NAVAL CONFLICT BETWEEN THE ENGLISH AND THE DUTCH.
Remarks, by persons of mature age, are not uncommon, in our time, upon
the precocity of the rising generation. It is alleged that we have no
boys and girls nowadays, that they are too forward, know too much for
their years, and are men and women before their time. Edward Montague,
afterwards Earl of Sandwich, furnishes a notable illustration of
precocity, in his generation.
Edward was the only surviving son of Sir Sidney Montague, and was a
grandson of Lord Montague of Boughton, a staunch Royalist. Sir Sidney
also adhered firmly to Charles I., and submitted to expulsion from the
House of Commons, of which he was a member, rather than subscribe to
an oath of allegiance to the Earl of Essex “to live and die with him,”
in his conspiracy against the king.
Edward Montague was born 27th July 1625, the year of Charles I.’s
accession to the throne, and of his marriage with Henrietta Maria,
daughter of Henry IV., King of France. Some years before he reached
his majority, young Montague entered the whirl of domestic and State
affairs. When only seventeen years of age he married Jemima, daughter
of Lord Crewe of Stene. In the following year, 1643, he received a
commission from the Earl of Essex,--whom his father had refused to
support,--to raise a regiment of horse, to serve against the king, to
whom his father adhered. Such was the influence at the command of the
young chief, and the ardour with which he entered upon the execution of
his commission, that in six weeks he was ready to take the field at the
head of his regiment, and he entered immediately upon active service.
He assisted at the storming of Lincoln in May 1644, and also exhibited
great bravery, at the battle of Marston Moor, in the July following.
In 1645 he had a great deal of stirring service, fighting at Naseby
in July, and taking part in the storming of Bridgewater. In September
he commanded a brigade in the attack on Bristol, and subscribed the
articles of the capitulation of that city by Prince Rupert. With
Colonel Hammond he was deputed to carry the intelligence of this
important success, to the Parliament in London.
While yet under age, so prominent a character was he in connection
with public affairs, as to be elected, or more properly appointed, by
those who had the power, a member of Parliament for Huntingdonshire.
It is stated concerning his conduct as member of Parliament, that the
plottings and contests of parties were distasteful to him, and that
he shunned these,--as he did also intrigues and cabals in the army.
His opinions were sought after and valued, and notwithstanding his
youth, he exercised considerable influence in the direction of affairs.
Cromwell affected to despise nobility and family lineage, but he had
a keen eye for the men fitted to promote his objects, could fully
appreciate their value, and was skilful and effective in his methods
of attaching them to his person and cause. Montague had rendered
distinguished service, but he was a supporter of a very different stamp
from the ordinary Roundheads,--and his allegiance was held by a more
uncertain tenure. His social and family relations probably drew him
in a different direction. Cromwell was solicitous to have Montague
fully committed to his cause; he extolled his valour, discretion, and
independence, and snared him into a seat, at his Treasury board.
Montague rendered effective service at the Treasury, but was not in
his element in the civil service, from which he obtained release
in 1656, when, at the request of Admiral Blake, he was appointed,
in conjunction with that distinguished commander, to the command of
the fleet in the Mediterranean. Montague found great discontent with
the service, prevailing among the officers of the fleet. Exercising
patience and discretion with the disaffected, he succeeded in allaying
their discontent, and the fleet sailed under the direction of its
distinguished commanders, who cherished magnificent projects,--to be
accomplished ere they returned to England. One of these was to fall
upon the Spanish fleet in Cadiz harbour, which, however, on careful
survey, they concluded it would be foolhardy to attempt. Another
project designed was the reduction of Gibraltar. Montague doubted
the success of an attack by sea, and decidedly favoured attack by a
land force,--approaching by the isthmus. However, the attack was not
then made, and, after cruising about for a time, the fleet made for
the opposite coast of Barbary, the intention of the commanders being
the chastisement of the Tripoli and Salee rovers. Notwithstanding the
terror that Blake had inspired by a former visit, the pirates had
become as troublesome, daring, and destructive to traders as they had
been before.
[Illustration: EARL OF SANDWICH--DUKE OF YORK.
BATTLE OF SOUTHWOLD OR SOLE BAY.]
Montague had experience in his early life, as a combatant, in
successful land attacks, and seems to have had a decided preference for
that method, which he again recommended in the conflict with the
pirates, who were doubtless difficult to get at,--and who were not to
be subdued by ordinary means. He was decidedly of opinion that forcible
possession should be taken of a position on shore, as the best means of
operating against the pirates, and protecting our trade in the Levant.
