Romanos rerum dominos, gentemque togatem.” [182]

Rome’s conquering sons, lords of the wide-spread globe,

Stalk proudly in the toga’s graceful robe.

And he gave orders to the ediles not to permit, in future, any Roman to

be present in the forum or circus unless they took off their short coats,

and wore the toga.

(104) XLI. He displayed his munificence to all ranks of the people on

various occasions. Moreover, upon his bringing the treasure belonging to

the kings of Egypt into the city, in his Alexandrian triumph, he made

money so plentiful, that interest fell, and the price of land rose

considerably. And afterwards, as often as large sums of money came into

his possession by means of confiscations, he would lend it free of

interest, for a fixed term, to such as could give security for the double

of what was borrowed. The estate necessary to qualify a senator, instead

of eight hundred thousand sesterces, the former standard, he ordered, for

the future, to be twelve hundred thousand; and to those who had not so

much, he made good the deficiency. He often made donations to the

people, but generally of different sums; sometimes four hundred,

sometimes three hundred, or two hundred and fifty sesterces upon which

occasions, he extended his bounty even to young boys, who before were not

used to receive anything, until they arrived at eleven years of age. In

a scarcity of corn, he would frequently let them have it at a very low

price, or none at all; and doubled the number of the money tickets.

XLII. But to show that he was a prince who regarded more the good of his

people than their applause, he reprimanded them very severely, upon their

complaining of the scarcity and dearness of wine. “My son-in-law,

Agrippa,” he said, “has sufficiently provided for quenching your thirst,

by the great plenty of water with which he has supplied the town.” Upon

their demanding a gift which he had promised them, he said, “I am a man

of my word.” But upon their importuning him for one which he had not

promised, he issued a proclamation upbraiding them for their scandalous

impudence; at the same time telling them, “I shall now give you nothing,

whatever I may have intended to do.” With the same strict firmness,

when, upon a promise he had made of a donative, he found many slaves had

been emancipated and enrolled amongst the citizens, he declared that no

one should receive anything who was not included in the promise, and he

gave the rest less than he had promised them, in order that the amount he

had set apart might hold out. On one occasion, in a season of great

scarcity, which it was difficult to remedy, he ordered out of the city

the troops of slaves brought for sale, the gladiators (105) belonging to

the masters of defence, and all foreigners, excepting physicians and the

teachers of the liberal sciences. Part of the domestic slaves were

likewise ordered to be dismissed. When, at last, plenty was restored, he

writes thus “I was much inclined to abolish for ever the practice of

allowing the people corn at the public expense, because they trust so

much to it, that they are too lazy to till their lands; but I did not

persevere in my design, as I felt sure that the practice would some time

or other be revived by some one ambitious of popular favour.” However,

he so managed the affair ever afterwards, that as much account was taken

of husbandmen and traders, as of the idle populace. [183]

XLIII. In the number, variety, and magnificence of his public

spectacles, he surpassed all former example. Four-and-twenty times, he

says, he treated the people with games upon his own account, and

three-and-twenty times for such magistrates as were either absent, or not

able to afford the expense. The performances took place sometimes in the

different streets of the city, and upon several stages, by players in all

languages. The same he did not only in the forum and amphitheatre, but

in the circus likewise, and in the septa [184]: and sometimes he

exhibited only the hunting of wild beasts. He entertained the people

with wrestlers in the Campus Martius, where wooden seats were erected for

the purpose; and also with a naval fight, for which he excavated the

ground near the Tiber, where there is now the grove of the Caesars.

