H.Q. Generals;

that the reserve had no other reason for being than to find a soft job

for some potentate near to the golf links of the coast. But whether it

was just a guess or a bit of far-seeing on the part of Sir Travers

Clarke, that G.H.Q. Motor Lorry Reserve had been built up; and it was

available to rush into the breach when the railways could not face the

task of supply.

Very nobly the Motor Transport--including that reserve--did its duty.

There were drivers who held the wheel for thirty-six hours at a stretch,

and were lifted from their seats fainting or asleep; a few--who carried

on until no longer able to see through their bloodshot and torturing

eyes--ran their cars into trees or walls or ditches. There were many

casualties, but the situation was saved.

It was just at this time, when a motor lorry was above rubies in value,

that an entirely healthy, well-preserved example, with driver attached,

was ordered to remain in the yard of the Ecole Militaire.

Everyone wanted to know the reason why. The position was then at its

very worst, so the humourist who surmised that it was "waiting for the

wine orders of the ---- Mess," for once found his jape fall flat. The

truth was for a long time known only to a select few. That motor lorry

was told off to carry away the maps and important papers from Montreuil

to the coast, since the evacuation of the town and of all France north

of the Somme was possible at an hour's notice.

So critical was the position for some days that that motor lorry was

never off duty night or day.

But G.H.Q. went about its work unperturbed to all outward seeming, and

there was not a whisper of losing the war, not even from those who knew

what would be the full consequences of evacuating Pas de Calais. One

officer--he would not like his name to be published even now--spoke with

the most frank recognition of facts and yet with a robust confidence

that was distinctly comforting:

"If we go behind the Somme it will give the Germans the Coast from the

Canche right up to the Scheldt for their submarines. That is the most

serious factor. We won't leave them much in the way of harbour works, of

course; but still they will be able in a year or two to restore things a

bit."

"In a year or two? But will it last...?"

"Oh yes, you can give the war another ten years at least in that event.

For there won't be any American Army to speak of; no port to land them

or supply them from. Our British Army will have to come down in strength

for the same reason. You can't keep a bigger army anywhere than you can

keep supplied with food and shells. Look at the ports and the railways.

There will be Havre, Brest, Cherbourg, Bordeaux as ports of supply and

the railways from them as the channels of supply to the front line. No

good talking of millions of Americans pouring in. They can't pour.

Funnel's too narrow."

But there wasn't in that officer's mind a hint of the possibility of

failure.

"It's only a question of organising to get at them. In time weight must

tell. The Germans and their friends are, say, 140,000,000 in population.

The allies who are in the war against them have 600,000,000 of

population and another 400,000,000 of reserve population if Japan came

in fully, and China, and Brazil. I count Russia on neither side, but she

is still a liability more than an asset to the Germans. In money and

resources the odds against them are even greater. I like to go back to

the simple basis of arithmetic sometimes. Of course weight doesn't tell

against skill. But now the skill is about even. The Germans had their

one and only chance at the beginning, the very beginning, of the war;

because they were ready and no one else was. They had to win by

Christmas, 1914, or not to win at all."

He went on to sketch vividly the story of the war up to that date, the

very nadir of our depression. He argued that the enemy had obviously

committed some tremendous blunders. The Prussian military leaders had

been very clever in securing spectacular victories (generally after a

preliminary corruption of some weak section of their opponents) and thus

the military position was not easy to see in its true proportion. But

even a surface consideration must show that whilst Germany was always

announcing victories, she was never really within sight of victory.

"In the first instance the Prussian Empire had made no sound reckoning

of the forces she had to meet. That was the first elementary duty of the

strategist. The man who goes out to fight ten thousand and finds he has

to fight twenty thousand has blundered irreparably. In 1914 Prussia

calculated that Great Britain would not participate in the war, and

would consent not only to the destruction of France but to the betrayal

of her obligations towards Belgium. The bewildered dismay with which

Germany learned that Great Britain would not look upon the treaty with

Belgium as a 'scrap of paper,' the wild hatred toward England which

found one expression in the 'Hymn of Hate,' were the screams of a

savage creature caught in a trap.

"She had then one slender chance, a rush attack on Paris. But the Battle

of the Marne killed that chance. Then the only hope of saving Germany

was to make peace. But she had made the ghastly blunder of the Belgian

atrocities.

"When a man goes out to fight ten thousand and finds himself confronted

by twenty thousand it is common prudence to strive to make the stakes as

low as possible, the penalty of failure as small as possible. There was

a chance that, if that policy had been followed, the war would have come

to an end soon after the Battle of the Marne, an end not favourable to

Prussian ideas of European domination, giving those ideas a severe

check, but still not wrecking them irrevocably nor exacting a very heavy

penalty. But the Prussian spirit added blunder to blunder. Having

launched a hopeless war it set itself to give that war an 'unlimited'

character. Instead of going through Belgium as a reluctant trespasser,

the Prussian army trampled through as a ravaging devastator in full

blast of frightfulness. By the time Prussia had fought and lost the

Battle of the Marne she had steeled her enemies to an inflexible

resolution against a compromise peace."