Instructions from home, restricting rather than extending the powers
of the admirals, prevented Montague’s design from being carried into
effect.
The fleet was ordered back to Cadiz, to give the Spaniards an
opportunity of engaging, if they would. While the main body lay off
Cadiz, three ships were despatched to a bay along shore to take in
fresh water, and obtain what provisions they could. On this expedition
the detached squadron fell in with eight galleons, returning from South
America, and promptly pounced upon them. One of the galleons was sunk,
another burned, two were forced ashore, and others taken, on board of
which were found treasure to the value of six hundred thousand pounds.
In writing to Secretary Thurloe, Admiral Montague gives the following
account of the silver taken in the galleons: “There have been some
miscarriages by our ships that took the ships of Spain; I judge the
best way to improve mercies of this kind is to look forward: however,
that is my business at this time. The silver they brought is on board
this ship, and in the vice-admiral: in the admiral we have five
hundred and fifty bars of silver, and boxes of plate, and nine pieces
of silver, not well refined, like sugar loaves. In the vice-admiral
there are a hundred and twenty-four bars of silver, all of which we
judge may produce nearly two hundred thousand pounds. I hope that it
will make much more. In the galleons, also, there is a space between
the main-mast and the bulkhead of the bread-room, not yet rummaged.”
Montague was charged with instructions to bring the treasure to
England, and he requested that some trusty persons might be sent to
Portsmouth to receive the silver. Great pains were taken to impress
the public with a sense of the magnitude of the prize. When the silver
reached London, it was placed in open carts and ammunition waggons, and
conveyed in a triumphal procession through Southwark to the Tower to
be coined. To show their confidence in the people, a guard of only ten
soldiers accompanied the treasure. The intention of these arrangements
was fully realised, and greatly increased Cromwell’s popularity.
Montague also, although he had really had nothing to do with the actual
capture of the treasure, but had only conveyed it home in safety,
became quite a popular hero. Cromwell loaded him with praise, and
Parliament thanked him formally, through the Speaker.
Montague was on the most intimate terms with Cromwell, and held in high
esteem by the Protector, but he does not appear to have been cordially
attached to his public employment, or satisfied with the instructions
under which he was called to act.
In 1657, Montague was appointed to the command of a fleet in the Downs,
the objects of which were--to keep a strict watch upon the Dutch, and
to carry on the war with Spain. In his command of the fleet in the
Downs he found no opportunity for useful action, and he chafed under
the enforced stagnation; when called upon to act, he was not satisfied
as to the justice of following the line the authorities wished him
to take, or that it was compatible with manly honesty and safety to
himself. His letters to Cromwell show the difficulties in which he
felt himself placed, and also that the Protector expected him to
follow his own course, although in doing so he might be unable, after
the event, to justify himself, by official sanctions. A letter from
Richard Cromwell to Montague illustrates the policy of the Protector,
and the danger to which it exposed his admiral. He was commanded in
express terms to insist upon honour to the flag, within the British
seas, from all nations,--the writer stating, at the same time, that he
did not know what were the limits of the British seas, and that the
admiral must execute his orders with caution,--as peace or war might
depend upon his acts. It was extremely difficult to obey such equivocal
instructions, without incurring blame from one side or the other.
Montague displayed great sagacity and prudence in the discharge of his
delicate and difficult duties, but did not escape bitter complaints
from the Dutch, because of the diligence he displayed in searching
their vessels.
In 1658 Denmark and Sweden were at war. The Dutch believed it to be
their interest to help Denmark; Cromwell thought that the defeat of
Sweden would be a calamity to England,--and a powerful fleet was
despatched to the Baltic under the command of Admiral Montague, with
the avowed intention of negotiating an honourable peace between the
belligerents. In the midst of these great events Oliver Cromwell
died at Whitehall on the 3rd September 1658, and his son Richard was
proclaimed ruler in his stead.
