CHAPTER XXI

IN THE SHENANDOAH VALLEY

When Grant sent Sheridan to take charge of things in the Shenandoah

Valley, and close that gateway to the north, he gave him one corps of

infantry (Sixth) and two divisions of cavalry (First and Third) from the

army of the Potomac. The Michigan cavalry brigade, still commanded by

General George A. Custer, was a part of that force. It embarked on

transports at City Point, Virginia, August 3, 1864, and proceeded to

Washington, D.C., thence by the way of Poolesville, Maryland, to

Halltown, Virginia, in front of Harper's Ferry, arriving there August

10, in time to join in the advance of the new army of the Middle

Military Division,[33] under its new commander.

Gregg with the Second division was left behind, under the immediate

direction of General Meade, and thus, much to their regret, the Michigan

men parted finally with that fine officer and his superb command, with

whom they had been associated so intimately and honorably at Gettysburg,

Haw's Shop, and in many other places. When they rejoined the army of

the Potomac, in the spring of 1865, he had retired from the service.

They never saw him again but, from the eventful days of 1863 and 1864 to

the present time, they have never ceased to respect him as a soldier and

a man; and he always had their entire confidence as a commander of

cavalry.

Sheridan wanted Early to cross into Maryland or to fight him in and

around Winchester, but was in the dark as to his adversary's intentions

or movements, so at daylight, August 11, he started a reconnoissance in

force. Custer led the way across the Opequon creek, toward Winchester,

and soon ran into Early's infantry. A sharp fight followed which showed

that Early was retreating up the valley. Ransom's regular battery,

attached to the brigade, was charged by confederate infantry, which was

met and repulsed by a countercharge of one battalion of the Sixth

Michigan cavalry led by Captain James Mathers, who was killed. Sheridan

had left the gateway via the fords of the Potomac river open, but Early

was too foxy to take the lure. He was getting away as fast as he could

to a place of safety.

The pursuit was instantly taken up and the next day (12th) found us up

against infantry again at Fisher's Hill, between Cedar Creek and

Strasburg, a position impregnable against direct assault. For three days

we remained face to face with Early's infantry, constantly so close as

to draw their fire and keep them in their intrenchments.

On the 16th we marched to Front Royal. Sheridan had information that a

force of infantry and cavalry had been despatched from Richmond to

reinforce Early and, incidentally, to strike Sheridan in flank or rear,

if he could be caught napping. The force consisted of Kershaw's division

of infantry and Fitzhugh Lee's division of cavalry, all commanded by

General R. H. Anderson. The route by which they were supposed to be

approaching was through Chester Gap and Front Royal. If they could have

reached the Shenandoah river and effected a crossing undiscovered, a

short march would have brought them to Newtown, directly in rear of our

army.

Custer crossed and marched through Front Royal but no enemy was found.

He then recrossed and took position on commanding ground half a mile or

so back from the river, and ordered the horses to be unsaddled and fed

and the men to cook their dinner. Headquarters wagons were brought up,

mess chests taken out, and we were just gathering around them to partake

of a hastily prepared meal, when Fitzhugh Lee's cavalry, which had

stealthily approached the ford, charged across and made a dash at our

pickets. Major H.H. Vinton, of the Sixth Michigan was in command of the

picket line and promptly rallying on his reserves, he courageously met

Lee's attack and checked it. That dinner was never eaten. Custer's

bugler sounded "to horse." As if by magic, the men were in the saddle.

Custer dashed out with his staff and ordered the Fifth Michigan

forward, to be followed by the other regiments, I supposed he would

charge in the direction of the ford, where Fitzhugh Lee's cavalry was

still contending with the Sixth Michigan. He did nothing of the kind.

Moving diagonally to the left, he reached the crest overlooking the

river just in time to surprise Kershaw in the act of crossing. The Fifth

Michigan deployed into line in fine style and opened such a hot fire

with their Spencers, that the head of Kershaw's column was completely

crushed. Every confederate who was across was either killed or captured.

Many of those who were in the water were drowned and those on the other

side were kept there. Just then, Devin's brigade came up, and helped to

drive the cavalry across the river. The prisoners, all infantry,

numbered from three to five hundred.

This rencounter at Front Royal was one of the most brilliant affairs of

the war and it illustrated well the marvelous intuition with which

General Custer often grasped the situation, in an instant of time. He

did not anticipate Kershaw's movement or he would not have given the

order to unsaddle. It was a surprise but he was alert, and equal to the

emergency. He was as bold to act as his perceptions were keen, and the

incident recalls the intrepidity with which he met Rosser in the

Wilderness under somewhat similar circumstances. Had he charged the

cavalry, Anderson would have effected a crossing, and in a very short

time might have had the Michigan brigade at such disadvantage that it

would have required all of Custer's boldness and skill to extricate it.