During these two entertainments he stationed guards in the city, lest, by

robbers taking advantage of the small number of people left at home, it

might be exposed to depredations. In the circus he exhibited chariot and

foot races, and combats with wild beasts, in which the performers were

often youths of the highest rank. His favourite spectacle was the Trojan

game, acted by a select number of boys, in parties differing in age and

station; thinking (106) that it was a practice both excellent in itself,

and sanctioned by ancient usage, that the spirit of the young nobles

should be displayed in such exercises. Caius Nonius Asprenas, who was

lamed by a fall in this diversion, he presented with a gold collar, and

allowed him and his posterity to bear the surname of Torquati. But soon

afterwards he gave up the exhibition of this game, in consequence of a

severe and bitter speech made in the senate by Asinius Pollio, the

orator, in which he complained bitterly of the misfortune of Aeserninus,

his grandson, who likewise broke his leg in the same diversion.

Sometimes he engaged Roman knights to act upon the stage, or to fight as

gladiators; but only before the practice was prohibited by a decree of

the senate. Thenceforth, the only exhibition he made of that kind, was

that of a young man named Lucius, of a good family, who was not quite two

feet in height, and weighed only seventeen pounds, but had a stentorian

voice. In one of his public spectacles, he brought the hostages of the

Parthians, the first ever sent to Rome from that nation, through the

middle of the amphitheatre, and placed them in the second tier of seats

above him. He used likewise, at times when there were no public

entertainments, if any thing was brought to Rome which was uncommon, and

might gratify curiosity, to expose it to public view, in any place

whatever; as he did a rhinoceros in the Septa, a tiger upon a stage, and

a snake fifty cubits long in the Comitium. It happened in the Circensian

games, which he performed in consequence of a vow, that he was taken ill,

and obliged to attend the Thensae [185], reclining on a litter. Another

time, in the games celebrated for the opening of the theatre of

Marcellus, the joints of his curule chair happening to give way, he fell

on his back. And in the games exhibited by his (107) grandsons, when the

people were in such consternation, by an alarm raised that the theatre

was falling, that all his efforts to re-assure them and keep them quiet,

failed, he moved from his place, and seated himself in that part of the

theatre which was thought to be exposed to most danger.

XLIV. He corrected the confusion and disorder with which the spectators

took their seats at the public games, after an affront which was offered

to a senator at Puteoli, for whom, in a crowded theatre, no one would

make room. He therefore procured a decree of the senate, that in all

public spectacles of any sort, and in any place whatever, the first tier

of benches should be left empty for the accommodation of senators. He

would not even permit the ambassadors of free nations, nor of those which

were allies of Rome, to sit in the orchestra; having found that some

manumitted slaves had been sent under that character. He separated the

soldiery from the rest of the people, and assigned to married plebeians

their particular rows of seats. To the boys he assigned their own

benches, and to their tutors the seats which were nearest it; ordering

that none clothed in black should sit in the centre of the circle [186].

Nor would he allow any women to witness the combats of gladiators, except

from the upper part of the theatre, although they formerly used to take

their places promiscuously with the rest of the spectators. To the

vestal virgins he granted seats in the theatre, reserved for them only,

opposite the praetor’s bench. He excluded, however, the whole female sex

from seeing the wrestlers: so that in the games which he exhibited upon

his accession to the office of high-priest, he deferred producing a pair

of combatants which the people called for, until the next morning; and

intimated by proclamation, “his pleasure that no woman should appear in

the theatre before five o’clock.”