Although Montague was nominally in command of the Baltic fleet, three
commissioners had been sent to conduct the negotiations, and control
his actions. Before he had left home, Montague had suffered what
seemed an unprovoked indignity, in being disjoined from his regiment
of horse. He had never at any time, probably, been a very hearty
Cromwellian,--and this treatment operated sharply in alienating him
from the Parliamentary party. Montague had powerful personal influence
in the fleet. The three commissioners--Colonel Algernon Sidney, Sir
Robert Heywood, and Mr. Thomas Boon--regarded him as a disaffected
subordinate, and the relations, between the commissioners and the
admiral commanding, were the reverse of cordial. Montague’s colleagues
were at Copenhagen, when he determined upon decisive action. He called
a council of the flag-officers of the fleet, and, submitting to them
a plain statement of the impossibility of doing anything for the
honour of their country, by remaining where they were;--not having any
authority to fight, and being therefore useless,--he suggested the
necessity of returning home, which want of provisions, indeed, would
soon compel them to do, as they had scarcely enough left to carry them
to England. There was no dissent in the council, and the admiral at
once issued orders to weigh anchor, set all sail, and shape course for
England. Montague’s diplomatic colleagues had the mortification of
witnessing, from the shore, the procession of the homeward-bound fleet.
The rapidity of the movement was fortunate, as these diplomats had in
their possession secret instructions to arrest Montague on board his
own ship, and to place the command of the fleet in other hands. The
worst they could do now was to send a strongly condemnatory despatch
to the Parliament, charging Montague with treachery and desertion.
Without waiting for a summons, he presented himself before Parliament,
to give an account of his conduct. He had the unanimous support of
his flag-officers, and presented such an unanswerable vindication,
that Parliament had to be content with accepting his resignation, and
letting him go. He retired from public life and service for a time, to
his estate in the country.
A time of turbulence and anarchy ensued, which led to the restoration
of Charles II. in the year 1660. In full accord and friendship with
General Monk, Duke of Albemarle, Montague returned to the public
service, and resumed naval command. He went with Monk to the Hague
to bring over the king. After completion of certain ceremonials at
the Hague, Montague conveyed the king to England,--the Duke of York
being Lord High Admiral under the restored royal ruler. Two days after
the king’s landing, he sent to Montague, by Garter king at arms, the
Garter, in acknowledgment of his eminent services. He was also, as soon
as the court was established, created by letters patent, Baron Montague
of St. Neots, Viscount Hitchinbroke in Huntingdon, and Earl of Sandwich
in Kent. He was sworn a member of the Privy Council, appointed Master
of the King’s Wardrobe, Admiral of the Narrow Seas, and Lieutenant
Admiral to the Duke of York.
[Illustration: DUNKIRK.]
As Admiral of the Narrow Seas, the duty devolved upon Lord Sandwich
of conveying or escorting all persons of distinction, passing between
England and foreign countries. He gave much attention to State affairs,
and was a constant attender at meetings of the Privy Council,
especially when questions of foreign policy were under consideration,
and, ere long, was regarded as one of the king’s most capable and
deservedly influential and trusted advisers.
An important question, in the settlement of which he took a
leading part, was the disposal of Dunkirk, which had been taken by
Cromwell from the Spaniards. The Commonwealth being at an end, the
Spaniards claimed the restoration of the place; the question for the
determination of the Privy Council was whether Dunkirk should be sold
or kept. The matter caused lively and protracted discussion, and has
been treated very fully by Clarendon, Burnet, and others. For advising
or sanctioning the sale or surrender of Dunkirk, some historians have
condemned, while others have defended, Lord Sandwich.
The Earl of Sandwich had courtly duties to perform in his capacity of
Admiral of the Narrow Seas. In September 1660, with a squadron of nine
ships of war, he proceeded to Helvoetsluys to bring over the Princess
of Orange, the king’s sister. When the fleet returned, the king and the
Duke of York went on board the _Resolution_, the admiral’s ship, where
they passed the night, and they reviewed the squadron on the following
day.
In 1661 an imposing fleet was equipped, with the several objects of
bringing home the Infanta of Portugal to be married to the king,--of
securing Tangier against the Moors,--and of punishing the Barbary
and Algerine pirates, who, since the death of Admiral Blake, and in
disregard of the terms which that powerful commander had imposed
upon them, had resumed their rapacious, destructive attacks upon the
merchant ships of England, as also upon those of Holland and France.