Prussia, he argued, thus early by two blunders of the first magnitude

(1) entered into a campaign against an alliance which ultimately could

command vastly superior forces, and (2) embittered the conditions of the

campaign so that her withdrawal from it was made exceedingly difficult.

Several blunders of a lesser order marked the first stages of the

campaign. Belgium having been attacked and Liége taken, the Prussian

army showed a strange hesitancy and lack of enterprise when faced by the

little Belgian army on the line Haelen-Tirlemont-Namur. Precious days

were lost in pottering. Whether it was expected that the Belgian nation

would give way after one defeat, or it was thought that French and

British armies had been pushed up into Belgium, the German millions were

held up an unduly long time by the Belgian thousands.

At Mons the German Army neither crushed the French-British force nor

pushed it back so quickly that the main deployment was harassed. Whether

this failure of the German Army was due to its bad handling or to the

excellent virtues of the French-British force, did not matter. But the

Battle of Mons frustrated the only hope that was left to Germany at that

time--a successful rush on Paris opening the way to a quick peace. It

proved that there was no military genius at the head of the German

invaders. Then the Army which had been delayed in Belgium was defeated

on the Marne and had to fall back on the Aisne. The explanation for

this given in some German quarters was that the Army had outstripped its

big guns and ammunition supplies. That was as good as any other. No

explanation would clear the Prussian Military Command from the stigma

that it failed when there was that one remaining desperate chance of

success.

And having failed on the Marne and retreated to the Aisne the German

strategic plan lost all coherency. True, the war was lost so far as any

hope of winning European dominancy was concerned. But there was still as

a possible objective a peace which would secure Prussia something in

return for the territory which she had overrun. Such a peace had been

made difficult by the cold rage inspired by Prussian frightfulness. But

it was the only possible aim left and, from a military point of view, it

could only be pursued in one way, by a definite hammering at some vital

point to secure a decisive result, with a defensive stand in other

quarters. A defensive campaign in the East with a determined offensive

in the West, or a defensive on the West with a resolute offensive on the

East.

The Prussian vacillated between the two; his effort was always

shuttlecocking East to West, West to East, getting a decisive result

nowhere. Like a baited bull in the arena Prussia was constantly making

sensational rushes here and there, gratified often by the sight of

fleeing foes, but never breaking out of the arena of doom, and always

losing blood.

"The first three months of the war," he concluded dogmatically, "were

decisive. They do not redound to the military glory of Prussia. During

those three months the disciplined and trained devotion of the German

troops worked wonders in the battle line. But indecision at Headquarters

prevented the proper concentration of their efforts. Prussia had failed

to conquer Europe unprepared. She was afterwards face to face with the

task of conquering Europe prepared; and her indecision increased. She

was always looking for success in a new quarter and never finding it.

Recklessness and vacillation and impatience are not sound military

qualities, but they mark the whole military history of Germany since

November, 1914. Recklessness of ultimate consequences was shown in such

matters as the bringing of poison gas into use. Vacillation was shown by

the effort which was organised to take the French Channel ports at all

costs, and, failing, was diverted to the Eastern Front, and back again

to this Front, and then again to the Balkan Front, and back to this

Front and then to the Italian Front and finally back to this Front.

Impatience was shown in the general failure to push any effort to its

logical conclusion, and in details, such as the haste with which poison

gas was put into use on a small and ineffectual scale instead of being

kept in reserve for a great and possibly decisive effort."

"Take it year by year," this officer concluded, "it has been always the

same. Germany has added always to the area of destruction. She has never

got nearer to victory. It will be the same with this Push. If that motor

lorry has to carry away the maps from Montreuil it may be another ten

years before we beat the Germans, but we will beat them."

"But if France gives in?"

"France won't give in. Look at her now, ready to smash up all Pas de

Calais--to blow up every harbour and canal and road. That does not look

like giving in. Even if she were forced to it we could go back to our

island and carry on the fight from there."

Then we talked of lighter things.

Going out from dinner my friend reverted to the war position.

"Anyhow that lorry is not going to take the maps. I bet you a cigar to

nothing."

He was right. Going up to the map room on the Intelligence side we heard

that our troops were holding in front of Amiens. We had actually passed

the lowest point of our fortunes, and within a week the motor lorry had

gone.

I asked one of the drivers detailed to it, who either did not know or

wisely professed not to know what he had been kept in waiting for, what

he thought about it all. He replied with that sound philosophy of the

British soldier:

"It was a splendid 'mike,' Sir."

"Mike," it need hardly be explained, is a trade term in the Army for a

soft job.

G. H. Q. (Montreuil-Sur-Mer) by "G.S.O." · 第 18 / 20 章