XLV. He generally viewed the Circensian games himself, from the upper

rooms of the houses of his friends or freedmen; sometimes from the place

appointed for the statues of the gods, and sitting in company with his

wife and children. He (108) occasionally absented himself from the

spectacles for several hours, and sometimes for whole days; but not

without first making an apology, and appointing substitutes to preside in

his stead. When present, he never attended to anything else either to

avoid the reflections which he used to say were commonly made upon his

father, Caesar, for perusing letters and memorials, and making rescripts

during the spectacles; or from the real pleasure he took in attending

those exhibitions; of which he made no secret, he often candidly owning

it. This he manifested frequently by presenting honorary crowns and

handsome rewards to the best performers, in the games exhibited by

others; and he never was present at any performance of the Greeks,

without rewarding the most deserving, according to their merit. He took

particular pleasure in witnessing pugilistic contests, especially those

of the Latins, not only between combatants who had been trained

scientifically, whom he used often to match with the Greek champions; but

even between mobs of the lower classes fighting in streets, and tilting

at random, without any knowledge of the art. In short, he honoured with

his patronage all sorts of people who contributed in any way to the

success of the public entertainments. He not only maintained, but

enlarged, the privileges of the wrestlers. He prohibited combats of

gladiators where no quarter was given. He deprived the magistrates of

the power of correcting the stage-players, which by an ancient law was

allowed them at all times, and in all places; restricting their

jurisdiction entirely to the time of performance and misdemeanours in the

theatres. He would, however, admit, of no abatement, and exacted with

the utmost rigour the greatest exertions of the wrestlers and gladiators

in their several encounters. He went so far in restraining the

licentiousness of stage-players, that upon discovering that Stephanio, a

performer of the highest class, had a married woman with her hair

cropped, and dressed in boy’s clothes, to wait upon him at table, he

ordered him to be whipped through all the three theatres, and then

banished him. Hylas, an actor of pantomimes, upon a complaint against

him by the praetor, he commanded to be scourged in the court of his own

house, which, however, was open to the public. And Pylades he not only

banished from the city, but from Italy also, for pointing with his finger

at a spectator by whom he was hissed, and turning the eyes of the

audience upon him.

(109) XLVI. Having thus regulated the city and its concerns, he

augmented the population of Italy by planting in it no less than

twenty-eight colonies [187], and greatly improved it by public works, and

a beneficial application of the revenues. In rights and privileges, he

rendered it in a measure equal to the city itself, by inventing a new kind

of suffrage, which the principal officers and magistrates of the colonies

might take at home, and forward under seal to the city, against the time

of the elections. To increase the number of persons of condition, and of

children among the lower ranks, he granted the petitions of all those who

requested the honour of doing military service on horseback as knights,

provided their demands were seconded by the recommendation of the town in

which they lived; and when he visited the several districts of Italy, he

distributed a thousand sesterces a head to such of the lower class as

presented him with sons or daughters.

XLVII. The more important provinces, which could not with ease or safety

be entrusted to the government of annual magistrates, he reserved for his

own administration: the rest he distributed by lot amongst the

proconsuls: but sometimes he made exchanges, and frequently visited most

of both kinds in person. Some cities in alliance with Rome, but which by

their great licentiousness were hastening to ruin, he deprived of their

independence. Others, which were much in debt, he relieved, and rebuilt

such as had been destroyed by earthquakes. To those that could produce

any instance of their having deserved well of the Roman people, he

presented the freedom of Latium, or even that of the City. There is not,

I believe, a province, except Africa and Sardinia, which he did not

visit. After forcing Sextus Pompeius to take refuge in those provinces,

he was indeed preparing to cross over from Sicily to them, but was

prevented by continual and violent storms, and afterwards there was no

occasion or call for such a voyage.

XLVIII. Kingdoms, of which he had made himself master by the right of

conquest, a few only excepted, he either restored to their former

possessors [188], or conferred upon aliens. Between (110) kings of

alliance with Rome, he encouraged most intimate union; being always ready

to promote or favour any proposal of marriage or friendship amongst them;

and, indeed, treated them all with the same consideration, as if they

were members and parts of the empire. To such of them as were minors or

lunatics he appointed guardians, until they arrived at age, or recovered

their senses; and the sons of many of them he brought up and educated

with his own.