Custer divined that the dash of Lee's advance was a mask for the

infantry, and by a movement that would have done credit to Murat or Ney,

caught Kershaw astride the river and trapped him completely. The

behavior of the Fifth Michigan was never more "superb." I do not believe

that a single regiment, on either side, at any time, during the entire

war, performed a more brilliant deed. Major Vinton and his detachment

also earned especial praise by interrupting without aid, the first onset

of Fitzhugh Lee's advance. The First and Seventh Michigan supported the

Fifth in a most gallant manner. General Custer had a lock of hair shot

away from his temple and Lieutenant Granger of his staff was killed.

Lieutenant Lucius Carver of the Seventh also lost his life in the

engagement.

After this fight it was found that Sheridan had begun a retrograde

movement down the valley to take a defensive position in front of

Halltown. The brigade brought up the rear, the Sixth Michigan acting as

rear guard.

From the 16th to the 25th of August, it was marching and

countermarching, picketing, reconnoitering and skirmishing, continually.

Both armies were maneuvering for position and advantage. Anderson's

reinforcement had joined Early and, with the esprit of the Army of

Northern Virginia, was constantly pushing close up to our lines and

harassing us. The Michigan brigade was mostly engaged with infantry and

did not once, I believe, come into contact with the confederate cavalry.

It was a lonesome day, indeed, when their mettle was not put to the

proof in a skirmish with either Kershaw or Breckinridge. But one

incident occurred to break the monotony. A part of the Fifth Michigan

sent out to destroy some buildings supposed to contain supplies, was

surprised by Mosby's command and fifteen men were killed outright. They

were caught in a field where escape was impossible and shot without

mercy. The Sixth was sent out to reinforce the Fifth and we searched far

and near for the dashing partisan but did not succeed in coming up with

him. He departed as swiftly as he came and made his escape to the

mountains.

Sheridan had, in his turn, been reinforced by Wilson's division of

cavalry (Third) and, on the 25th, Torbert[34] was sent out with

Merritt's and Wilson's divisions, to hunt up Fitzhugh Lee, who was

reported to have gone in the direction of the fords leading into

Maryland. At or near Kearneysville, a small force of cavalry was

encountered which was driven rapidly along the road toward Leetown.

Nearing the latter place, the inevitable infantry was found and it

turned out to be Breckinridge's corps, going north along the Smithfield

and Shepherdstown pike. Shepherdstown is on the Potomac river, opposite

Sharpsburg and the Antietam battle ground.

It never will be known what Breckinridge was intending to do, for he

turned on Torbert and did not resume his journey. The collision was a

complete surprise to both parties, but Early's design, whatever it may

have been, was disarranged, the movement was discovered and, though the

cavalry had rather the worst of it, the information gained was worth all

it cost. If Early had been contemplating an invasion of Maryland, he

relinquished the design and did not revive it.

Torbert, finding that he had more than he could handle, fell back toward

Halltown, leaving Custer with his brigade for a rear guard. Custer,

coming to a piece of woods south of Shepherdstown, neither the enemy nor

our own cavalry being in sight, halted and had his men dismount to rest,

they having been in the saddle since early morning. We were all sitting

or lying down with bridle reins in hand, taking our ease with more or

less dignity, when a small body of confederate horse made its appearance

in the direction of Shepherdstown. The brigade mounted and started in

pursuit but had hardly been put in motion when a line of infantry

suddenly appeared in the woods we were vacating and opened fire upon us.

The confederate horsemen were driven away by the First and Seventh and,

when General Custer rallied his brigade to confront the new danger, he

found that Breckinridge had intercepted his retreat in the direction

the rest of the cavalry had gone, and was closing in with a line that

threatened to envelop the brigade. In a few moments, the enemy's right

and left flanks began to swing in towards the river and he found himself

face to face with two alternatives: To cut his way through, or fall back

and take the risky chance of fording the river, with Breckinridge close

at his heels. Of course there was no thought of surrender and Custer was

not much given to showing his heels. Torbert left Custer to shift for

himself. So far as I ever was able to learn, he made no effort to save

his plucky subordinate and the report that the Michigan brigade had been

captured was generally credited, in and around Harper's Ferry.