The fleet consisted of eighteen men-of-war ships, and two fire-ships;
it was placed under the command of the Earl of Sandwich and Sir John
Lawson. The fleet sailed from the Downs on the 19th June, and was
before Algiers on the 29th July. A council of war was held under
the presidency of Lord Sandwich, which determined to require--as an
article in any treaty with the Algerines--an undertaking that, for
the future, English ships were not to be liable to search, upon any
pretext whatever. Captain Spragge and Mr. Brown, the English consul,
were deputed to attempt negotiation of a treaty with the Algerian
Government, who professed willingness to enter into a treaty, but
refused point-blank to give up their right of search, and insolently
followed up their refusal by opening fire upon the fleet. The strength
of the land batteries greatly preponderated over the power of the fleet
for either attack or defence, and Lord Sandwich prudently withdrew from
range of the guns, but did not abandon the purpose of crippling the
pirates. Sir John Lawson was left with a strong squadron to cruise in
the Mediterranean, for the protection of English merchantmen and the
chastisement of the pirates. Sir John swept as many of the pirates
off the seas as he could get at,--and at Algiers, Tripoli, and Tunis,
made such imposing demonstrations as compelled the barbaric powers to
renew their treaties with England. At Algiers, however, he had much
difficulty in arriving at a satisfactory settlement. He obtained the
release there of one hundred and fifty slaves,--English, Irish, and
Scottish sailors, who had been captured by the pirates. These men he
sent home, with several captured ships, but the Algerines stopped
short at surrender of the goods in the ships that had been captured.
Lawson continued hostilities, seized an Algerine corsair of thirty-four
guns, and sold the Turks and Moors by which it was manned to the
French admiral, who was then cruising in the Mediterranean. Lawson was
called home, and the duty of suppressing the pirates taken up by his
successor, Sir Thomas Allen, who replaced him with twelve ships of
war, and, acting with great energy and skill, compelled the Algerines
to accept a satisfactory treaty. The Earl of Sandwich, in accordance
with his instructions, proceeded to Tangier, of which he obtained
possession from the Queen Regent of Portugal,--as part of the dowry of
the Infanta, affianced to the King of England. After manning Tangier
with English soldiers, and settling affairs, Lord Sandwich set sail
for Lisbon, to take on board the royal bride. His reception at Lisbon
was all that he could have desired; house, equipage, and appointments
on a scale befitting his dignity, as an ambassador extraordinary
to the queen. But the “business” entrusted to him presented a most
unsatisfactory aspect. The dowry of the Infanta had been fixed, and his
instructions were explicit; he was to ask for no more, but to take no
less, than the sum that had been agreed upon, and to take payment only
in “hard cash.” Tangier had already been secured, as part of the dowry,
but the part to be paid in specie was not forthcoming. The queen-mother
pleaded poverty, and asked for “time.” She averred that “the straits
and poverty of the kingdom were so great that there could at this time
be paid only one-half of the queen’s portion; that the other half
should infallibly be paid within a year, with which she hoped the king,
her brother, would be satisfied; and that, for the better doing it,
she resolved to send back the ambassador, who had brought so good a
work, with God’s blessing, to so good an end, with her daughter to the
king.” The situation was further awkward, in this, that it was proposed
to make the half payment in kind, not in cash--in jewels, sugar, and
other commodities. The earl had no difficulty about taking off the
young lady, but the “goods” were a serious embarrassment; his royal
master he knew right well wanted cash badly, but he did not suppose
him to be solicitous about “goods consignments.” The earl proved equal
to the occasion. He distinctly refused to accept goods of any kind,
at any “quotation” as regards price or value, but he would permit
them to be shipped,--to be received and accounted for by some person
in London, who should be appointed to transact the business. This
difficulty was got over, and the goods were satisfactorily converted
into cash, through the instrumentality of Diego Silvas, a wealthy Jew
of Amsterdam, who accompanied the goods to London. Lord Sandwich gave a
receipt for any denomination of money paid on account of the Infanta’s
dowry, and took from the queen-mother a special promise to pay the
balance, within the year following date of agreement. The Infanta and
her retinue were safely landed at Portsmouth in May 1662.
In the great naval conflict between the English and the Dutch in
1664–65, the Earl of Sandwich highly distinguished himself. The English
fleet was made up of 114 men-of-war and frigates, 28 fire-ships and
ketches, and about 21,000 sailors and soldiers. It was divided into
three squadrons; the first, under the red flag, was commanded by the
Duke of York, and with him Admirals Penn and Lawson; the white squadron
was commanded by Prince Rupert, and the blue squadron by the Earl of
Sandwich. The fleet arrived at the Texel on the 28th April 1664, and
cruised off the Dutch coast for about a month. Towards the end of May
the Dutch fleet was descried near the Dogger Bank. Accounts vary as
to the strength of the Dutch fleet. One careful historian puts it at
121 men-of-war, besides fire-ships, yachts, etc. Other writers give
lower estimates of the strength of the fleet. It carried 4869 guns, and
upwards of 22,000 men. It was divided into seven squadrons, commanded
by valiant and skilful admirals, some of them of the highest renown.