XLIX. With respect to the army, he distributed the legions and auxiliary

troops throughout the several provinces, he stationed a fleet at Misenum,

and another at Ravenna, for the protection of the Upper and Lower Seas

[189]. A certain number of the forces were selected, to occupy the posts

in the city, and partly for his own body-guard; but he dismissed the

Spanish guard, which he retained about him till the fall of Antony; and

also the Germans, whom he had amongst his guards, until the defeat of

Varus. Yet he never permitted a greater force than three cohorts in the

city, and had no (pretorian) camps [190]. The rest he quartered in the

neighbourhood of the nearest towns, in winter and summer camps. All the

troops throughout the empire he reduced to one fixed model with regard to

their pay and their pensions; determining these according to their rank

in the army, the time they had served, and their private means; so that

after their discharge, they might not be tempted by age or necessities to

join the agitators for a revolution. For the purpose of providing a fund

always ready to meet their pay and pensions, he instituted a military

exchequer, and appropriated new taxes to that object. In order to obtain

the earliest intelligence of what was passing in the provinces, he

established posts, consisting at first of young men stationed at moderate

distances along the military roads, and afterwards of regular couriers

with fast vehicles; which appeared to him the most commodious, because

the persons who were the bearers of dispatches, written on the spot,

might then be questioned about the business, as occasion occurred.

L. In sealing letters-patent, rescripts, or epistles, he at first used

the figure of a sphinx, afterwards the head of Alexander (111) the Great,

and at last his own, engraved by the hand of Dioscorides; which practice

was retained by the succeeding emperors. He was extremely precise in

dating his letters, putting down exactly the time of the day or night at

which they were dispatched.

LI. Of his clemency and moderation there are abundant and signal

instances. For, not to enumerate how many and what persons of the

adverse party he pardoned, received into favour, and suffered to rise to

the highest eminence in the state; he thought it sufficient to punish

Junius Novatus and Cassius Patavinus, who were both plebeians, one of

them with a fine, and the other with an easy banishment; although the

former had published, in the name of young Agrippa, a very scurrilous

letter against him, and the other declared openly, at an entertainment

where there was a great deal of company, “that he neither wanted

inclination nor courage to stab him.” In the trial of Aemilius Aelianus,

of Cordova, when, among other charges exhibited against him, it was

particularly insisted upon, that he used to calumniate Caesar, he turned

round to the accuser, and said, with an air and tone of passion, “I wish

you could make that appear; I shall let Aelianus know that I have a

tongue too, and shall speak sharper of him than he ever did of me.” Nor

did he, either then or afterwards, make any farther inquiry into the

affair. And when Tiberius, in a letter, complained of the affront with

great earnestness, he returned him an answer in the following terms: “Do

not, my dear Tiberius, give way to the ardour of youth in this affair;

nor be so indignant that any person should speak ill of me. It is

enough, for us, if we can prevent any one from really doing us mischief.”

LII. Although he knew that it had been customary to decree temples in

honour of the proconsuls, yet he would not permit them to be erected in

any of the provinces, unless in the joint names of himself and Rome.

Within the limits of the city, he positively refused any honour of that

kind. He melted down all the silver statues which had been erected to

him, and converted the whole into tripods, which he consecrated to the

Palatine Apollo. And when the people importuned him to accept the

dictatorship, he bent down on one knee, with his toga thrown over his

shoulders, and his breast exposed to view, begging to be excused.

(112) LIII. He always abhorred the title of Lord [191], as ill-omened

and offensive. And when, in a play, performed at the theatre, at which

he was present, these words were introduced, “O just and gracious lord,”

and the whole company, with joyful acclamations, testified their

approbation of them, as applied to him, he instantly put a stop to their

indecent flattery, by waving his hand, and frowning sternly, and next day

publicly declared his displeasure, in a proclamation. He never

afterwards would suffer himself to be addressed in that manner, even by

his own children or grand-children, either in jest or earnest and forbad

them the use of all such complimentary expressions to one another. He

rarely entered any city or town, or departed from it, except in the

evening or the night, to avoid giving any person the trouble of

complimenting him. During his consulships, he commonly walked the

streets on foot; but at other times, rode in a close carriage. He

admitted to court even plebeians, in common with people of the higher

ranks; receiving the petitions of those who approached him with so much

affability, that he once jocosely rebuked a man, by telling him, “You

present your memorial with as much hesitation as if you were offering

money to an elephant.” On senate days, he used to pay his respects to

the Conscript Fathers only in the house, addressing them each by name as

they sat, without any prompter; and on his departure, he bade each of

them farewell, while they retained their seats. In the same manner, he

maintained with many of them a constant intercourse of mutual civilities,

giving them his company upon occasions of any particular festivity in

their families; until he became advanced in years, and was incommoded by

the crowd at a wedding. Being informed that Gallus Terrinius, a senator,

with whom he had only a slight acquaintance, had suddenly lost his sight,

and under that privation had resolved to starve himself to death, he paid

him a visit, and by his consolatory admonitions diverted him from his

purpose.