Custer, with surprising coolness, put his brigade into line, the Sixth

on the right, the First, Fifth and Seventh to the left of the Sixth, the

battery in the center, with backs to the river and faces to the enemy,

and presented so bold a front that the infantry did not charge, but

moved up slowly, maneuvering to get around and obtain possession of the

ford in rear. Custer had the men cheer and dared them to come on. With

characteristic audacity, he actually unlimbered his pieces and gave them

a charge or two right in their teeth; then limbering to the rear he took

successive new positions and repeated the performance.

While holding one of these points, a squadron of the First New York

dragoons, of Devin's brigade, which also in some way had been separated

from its command, was driven in from the right, and, riding up to where

I was, the commanding officer, Captain Brittain, saluted and said:

"Colonel, I am cut off from my own regiment and wish to report to you

for duty."

"Form your men to the right," I said. "It looks as if your aid would be

very acceptable."

"I have no cartridges. We have shot them all away."

"You have sabers."

"Yes, and by ---- they are loaded," he retorted, as he brought his men

front into line on the right.

Captain Brittain survived the war and came to Michigan to live. He often

has sent me kindly reminders of his remembrance of the circumstances as

narrated above. For many years he had a home in Wexford county, and I

last heard of him as prospering on the Pacific coast.

At that moment, the thing had a critical look. We were inside a

horseshoe of infantry, the extremities of which very nearly reached the

river. We had to go through that line, or through the river, or

surrender. Breckinridge's line was in plain sight, not a half mile away,

in the open and moving up in splendid order. So far as I am informed,

Custer was the only man in the command who knew that there was a ford

and that we were making for it. The rest were screwing their courage up

to the task of breaking through. I never have ceased to admire the

nerve exhibited by Captain Brittain, when I told him it looked as if

that was what we would have to do. He was an excellent officer and

belonged to an excellent regiment.

"My sabers are loaded."

The greatest coolness was displayed by General Custer and his entire

command. There was not a hint of weakness or fear in any quarter. The

brigade, at each falling back, ployed from line into column and deployed

into line again, as if on parade, with Breckinridge and his corps for

the spectators. Every movement was at a walk. There was no haste--no

confusion. Every officer was on his mettle and every man a hero.

Presently, Custer finally withdrew his battery, then the regiments one

at a time, and slipped away into Maryland before the enemy realized what

he was doing.

The delicate duty of bringing up the rear was entrusted to Colonel Alger

with his own regiment and the Sixth. I was ordered to report to him. The

battery crossed first, then the First and Seventh, the brigade staff and

general commanding.

The two regiments stood in line, watching the enemy closing in closer

and closer until this was accomplished. Then Colonel Alger told me to

go. He followed leisurely and, as the Fifth and Sixth were marching up

the Maryland bank, a line of confederates came up on the other side, and

so astounded were they to see how we had escaped from their grasp, that

some of them actually cheered, so I have been informed. They had been

deceived by the audacity of Custer and his men in the first place and by

the cleverness with which they eluded capture in the second.

The battle of Shepherdstown was the last in which Colonel Alger was

engaged. While the brigade was lying in camp on the Maryland side

awaiting orders, he was taken sick and was sent to hospital by order of

the brigade surgeon. He was assigned to special duty by order of

President Lincoln and did not rejoin. The esteem in which he was held by

General Custer and the confidence which that officer reposed in him to

the last moment of his service in the brigade is amply evidenced by the

selection of him to lead the attack on Kershaw at Front Royal and to

bring up the rear at Shepherdstown. The coolness and ability of the

officers and the intrepidity of the men in the Michigan cavalry brigade

were never more thoroughly tested than in those two battles. Custer was

the hero of both and Alger was his right arm. At Meadow Bridge, at

Yellow Tavern and in all the battles of that eventful campaign, wherever

they were associated together, wherever the one wanted a man tried,

true, trained and trustworthy, there he would put the other. No

misunderstandings that arose later can alter the significance or break

the force of these cold facts.

In the battle of Shepherdstown Captain Frederick Augustus Buhl, of the

First Michigan was mortally wounded, dying a few days later. He was a

Detroit boy, and a classmate of mine in Ann Arbor when the war broke

out. I was deeply grieved at his death as I had learned to love him like

a brother. He was conspicuous for his gallantry in all the engagements

in which he participated, especially at Front Royal and Shepherdstown.

For two days the brigade was lost. For a time the report of its capture

was generally credited. That it escaped, no thanks were due to General

Torbert, the chief of cavalry. It is not likely that he knew anything

about what a predicament he had left Custer in. The latter was, as

usual, equal to the emergency.