They were, Admirals Baron Opdam, Evertsen, Cortenaer, Stillingwerth,
Van Tromp, son of the famous old fighting admiral, Cornelius Evertsen,
and Schram.
It was said that neither the king nor the Duke of York approved the
policy of this war, and it was believed that influences were at work
to diminish the zeal and enthusiasm of the Dutch. De Witt, who was the
ruling spirit in the States, sent a letter to Opdam of a peremptory
character, ordering him to attack at once. Opdam and his officers were
agreed that the time was inopportune, and would have delayed, for a
brief space at least, until the wind and other circumstances were more
favourable, but his orders were imperative, and he felt that his honour
demanded prompt action upon them. The Dutch admiral came in sight of
the English fleet not far from Harwich, in the early morning of the 3rd
June. He bore down upon the duke’s ship with the intention of boarding.
At the commencement of the action the English had the advantage in the
weather-gage. The two fleets charged through each other’s lines with
great fury and intrepidity. Critics have given the opinion that
the English, having the wind in their favour, ought to have contented
themselves with meeting the attack of the enemy, without changing
their relative position more than could be avoided. For nine hours the
onslaught was terrible and sanguinary, without either party having
gained any decided advantage. About mid-day a brilliant movement was
executed by the Earl of Sandwich, that greatly improved the prospects
of the English. With his blue squadron compactly arranged, Lord
Sandwich broke through the enemy’s centre, and threw the whole Dutch
fleet into confusion and dire disorder.
[Illustration: CASTLE OF TANGIERS.]
Opdam’s determination from the beginning of the fight, to board the
English admiral, had never slumbered. In the midst of the consternation
caused by the dashing action of the Earl of Sandwich, Opdam, in the
_Eendract_, of eighty-four guns, was engaged in a fierce contest with
the Duke of York in the _Royal Charles_, of eighty guns. The fight
was close and deadly--yard-arm and yard-arm. The Earl of Falmouth,
Lord Muskerry, Mr. Boyle, son of the Earl of Burlington, and a number
of others, the duke’s attendants, were killed by a chain-shot, when
quite near His Grace’s person. In this terrific onslaught, either by
accident or by a grenade from the _Royal Charles_, the gun-room of the
_Eendract_, the Dutch admiral’s ship, was ignited, and the ship blown
up. Five hundred men perished in this terrible catastrophe, including
the noble and valiant Baron Opdam, and a number of volunteers
belonging to some of the best families in Holland.
The greatest confusion prevailed among the Dutch ships; they fell foul
of, and burned each other. The whole Dutch fleet seemed to be ablaze,
and the cries of the wretched men perishing by fire and water were
even more frightful and hideous than the noise of the cannon. The
shelter of night permitted the shattered remnant of the Dutch fleet to
escape. Had the light held out a little longer, the entire remainder
of the armament would have been captured or destroyed. In addition to
Opdam, Admirals Stillingwerth and Cortenaer were killed, upwards of
four thousand of the Dutchmen perished, and two thousand were taken
prisoners. Eighteen of the largest Dutch ships were taken, and fourteen
more were sunk or burned. The English had one ship taken, had two
hundred and fifty men killed, and three hundred and forty wounded. The
fight lasted without intermission from three o’clock in the morning,
till seven o’clock in the evening.