LIV. On his speaking in the senate, he has been told by (113) one of the

members, “I did not understand you,” and by another, “I would contradict

you, could I do it with safety.” And sometimes, upon his being so much

offended at the heat with which the debates were conducted in the senate,

as to quit the house in anger, some of the members have repeatedly

exclaimed: “Surely, the senators ought to have liberty of speech on

matters of government.” Antistius Labeo, in the election of a new

senate, when each, as he was named, chose another, nominated Marcus

Lepidus, who had formerly been Augustus’s enemy, and was then in

banishment; and being asked by the latter, “Is there no other person more

deserving?” he replied, “Every man has his own opinion.” Nor was any one

ever molested for his freedom of speech, although it was carried to the

extent of insolence.

LV. Even when some infamous libels against him were dispersed in the

senate-house, he was neither disturbed, nor did he give himself much

trouble to refute them. He would not so much as order an enquiry to be

made after the authors; but only proposed, that, for the future, those

who published libels or lampoons, in a borrowed name, against any person,

should be called to account.

LVI. Being provoked by some petulant jests, which were designed to

render him odious, he answered them by a proclamation; and yet he

prevented the senate from passing an act, to restrain the liberties which

were taken with others in people’s wills. Whenever he attended at the

election of magistrates, he went round the tribes, with the candidates of

his nomination, and begged the votes of the people in the usual manner.

He likewise gave his own vote in his tribe, as one of the people. He

suffered himself to be summoned as a witness upon trials, and not only to

be questioned, but to be cross-examined, with the utmost patience. In

building his Forum, he restricted himself in the site, not presuming to

compel the owners of the neighbouring houses to give up their property.

He never recommended his sons to the people, without adding these words,

“If they deserve it.” And upon the audience rising on their entering the

theatre, while they were yet minors, and giving them applause in a

standing position, he made it a matter of serious complaint.

(114) He was desirous that his friends should be great and powerful in

the state, but have no exclusive privileges, or be exempt from the laws

which governed others. When Asprenas Nonius, an intimate friend of his,

was tried upon a charge of administering poison at the instance of

Cassius Severus, he consulted the senate for their opinion what was his

duty under the circumstances: “For,” said he, “I am afraid, lest, if I

should stand by him in the cause, I may be supposed to screen a guilty

man; and if I do not, to desert and prejudge a friend.” With the

unanimous concurrence, therefore, of the senate, he took his seat amongst

his advocates for several hours, but without giving him the benefit of

speaking to character, as was usual. He likewise appeared for his

clients; as on behalf of Scutarius, an old soldier of his, who brought an

action for slander. He never relieved any one from prosecution but in a

single instance, in the case of a man who had given information of the

conspiracy of Muraena; and that he did only by prevailing upon the

accuser, in open court, to drop his prosecution.

LVII. How much he was beloved for his worthy conduct in all these

respects, it is easy to imagine. I say nothing of the decrees of the

senate in his honour, which may seem to have resulted from compulsion or

deference. The Roman knights voluntarily, and with one accord, always

celebrated his birth for two days together; and all ranks of the people,

yearly, in performance of a vow they had made, threw a piece of money

into the Curtian lake [192], as an offering for his welfare. They

likewise, on the calends [first] of January, presented for his acceptance

new-year’s gifts in the Capitol, though he was not present with which

donations he purchased some costly images of the Gods, which he erected

in several streets of the city; as that of Apollo Sandaliarius, Jupiter

Tragoedus [193], and others. When his house on the Palatine hill was

accidentally destroyed by fire, the veteran soldiers, the judges, the

tribes, and even the people, individually, contributed, according to the

ability of each, for rebuilding it; but he would (115) accept only of

some small portion out of the several sums collected, and refused to take

from any one person more than a single denarius [194]. Upon his return

home from any of the provinces, they attended him not only with joyful

acclamations, but with songs. It is also remarked, that as often as he

entered the city, the infliction of punishment was suspended for the

time.