I must pass now rapidly over a period of nearly a month, devoted, for

the most part, to reconnoitering and retreating, to the eve of the

battle of Winchester.

September 18, about 8 o'clock in the evening, I went to headquarters to

consult Dr. Wooster, brigade surgeon, about the condition of my health.

I was very feeble, unable to eat, my eyes and skin the color of certain

newspapers during the Spanish-American war. The doctor told me I must go

home and insisted on making out a certificate of disability, on which I

might obtain a "leave of absence." General Custer and most of his staff

were present. I recall the circumstances very well, for a conversation

in which the general asked me confidentially certain questions, was

incautiously repeated by some one who was present and returned to vex me

after many years. I returned to my own camp about nine or half past

nine, much cast down over the doctor's diagnosis of my case. I mention

all this to show how secretly the preparations for the eventful next day

had been made. Not a word was dropped during my long interview with the

general and his staff to arouse the suspicion that the army was about to

attack Early. Yet, at midnight, orders were received to be ready to move

at two o'clock in the morning. Before that hour, horses were in line

saddled, the men ready to mount. My cook made a cup of tea and a slice

of toast. I drank half of the tea but could not eat the toast. At three

o'clock I mounted my favorite saddle horse "Billy" and by order of

General Custer, led my regiment in advance of the division, toward

Locke's Ford on the Opequon creek. Nothing was said, but every one knew

that the army was in motion and that great things were in store for us.

[Illustration: BATTLE FIELD OF WINCHESTER VA.]

We neared the ford about daylight. There was a faint hope that the enemy

might be taken by surprise and the ford captured without resistance, as

it was a difficult crossing when bravely defended. In this, however, we

were doomed to disappointment, for an alert foe was found awaiting the

attack. Indeed, they must have known of the federal approach. Halting an

eighth of a mile back and out of sight, Custer directed me to dismount

the regiment and move in column of fours through a ravine at right

angles with the creek. This ravine ran out at the top, where it reached

the edge of a plowed field. This field extended some 100 or 150 yards to

the crest overlooking the ford. Along the crest were fences,

outbuildings, and the farm house. Thence, there was an abrupt descent to

the bed of the Opequon Creek. This side hill slope consisted of cleared

fields divided by fences. The hill where the house and barns were, also

sloped off to the left. The road to the ford skirted the hill to the

left till it reached the bank, then ran parallel with the creek to a

point about on a line with the farm house, where it turned to the left

and, crossing the stream, took a serpentine course up the opposite

slope. This latter was wooded and dotted on both sides of the road with

piles of rails behind which were posted infantry sharpshooters.

The leading files had barely reached the summit, at the edge of the

plowed ground, when the enemy opened fire on the head of the column of

fours, before the regiment had debouched. There was momentary confusion,

as the sharpshooters appeared to have the exact range. The regiment

deployed forward into line under fire, and with General Custer by my

side we charged across the field to the crest. Custer was the only

mounted man in the field. Reaching the houses and fences, the Sixth

proceeded to try to make it as uncomfortable for the confederates as

they had been doing for us. General Custer had gone back to direct the

movements of the other regiments which were still under cover in the

rear.

The charge prostrated me. I succeeded in getting across the field,

cheered on by the gallant Custer, who rode half way, but then fell down

and for a minute or two could not stand on my feet. I suppose my pale

face and weak condition made a very fair presentment of a colonel

demoralized by fright. It was a case of complete physical exhaustion.

While it is probably for the most part moral rather than physical

courage that spurs men into battle, it is equally true that good health

and a sound body are a good background for the display of moral courage.

If any of my friends think that jaundice and an empty stomach are a good

preparation for leading a charge across a plowed field in the face of an

intrenched foe I hope that they never may be called upon to put their

belief to the proof.

Custer then sent orders to engage the enemy as briskly as possible and

directed the Twenty-fifth New York[35] followed by the Seventh Michigan,

to take the ford mounted. The attempt was a failure, however, for the

head of the New York regiment after passing the defile around the left,

when it reached the crossing, instead of taking it, kept on and,

circling to the right, came back to the point from which it started;

thus, in effect, reversing the role of the French army which charged up

a hill and then charged down again. The Seventh Michigan having received

orders to follow the other regiment, obeyed and did not see the mistake

until too late to rectify it, much to the chagrin of that gallant

officer, Lieutenant Colonel Brewer, who commanded it, and who later in

the day, laid down his life.