The Duke of York was severely blamed by some critics for his failure to
secure the full advantages that might have been gained by this decisive
victory. Clarendon says apologetically, that “the duke had received
so many blows on his own and the other ships, that it was necessary
to retire into port, where they might be repaired.” Bishop Burnet’s
account of the duke’s conduct after the fight puts His Grace in an
unenviable light and position. Burnet, in his circumstantial style of
minute narration, says: “After the flight of the Dutch vessels, the
duke ordered all the sail to be set on to overtake them. There was
a council of war called to concert the method of action, when they
should come up with them. In that council, Penn, who commanded under
the duke, happened to say that they must prepare for hotter work, in
the next engagement. He knew well the courage of the Dutch was never
so high as when they were desperate.” Burnet adds that “the Earl of
Montague, a volunteer, one of the duke’s court, said to me it was
very visible, that made an impression. All the duke’s domestics said
he had got honour enough,--why should he venture a second time? The
duchess had also given a strict charge to the duke’s servants, to do
all they could, to hinder him from engaging too far. When matters were
settled, they went to sleep; and the duke ordered a call to be given
him, when they should get up to the Dutch fleet. It is not known what
passed between the duke and Brounker, who was of his bed-chamber, and
was then in waiting; but he came to Penn, as from the duke, and said
the duke ordered sail to be slackened. Penn was struck with the order,
but did not go to argue the matter with the duke himself, as he ought
to have done, but obeyed the order. When the duke had slept, he, upon
his waking, went out on the quarter-deck, and seemed amazed to see the
sails slackened, and that thereby all hope of overtaking the Dutch
was lost. He questioned Penn upon it; Penn blamed Brounker, who said
nothing. The duke denied having given any such order, but he neither
punished Brounker for carrying it, nor Penn for obeying it. He put
Brounker out of his service, but durst do no more, because he was so
strong in the king’s favour. Penn was more in his favour after that
than even before,--which favour was continued to his son after him,
though a Quaker; and it was thought that all that favour was shown to
oblige him to keep the secret. Lord Montague did believe “that the duke
was struck, and that he had no mind to engage again, and that Penn was
privately with him.” Other accounts of the affair have been given,--but
none of them are a satisfactory vindication of the duke’s valour, or
evidence that he followed up his advantage, as a brave and capable
commander should have done.
The fleet returned home, and was refitted with expedition, and in less
than a month was again ready for sea. Sixty ships sailed from Southwold
Bay on the 5th July 1665, under the command of the Earl of Sandwich.
The fleet sailed northwards, and at Bergen engaged in a series of
tangled manœuvres and operations,--complicated by the part necessarily
taken by the Danish authorities. In the course of his cruise, the
earl, on the 4th September, fell in with four Dutch East Indiamen and
several merchantmen in the North Sea. They were protected by a strong
convoy. Lord Sandwich promptly attacked the Dutch, and, after a severe
conflict, captured eight of the Dutch men-of-war, two of the richest
of the East Indiamen, and several of the merchant ships;--the others
were scattered by the storm, and escaped. On the 9th of September,
four men-of-war, two fire-ships, and thirty merchantmen, losing their
courses in the fog, joined the English fleet by mistake, and were all
taken, with upwards of a thousand prisoners. The Earl of Sandwich
brought home his fleet in triumph. The contribution to the Treasury
from this expedition was most acceptable, and much needed to provide
for further costly naval operations, necessary to maintain England’s
“sovereignty of the seas.”
The valiant Earl of Sandwich, like most other eminent and successful
men, had his enemies and detractors, and foremost among these was
Sir William Coventry, the secretary to the Duke of York; “a sullen,
ill-natured, proud man, whose ambition had no limits, nor could be
contained within any.” He had prevented Prince Rupert from being
associated with Lord Sandwich in the command of the fleet, not to
favour the earl, but to mortify the prince. Clarendon pronounced him
a man “who never paid a civility to any worthy man, but as it was a
disobligation to another, whom he cared less for.” Without provocation
he proceeded to pluck the earl of the honours he had taken part in
conferring upon him. Coventry did his utmost to have the earl dismissed
from the service.
In 1666 the Earl of Sandwich was appointed to an office of great trust
and dignity--Ambassador Extraordinary, to mediate and negotiate a peace
between England and Spain and Portugal. He accomplished his delicate
mission with signal success, and in the course of a year brought
the complicated negotiations to an amicable conclusion. He arrived
at Madrid on the 26th May 1666, and a treaty of forty articles was
signed, on the 13th May 1667. Having been successful with Spain, he
next proceeded to Lisbon, and successfully arranged the conditions of a
treaty with Portugal, which was signed on the 13th February 1668.
The Earl of Sandwich achieved a high reputation by the manner
in which he conducted these important affairs of State. His
despatches were pronounced models of sound judgment, dignity, and
patriotism,--remarkable alike for accuracy of expression and honesty
of purpose. In Spain and Portugal he produced a highly favourable
impression, tending powerfully towards the cultivation of friendly
relations with England. The king and the Duke of York sent Lord
Sandwich autograph letters complimenting him highly upon the skill
and success with which he had fulfilled his mission. On his return to
England he was received with marked favour, and admitted to greater
confidence at court than he had ever, up to that time, enjoyed.