LVIII. The whole body of the people, upon a sudden impulse, and with

unanimous consent, offered him the title of FATHER OF HIS COUNTRY. It

was announced to him first at Antium, by a deputation from the people,

and upon his declining the honour, they repeated their offer on his

return to Rome, in a full theatre, when they were crowned with laurel.

The senate soon afterwards adopted the proposal, not in the way of

acclamation or decree, but by commissioning M. Messala, in an unanimous

vote, to compliment him with it in the following terms: “With hearty

wishes for the happiness and prosperity of yourself and your family,

Caesar Augustus, (for we think we thus most effectually pray for the

lasting welfare of the state), the senate, in agreement with the Roman

people, salute you by the title of FATHER OF YOUR COUNTRY.” To this

compliment Augustus replied, with tears in his eyes, in these words (for

I give them exactly as I have done those of Messala): “Having now arrived

at the summit of my wishes, O Conscript Fathers [195], what else have I

to beg of the Immortal (116) Gods, but the continuance of this your

affection for me to the last moments of my life?”

LIX. To the physician Antonius Musa [196], who had cured him of a

dangerous illness, they erected a statue near that of Aesculapius, by a

general subscription. Some heads of families ordered in their wills,

that their heirs should lead victims to the Capitol, with a tablet

carried before them, and pay their vows, “Because Augustus still

survived.” Some Italian cities appointed the day upon which he first

visited them, to be thenceforth the beginning of their year. And most of

the provinces, besides erecting temples and altars, instituted games, to

be celebrated to his honour, in most towns, every five years.

LX. The kings, his friends and allies, built cities in their respective

kingdoms, to which they gave the name of Caesarea; and all with one

consent resolved to finish, at their common expense, the temple of

Jupiter Olympius, at Athens, which had been begun long before, and

consecrate it to his Genius. They frequently also left their kingdoms,

laid aside the badges of royalty, and assuming the toga, attended and

paid their respects to him daily, in the manner of clients to their

patrons; not only at Rome, but when he was travelling through the

provinces.

LXI. Having thus given an account of the manner in which he filled his

public offices both civil and military, and his conduct in the government

of the empire, both in peace and war; I shall now describe his private

and domestic life, his habits at home and among his friends and

dependents, and the fortune attending him in those scenes of retirement,

from his youth to the day of his death. He lost his mother in his first

consulship, and his sister Octavia, when he was in the fifty-fourth year

of his age [197]. He behaved towards them both with the utmost kindness

whilst living, and after their decease paid the highest honours to their

memory.

(117) LXII. He was contracted when very young to the daughter of Publius

Servilius Isauricus; but upon his reconciliation with Antony after their

first rupture [198], the armies on both sides insisting on a family

alliance between them, he married Antony’s step-daughter Claudia, the

daughter of Fulvia by Publius Claudius, although at that time she was

scarcely marriageable; and upon a difference arising with his

mother-in-law Fulvia, he divorced her untouched, and a pure virgin. Soon

afterwards he took to wife Scribonia, who had before been twice married

to men of consular rank [199], and was a mother by one of them. With her

likewise he parted [200], being quite tired out, as he himself writes,

with the perverseness of her temper; and immediately took Livia Drusilla,

though then pregnant, from her husband Tiberius Nero; and she had never

any rival in his love and esteem.