The First Michigan was then ordered up to make the attempt. That

regiment moved in column down the road to the foot of the hill at the

left and halted. Two squadrons, commanded by Captain George R. Maxwell,

an officer of the most undoubted courage, were detailed as an advance

guard to lead the charge. Some minutes passed and the sharpshooters

began to annoy the mounted men of the First. Major Howrigan, of that

regiment, thinking that the Sixth ought to occupy the attention of the

enemy so completely as to shield his men from annoyance, galloped up to

where I was, and excitedly asked if we could not make it hotter for

them.

"They are shooting my men off their horses," he shouted. As he halted to

deliver this message, a bullet struck the saddlebag in rear of his left

leg. Reaching back he unbuckled the strap, lifted the flap, and pulling

out a cork inserted in the neck of what had been a glass flask,

exclaimed: "Blankety blank their blank souls, they have broken my whisky

bottle." Saying which, he wheeled and galloped back through a shower of

whistling bullets.

General Custer then sent orders by a staff officer for the Sixth to

advance dismounted and support the charge of the First. The Seventh was

also brought up mounted to charge the ford at the same time.

Preparations for this final attack were just about completed when it was

discovered that the confederates were leaving their cover and falling

back. Lowell had effected a crossing at another ford and was threatening

the flank of the force in our front. The Sixth moved forward with a

cheer. All the regiments advanced to the attack simultaneously, and the

crossing of the Opequon was won. A sharp fight followed on the other

side with Early's infantry in which a portion of the First Michigan led

by the gallant Captain Maxwell made a most intrepid charge on infantry

posted in the woods behind a rail fence.

The cavalry soon had the force opposed to it fleeing toward Winchester,

but making a stand from time to time, so that it took from daylight in

the morning until nearly three o'clock in the afternoon to cover the

distance of three or four miles between the crossing of the Opequon and

the outskirts of the town after which the battle has been named, though,

perhaps, it is more correctly styled "The battle of the Opequon."

Breckinridge's infantry and Fitzhugh Lee's cavalry, the same gallant

adversaries who hustled us over into Maryland in such lively fashion

during the previous month, stood in the way and made vigorous efforts to

stop our progress. It was a case of hunted turned hunter and the

Wolverines more than balanced the account charged up against

Breckinridge for the affair at Shepherdstown, August 25. To borrow an

illustration from the Rugby game, the cavalry kept working around the

end for gains until a touchdown and goal were scored at five o'clock in

the afternoon.

The battle was fought along the Martinsburg pike, the enemy being

flanked or driven from one position to another until all the brigades of

Merritt's and Averell's[36] divisions, which had been converging toward

a common point, came together about a mile out of Winchester.

As that place was approached, the signs and sounds of a great battle

became startlingly distinct. The roar of artillery and the rattle of

small arms saluted the ear. Within sight of the fortifications, around

that historic town, a duel was raging between the infantry of the two

armies. The lines of blue and gray were in plain sight off to the left.

Puffs of smoke and an angry roar told where the opposing batteries were

planted. Dense masses of smoke enveloped the lines. From the heights to

the front and right, cannon belched fire and destruction.

The Union cavalrymen were now all mounted. The Michigan brigade was on

the left of the turnpike; to its left, the brigades of Devin and Lowell;

on the right, Averell's division of two brigades--five brigades in

all--each brigade in line of squadron columns, double ranks. This made a

front of more than half a mile, three lines deep, of mounted men. That

is to say, it was more than half a mile from Averell's right to

Merritt's left. At almost the same moment of time, the entire line

emerged from the woods into the sunlight. A more enlivening and imposing

spectacle never was seen. Guidons fluttered and sabers glistened.

Officers vied with their men in gallantry and in zeal. Even the horses

seemed to catch the inspiration of the scene and emulated the martial

ardor of their riders. Then a left half wheel began the grand flanking

movement which broke Early's left flank and won the battle.

When the Michigan brigade came out of the woods, it found a line of

confederate horse behind a stone fence. This was the last stand that

Fitzhugh Lee, who commanded Early's cavalry, attempted to make. Indeed,

it was here, probably, that he received the wound which rendered him

hors de combat. General Wickham succeeded him. In the stone fence there

were places where the stones had fallen or had been thrown down, making

openings through which horses could pass one, or at most two, at a time.

The Union cavalrymen made for these openings, not halting or hesitating

for an instant. The fence was taken and breaking through they put to

flight the confederate cavalrymen who did not stop until they found

refuge behind their infantry lines.