The earl was, on the 3rd August 1670, sworn in President of a
newly-appointed Council in Trade and Plantations, to whom the
government of the Colonies was entrusted. As Vice-Admiral, Privy
Councillor, and President of the Council of Trade, he had many
opportunities of rendering important public services. He availed
himself of these with great zeal, and exercised his authority in the
most impartial spirit. He set his face against all factions, and in
doing so, made for himself some bitter enemies. The Cabal did all they
could to thwart and undermine him. He introduced a new system into the
navy, founding promotion upon meritorious services. He was idolised by
the fleet, but hated by the hunters after rank, who had no better claim
to promotion than connection or private interest.
In 1672 war with the Dutch again broke out. The interval that had
elapsed, since the close of the former hostilities, had been diligently
employed by the Dutch in refitting their navy, and they turned out
a powerful fleet of ships, improved in construction, well equipped,
and commanded by the distinguished Admiral De Ruyter. The naval force
of France acted in conjunction with that of England. The Duke of
York, although his conduct in the former actions had been at least
questionable, again assumed the chief command of the English fleet, in
the red squadron which took the centre. The Earl of Sandwich commanded
the blue squadron, and Count D’Estrées, the French vice-admiral, the
white squadron. A trustworthy writer has given the strength of the
united English and French fleets as sixty-five line of battle ships,
exclusive of frigates and all necessary attendant vessels, making up
the total force, including the French contingent, to something above
one hundred sail. The Dutch fleet consisted of seventy-five large
ships, and forty frigates and fire-ships, commanded by De Ruyter as
chief, by Bancquert in the van, and Van Ghent in the rear. These
divisions corresponded with those of the combined fleet.
[Illustration: ACTION BETWEEN THE EARL OF SANDWICH AND ADMIRAL DE
RUYTER.]
After cruising about from the first week in May till the 28th, the
Dutch fleet was descried at break of day, approaching with great speed.
The utmost haste was needed in the English fleet to prepare for battle;
and many of the ships had to cut their cables to get away and form in
order. The blue squadron, commanded by the Earl of Sandwich, in his
flag-ship the _Royal James_, of one hundred guns, commenced the action
by a hot attack on the squadron of Van Ghent. The earl’s object in his
attack was partly to give the vessels of the combined fleet time to
form. In this he was completely successful. Captain Brackel, in the
_Great Holland_, made a furious attack upon the _Royal James_, but got
much the worst of the fight, and was, with several others of the Dutch
men-of-war, disabled by their powerful antagonist, which also sank
three of the Dutch fire-ships. The white squadron, under D’Estrées, the
French vice-admiral, withstood for a time the fierce onslaught of the
Dutch, but soon sheered off,--keeping aloof from the engagement during
the remainder of the day.
The Duke of York and De Ruyter were warmly engaged against each other
for several hours. The main-mast of the _St. Michael_, the duke’s
ship, was shot down, and it sustained such serious damage as to compel
him to change into the _Loyal London_. The most desperate part of the
battle was that in which the Earl of Sandwich was engaged. Soon after
he was attacked by the _Great Holland_, which had grappled with him
for an hour and a half, when the whole of Van Ghent’s squadron bore
down upon him. He was completely surrounded by Dutch men-of-war and
fire-ships. In the midst of this tremendous struggle Van Ghent fell.
The _Great Holland_ was shattered, and became a wreck; Brackel, the
commander, was wounded, and almost all the other officers were killed
or wounded. In this unequal contest, which had lasted for more than
five hours, the Earl of Sandwich defended his ship with the most heroic
and dauntless bravery, and--although he had not received from the rest
of the squadron the support he had a right to claim and expect--he
succeeded in so far repulsing the enemy as to break through their wall
of fire, and continue his daring conflict with them from the outer
side. He carried on, against fearful odds, the struggle for victory.
In his desperate strait, the vice-admiral, Sir Joseph Jordan, might
have assisted him, had the duke demanded his assistance, but he sailed
past, heedless of the condition of the wrecked flag-ship, and the
claims upon a brave comrade, its gallant commander. When the earl saw
Jordan pass unheeding, he exclaimed, “There is nothing left for us now
but to defend the ship, to the last man.” The situation was appalling.