LXIII. By Scribonia he had a daughter named Julia, but no children by

Livia, although extremely desirous of issue. She, indeed, conceived

once, but miscarried. He gave his daughter Julia in the first instance

to Marcellus, his sister’s son, who had just completed his minority; and,

after his death, to Marcus Agrippa, having prevailed with his sister to

yield her son-in-law to his wishes; for at that time Agrippa was married

to one of the Marcellas, and had children by her. Agrippa dying also, he

for a long time thought of several matches for Julia in even the

equestrian order, and at last resolved upon selecting Tiberius for his

step-son; and he obliged him to part with his wife at that time pregnant,

and who had already brought him a child. Mark Antony writes, “That he

first contracted Julia to his son, and afterwards to Cotiso, king of the

Getae [201], demanding at the same time the king’s daughter in marriage

for himself.”

(118) LXIV. He had three grandsons by Agrippa and Julia, namely, Caius,

Lucius, and Agrippa; and two grand-daughters, Julia and Agrippina. Julia

he married to Lucius Paulus, the censor’s son, and Agrippina to

Germanicus, his sister’s grandson. Caius and Lucius he adopted at home,

by the ceremony of purchase [202] from their father, advanced them, while

yet very young, to offices in the state, and when they were

consuls-elect, sent them to visit the provinces and armies. In bringing

up his daughter and grand-daughters, he accustomed them to domestic

employments, and even spinning, and obliged them to speak and act every

thing openly before the family, that it might be put down in the diary.

He so strictly prohibited them from all converse with strangers, that he

once wrote a letter to Lucius Vinicius, a handsome young man of a good

family, in which he told him, “You have not behaved very modestly, in

making a visit to my daughter at Baiae.” He usually instructed his

grandsons himself in reading, swimming, and other rudiments of knowledge;

and he laboured nothing more than to perfect them in the imitation of his

hand-writing. He never supped but he had them sitting at the foot of his

couch; nor ever travelled but with them in a chariot before him, or riding

beside him.

LXV. But in the midst of all his joy and hopes in his numerous and

well-regulated family, his fortune failed him. The two Julias, his

daughter and grand-daughter, abandoned themselves to such courses of

lewdness and debauchery, that he banished them both. Caius and Lucius he

lost within the space of eighteen months; the former dying in Lycia, and

the latter at Marseilles. His third grandson Agrippa, with his step-son

Tiberius, he adopted in the forum, by a law passed for the purpose by the

Sections [203]; but he soon afterwards discarded Agrippa for his coarse

and unruly temper, and confined him at Surrentum. He bore the death of

his relations with more patience than he did their disgrace; for he was

not overwhelmed by the loss of Caius and Lucius; but in the case of his

daughter, he stated the facts to the senate in a message read to them by

(119) the quaestor, not having the heart to be present himself; indeed, he

was so much ashamed of her infamous conduct, that for some time he avoided

all company, and had thoughts of putting her to death. It is certain that

when one Phoebe, a freed-woman and confidant of hers, hanged herself about

the same time, he said, “I had rather be the father of Phoebe than of

Julia.” In her banishment he would not allow her the use of wine, nor any

luxury in dress; nor would he suffer her to be waited upon by any male

servant, either freeman or slave, without his permission, and having

received an exact account of his age, stature, complexion, and what marks

or scars he had about him. At the end of five years he removed her from

the island [where she was confined] to the continent [204], and treated

her with less severity, but could never be prevailed upon to recall her.

When the Roman people interposed on her behalf several times with much

importunity, all the reply he gave was: “I wish you had all such daughters

and wives as she is.” He likewise forbad a child, of which his

grand-daughter Julia was delivered after sentence had passed against her,

to be either owned as a relation, or brought up. Agrippa, who was equally

intractable, and whose folly increased every day, he transported to an

island [205], and placed a guard of soldiers about him; procuring at the

same time an act of the senate for his confinement there during life.

Upon any mention of him and the two Julias, he would say, with a heavy

sigh,

Aith’ ophelon agamos t’ emenai, agonos t’ apoletai.

The Lives of the Twelve Caesars, Complete · 第 11 / 50 题