The union line was broken up too. The country for a mile was full of

charging columns--regiments, troops, squads--the pursuit taking them in

every direction where a mounted enemy could be seen. The cavalry

disposed of, the infantry was next taken in hand. Early's lieutenants,

finding their flank turned, changed front and tried hard to stem the

tide of defeat. The brigade became badly scattered. Custer with a

portion of it charged right up to a confederate battery, but failed to

get it, not having force enough at that point. The portion of the

command with which I found myself followed Lee's cavalry for a long

distance when, reaching the top of a slope over which they had gone in

their retreat, we found ourselves face to face with a strong line of

infantry which had changed front to receive us, and gave us a volley

that filled the air with a swarm of bullets. This stopped the onset for

the time, in that part of the field, and the cavalry fell back behind

the crest of the hill to reform and, to tell the truth, to get under

cover, for the infantry fire was exceedingly hot. They were firing at

just the right elevation to catch the horses, and there was danger that

our cavalrymen would find themselves dismounted, through having their

mounts killed.

As my horse swerved to the left, a bullet struck my right thigh and,

peeling the skin off that, cut a deep gash through the saddle to the

opening in the center. The saddle caused it to deflect upwards, or it

would have gone through the other leg. At the moment I supposed it had

gone through the right leg. Meeting General Custer I told him with some

pride that I was wounded and needed a surgeon. Not finding one I

investigated for myself and found that it was one of those narrow

escapes which a pious man might set down to the credit of providence or

a miracle. The wound was not serious and I proceeded to assist in

rallying as many men of the regiment as possible to report to General

Custer who was preparing for what proved to be the final charge of the

battle. This was made upon a brigade of infantry which was still

gallantly trying to make a stand toward Winchester and in front of a

large stone house. The ground descended from Custer's position to that

occupied by this infantry. Custer formed his men in line and, at the

moment when the enemy began a movement to the rear, charged down upon

them with a yell that could be heard above the din of the battle. In a

brief time he was in their midst. They threw down their arms and

surrendered. Several hundred of them had retreated to the inside of the

stone house. The house was surrounded and they were all made prisoners.

This charge, in which the Michigan brigade captured more prisoners than

it had men engaged, was for perhaps an eighth of a mile within range of

the batteries on the heights around Winchester, and until it became

dangerous to their own men, the artillery enfiladed our line.

A fragment of one of those shells struck my horse, "Billy," in the nose,

taking out a chunk the size of my fist and he carried the scar till the

day of his death (in 1888). This last charge finished the battle. Early

retreated through Winchester up the valley and nothing was left but to

pursue. Sheridan broke Early's left flank by the movement of the cavalry

from his own right. It was the first time that proper use of this arm

had been made in a great battle during the war. He was the only general

of that war who knew how to make cavalry and infantry supplement each

other in battle. Had the tactics of the battle been reversed,--that is

to say, if Sheridan had moved against Early's right flank instead of his

left,--nothing could have prevented the capture or destruction of

Early's army, as his retreat would have been cut off. But the way to the

south was left open, and Early escaped once more to Fisher's Hill, where

he was found the next day with the remnant--a very respectable

remnant--of his army.

It may be of interest to some of my medical friends to remark here in

passing, that the battle of Winchester cured my jaundice. After crossing

the Opequon I began to be ravenously hungry, and begged and ate hardtack

until there was some danger that the supply would be exhausted. The men

soon saw the situation and when one saw me approaching he would "present

hardtack" without awaiting the order. So I went into the mounted part of

the engagement with a full stomach and in more ways than one with a

"better stomach for a fight."

I regret that it is impossible to give a complete list of casualties in

the brigade. In the appendix to this volume may be found a roll of honor

of all those who were either killed or died of wounds received in

battle.

[Illustration: MELVIN BREWER]

Of the officers, Lieutenant Colonel Melvin Brewer was mortally wounded.

The bullet which killed him coming from the stone house in which the

confederates had taken refuge. Colonel Brewer went out in the First, of

which regiment he had risen to be a major. With that rank he was

assigned to command the Seventh and only in the previous June had been

promoted to lieutenant colonel. He was an officer modest as he was

brave; cool and reliable on all occasions. Lieutenant Albert T. Jackson,

of the First, killed early in the action, was a young officer of much

promise. Captain William O. North of the Fifth, who lost his life in the

melee near Winchester, was also a most excellent officer. Captain A.S.

Matthews, of the First was wounded. The casualties on the whole were not

so numerous as in some other less historic engagements, most of them

befalling in the attacks on infantry, early and late in the day.