Of one thousand men on board the _Royal James_ at the commencement
of the action, six hundred lay dead upon the deck. The devastation
continued,--men dropped rapidly,--and the ship was so shattered that it
was impossible to carry her off. A fourth fire-ship grappled the doomed
_Royal James_, and accomplished its mission of destruction. The gallant
ship was speedily in flames. The earl entreated his captain, Sir
Richard Haddock, his servants, and all who could, to get into the boats
and save themselves, which at last they did. Haddock was afterwards
taken out of the sea alive, but severely wounded in the thigh. The
attempts to extinguish the fire by the few sailors who remained on
board were utterly vain, and about noon the _Royal James_ blew up, and
all who had remained in the ship perished, including the brave Earl of
Sandwich and one of his sons. The body of the earl was not recovered
till a fortnight after the terrible event. The following announcement
appeared in the _Gazette_ of 10th June 1672:--
“HARWICH, _10th June_.
“This day the body of the Right Honourable Edward, Earl of
Sandwich, being, by the order upon his coat, discovered floating
on the sea by one of His Majesty’s ketches, was taken up and
brought into this port, where Sir Charles Littleton, the governor,
receiving it, took immediate care for its embalming and honourable
disposing, till His Majesty’s pleasure should be known concerning
it; for the obtaining of which His Majesty was attended at
Whitehall the next day by the master of the said vessel, who, by
Sir Charles Littleton’s order, was sent to present His Majesty with
the George found upon the body of the said Earl, which remained,
at the time of its taking up, in every part unblemished, saving by
some impression made by the fire upon his face and breast; upon
which His Majesty, out of his great regard to the deservings of the
said Earl, and his unexampled performances in this last act of his
life, hath resolved to have his body brought up to London; there
at his charge, to receive the rites of funeral due to his great
quality and merits.”
Reverting to the terrible contest, it is stated that the battle raged
with incessant fury from a little after seven in the morning until nine
o’clock in the evening. Tremendous losses were sustained by both the
English and the Dutch, on whose side their admirals, Evertsen and Van
Ghent, with many of their chief officers, were killed, and De Ruyter
was wounded. The English also lost many officers, besides the brave
Earl of Sandwich,--and vast numbers of men fell in both fleets. Victory
was claimed by both sides, but it seems to have been gained by neither.
They fought as long as a remnant of fighting life and strength were
left in either of them. At the end of the dreadful day’s work the Dutch
sailed away, which does not look like victory. The English did not
pursue them, which looks also as if they had had enough of it.
The body of the deceased earl was conveyed from Harwich to Deptford
in one of the king’s yachts. The _Gazette_ of 4th July informs us
that the body was at Deptford on the 3rd July 1672, “laid in the
most solemn manner in a sumptuous barge, and conveyed to Westminster
Bridge,[3] attended by the King’s barge, His Royal Highness the Duke of
York’s, as also with the several barges of the nobility, Lord Mayor,
and the several companies of the city of London, adorned suitably to
the melancholy occasion, with trumpets and other music that sounded
the deepest notes. On passing by the Tower, the great guns there
were discharged, as well as at Whitehall; and about five o’clock in
the evening, the body being taken out of the barge at Westminster
Bridge, there was a procession to the Abbey church, with the greatest
magnificence. Eight earls were assistant to his son Edward, Earl of
Sandwich, chief mourner; and most of the nobility, and other persons
of quality in town, gave their assistance to his interment.” In this
order they proceeded through a double line of the King’s Guards drawn
up on each side of the street, to the west end of the Abbey, where the
dean, prebends, and choir received them, and conducted them into Henry
Seventh’s Chapel, where the remains of the Earl of Sandwich were most
solemnly committed to, the Duke of Albemarle’s vault,--which done, the
officers broke their white staffs, and Garter proclaimed the titles of
the most noble earl deceased. The great earl perished in the prime of
life, having only reached his forty-seventh year.
[3] A causeway so called at that time.
The high character and noble qualities of the Earl of Sandwich are so
clearly revealed in his life, as to render comment upon his character,
or enumeration of his qualities, superfluous. He took no share in
intrigues, either under the Commonwealth or the Monarchy, both of which
he served. His life was a continuous series of public services. He
was brave, wise, just, and generous,--the advocate of no party. His
highest ambition was to be instrumental in promoting the prosperity of
his country, and maintaining its honour among the nations.
PRINCE RUPERT,
NAVAL AND MILITARY COMMANDER.