Breckinridge's infantry seems to have fired low when resisting the

mounted cavalry, for the havoc among horses was very great. I find by my

official report made to the adjutant general at the time, that seven

officers in the Sixth alone had their horses shot, and there is no

reason to suppose that this record exceeded that of the other regiments.

For the next three days, the brigade was in front of infantry at

Fisher's Hill, so close to their lines as to draw their fire and keep

them in their intrenchments.

On the 22nd, Torbert was sent to Milford in the Luray Valley, taking

Wilson's and Merritt's divisions. His orders were to break through one

of the passes in the Massanutten mountains and come out in rear of

Early's army when Crook's flanking movement on the other side would have

driven the confederates out of the strong position at Fisher's Hill.

Crook's attack was completely successful and Early was soon "whirling up

the valley" again. Torbert made a fiasco of it. He allowed Wickham, who

succeeded Fitzhugh Lee after the latter was wounded, with, at most, two

small brigades, to hold him at bay and withdrew without making any fight

to speak of. I remember very well how the Michigan brigade lay in a safe

position in rear of the line listening to the firing and was not ordered

in at all. If Custer or Merritt had been in command it would have been

different. When Sheridan found that Torbert had retreated, he gave him a

very peremptory order to retrace his steps and try again. Custer,

followed by Lowell, was sent to the front and in the forenoon of the

24th Wickham's troopers were scattered in flight and the way opened for

Torbert to carry out his instructions. Even then the march was

leisurely, and the two big divisions arrived in Newmarket on the 25th

only to find that it was too late. Early had escaped again.

On the 26th at Harrisonburg, Custer assumed command of the Second

division in place of Averell and I succeeded to the command of the

brigade.

On the same day, the brigade was ordered to Port Republic and seeing a

wagon train on the other side, the Sixth and Seventh were sent across

the south fork of the Shenandoah river to attack it. It turned out to

be Kershaw's division, which had been shuttle-cocked back and forth

between Lee's army and the valley all summer and which, once more on the

wing to reinforce Early, was just coming from Swift Run Gap. The two

regiments were driven back, but retired in good order and recrossed the

river. Sheridan then withdrew to Cross Keys, hoping to lure Early to

that point, but was unsuccessful. The next day Port Republic was

reoccupied and the brigade established a picket line extended thence to

Conrad's Ferry, a distance of twenty miles.

While occupying this position, the discovery was made that there were

several good grist-mills along the river that were also well stored with

grist. There were plenty of men in the brigade who were practical

millers, and putting them in charge, I had all the mills running very

early in the morning, grinding flour and meal which the commissaries

were proceeding to issue to the several regiments, according to their

needs, and we all flattered ourselves that we were doing a fine stroke

of business. This complacent state of mind was rudely disturbed when,

about seven o'clock (the mills had been running some two hours, or more)

General Merritt accompanied by his staff, dashed up and, in an angry

mood which he did not attempt to conceal, began to reprimand me because

the mills had not been set on fire.

The fiat had gone forth from General Grant himself, that everything in

the valley that might contribute to the support of the army must be

destroyed before the country was abandoned. Sheridan had already decided

on another retrograde movement down the valley and it was his purpose to

leave a trail of fire behind, obeying to the letter the injunction of

the general in chief to starve out any crow that would hereafter have

the temerity to fly over the Shenandoah valley. The order had gone out

the day before and the work was to begin that morning. Custer was to

take the west and Merritt the east side and burn all barns, mills,

haystacks, etc., within a certain area. Merritt was provoked. He pointed

to the west and one could have made a chart of Custer's trail by the

columns of black smoke which marked it. The general was manifestly

fretting lest Custer should appear to outdo him in zeal in obeying

orders, and blamed me as his responsible subordinate, for the delay. I

told him, with an appearance of humility that I am sure was unfeigned,

that those mills would never grind again, after what had passed.

The wheels were not stopped but the torch was applied and the crackling

of flames intermingled with the rumbling of the stones made a mournful

requiem as the old mills went up in smoke and General Merritt's loyalty

was vindicated.

It was a disagreeable business and--we can be frank now--I did not

relish it. One incident made a lasting impression on the mind of every

man who was there. The mill in the little hamlet of Port Republic

contained the means of livelihood--the food of the women and children

whom the exigencies of war had bereft of their natural providers and,

when they found that it was the intention to destroy that on which their

very existence seemed to depend, their appeals to be permitted to have

some of the flour before the mill was burned, were heartrending. Worse

than all else, in spite of the most urgent precautions, enjoined upon

the officers in charge, the flames extended. The mill stood in the midst

of a group of wooden houses and some of them took fire. Seeing the

danger, I rode across and ordered every man to fall in and assist in

preventing the further spread of the flames, an effort which was,

happily, successful. What I saw there is burned into my memory. Women

with children in their arms, stood in the street and gazed frantically

upon the threatened ruin of their homes, while the tears rained down

their cheeks. The anguish pictured in their faces would have melted any

heart not seared by the horrors and "necessities" of war. It was too

much for me and at the first moment that duty would permit, I hurried

away from the scene. General Merritt did not see these things, nor did

General Sheridan, much less General Grant.

The army began to fall back on the 6th of October, the cavalry bringing

up the rear, as usual, Merritt on the valley pike, Custer by the back

road, along the east slope of the Little North mountain. The work of

incineration was continued and clouds of smoke marked the passage of

the federal army. Lomax with one division of cavalry followed Merritt,

while Rosser with two brigades took up the pursuit of Custer on the back

road. The pursuit was rather tame for a couple of days but the sight of

the destruction going on must have exasperated the confederate troopers,

many of whom were on their native heath, and put them in a fighting

mood, for on the 8th they began to grow aggressive and worried the life

out of our rear guard. The Michigan brigade had the rear. The Seventh

was sent ahead to see that nothing escaped that came within the scope of

Grant's order; the Fifth acted as rear guard; the First and Sixth in

position to support the Fifth if needed. The pike formed the main street

of the little town of Woodstock, the houses coming close to it on either

side. On nearing that place, it was found that a fire started in some

small barns and haystacks in the outskirts, had caught in the adjoining

buildings and the town was in flames. Dismounting the two regiments, and

sending the lead horses beyond the village, orders were given to have

the fires put out. The men went to work with a will, but were

interrupted in their laudable purpose by Lomax, who charged the rear

guard into the town, and there was some lively hustling to get to the

horses in time. The brigade was then formed in line in a good position

facing Woodstock and awaited, indeed invited attack by the confederates.

Lomax, however, kept at a respectful distance until the march was

resumed, when he took up the pursuit again. Thus it went, alternately

halting, forming and facing to the rear, and falling back, until Tom's

Brook was reached late in the afternoon. Then General Merritt directed

me to send one regiment to reinforce Custer, who was being hard pressed

by Rosser on the back road, and take the others and drive Lomax back.

The Seventh was sent to Custer and the First, Fifth and Sixth, the Sixth

leading, drove the cavalry that had been annoying our rear at a jump

back to Woodstock, a distance of about six miles. By that time, Lomax

had his entire division up and when we started to fall back again, gave

us a Roland for our Oliver, following sharply, but always declining the

invitation to come on, when we halted and faced him. It was particularly

annoying to the Fifth which brought up the rear and distinguished itself

greatly by the stubborn resistance which it offered to the attacks of

the enemy. Captain Shier's squadron of the First, supported the Fifth

with much spirit.

On the morning of the 9th, Sheridan told Torbert to go out and whip the

cavalry that was following us or get whipped himself. It was a short job

and the battle of Tom's Brook is regarded as one of the humorous

incidents of the war. With slight loss, in a very brief engagement,

Rosser and Lomax were both routed and the pursuit of the latter on the

pike was continued for about twenty miles. The battle known in history

as that of "Tom's Brook," was facetiously christened "The Woodstock

Races," and the confederate cavalry cut little figure in Virginia

afterwards. The Michigan brigade had a prominent part in the battle,

being in the center and forming the connecting link between the First

and Third divisions. In the opening attack the confederate center was

pierced by the mounted charge of the Fifth, Sixth and Seventh Michigan,

assisted by the Twenty-fifth New York. The First being on picket during

the previous night had not returned to the command. I believe I am right

in claiming that the first impression made on the enemy's line of battle

was by these regiments, though the line was rather thin, for the reason

that the heaviest part of Rosser's force had been massed in front of

Custer and on the pike, making the center an especially vulnerable

point. When the flight began, they took to the roads, and the Michigan

men being in the woods did not get very far into the "horse race," as it

was called. The First, coming from the picket line, trailed the leaders

along the pike and managed to get a good deal of sport out of it with

very little danger.

I must now pass over the few intervening days to the crowning glory of

the campaign, The Battle of Cedar Creek.

Personal Recollections of a Cavalryman With Custer's Michigan Cavalry Brigade in the Civil War · 第 21 / 24 章