The Council of War was newly risen, where it was resolved to quit the
town, and make our retreat to Hull; which was 60 miles off, and many
garrisons of the Enemy on the way. Which, in two hours time was done:
for we could expect no less than that the Enemy should presently send
Horse to prevent it. For they had 50, or 60, Troops within three miles.
* * * * *
But we got well to Selby; where there was a ferry: and, hard by, a
garrison at Cawood.
My father, being a mile before, with a few men getting over the ferry;
word came to us that he was in danger to be taken. I hastened to him
with about 40 Horse: the rest [of the Horse] coming on after in some
disorder. He was newly got into the boat.
The Enemy, with 3 Cornets of Horse, entering the town; I was drawn up
in the Market Place, just before the street they came down. When they
were almost half come into the Market Place, they turned on the right
hand.
With part of my Troop, I charged them in the Flanks; [and] so divided
them. We had the chase of them down the long street that goes to
Brayton.
It happened, at the same time, [that] those men [which] I left behind,
were coming up that street: [but] being in disorder, and under [the]
discouragements of the misfortunes of many days before, [they] turned
about, and gave way; not knowing that we were pursuing them in the
rear. [_That is, there were tearing along the Brayton road; (1)
FAIRFAX's disordered Cavalry; then (2) the Royalist Cavalry;
followed by (3) FAIRFAX with a part of his Troop._]
At the end of this street, was a narrow lane which led to Cawood. The
Enemy strove to pass away there; but [it] being strait [_narrow_],
caused a sudden stop: where we were mingled one among another.
* * * * *
Here I received a shot in the wrist of my arm, which made the bridle
fall out of my hand: which [wound], being among the nerves and veins,
suddenly let out such a quantity of blood as that I was ready to fall
from my horse. So taking the reins in the other hand, wherein I had my
sword; the Enemy minding nothing so much as how to get away: I drew
myself out of the crowd, and came to our men that turned about; which
were standing hard by. Seeing me ready to fall from my horse, they laid
me on the ground: and [I] now, [being] almost senseless. My Chirurgeon
came seasonably, and bound up the wound, [and] so stopped the bleeding.
After a quarter of an hour's rest there, I got on horseback again.
The other part of our Horse also beat the Enemy to Cawood back again,
that way they first came to us.
So, through the goodness of GOD, our passage here was made clear. Some
went over the ferry, after my father.
* * * * *
Myself, with others, went through the Levels [_of the Fen Country, in
North Lincolnshire; and south of the Humber_] to Hull. But it proved a
very troublesome and dangerous passage; having oft interruptions from
the Enemy; sometimes in our front, sometimes in our rear.
And now I had been at least twenty hours on horseback, after I was
shot [at Selby], without any rest or refreshment: and as many hours
before. [_40 hours from 1 a.m. on the night of 2nd July 1643, when
FAIRFAX decided to cut his way out of Bradford, would make it
about 5 p.m. of the 3rd July 1643._]
And, as a further addition to my affliction, my daughter [_MARY, who
afterwards married GEORGE VILLIERS, second Duke of BUCKINGHAM, see
p. 611_], not above five years old, being carried before her maid,
endured all this retreat on horseback: but, Nature not [being] able to
hold out any longer, [she] fell into frequent swoonings; and [was], in
appearance, ready to expire her last [breath]. And having now passed
the Trent [_and therefore come into North Lincolnshire_], and seeing a
house not far off, I sent her, with her maid only, thither: with little
hopes of seeing her any more alive; but intending, the next day, to
send a ship from Hull for her.
So I went on to Barton [_upon Humber: nearly opposite_ _Hull_]; having
sent before to have a ship ready against my coming thither.
Here I lay down a little to rest; if it were possible to find any
in a body so full of pain; and [in] a mind so full of anxiety and
trouble. Though I must acknowledge it, as the infinite goodness of GOD,
methought my spirits were nothing at all discouraged from doing still
that which I thought to be my work and duty.
But I had not laid [down] a quarter of an hour before the Enemy came
close to the town [of Barton]. I had now not above 100 Horse with me.
We went to the ship; where, under the covert of her ordnance, we got
all our men and horses aboard.
So passing [the] Humber, we arrived at Hull; our men faint and tired:
[and I] myself having lost all, even to my shirt; for my clothes were
made unfit to wear, with rents and the blood which was upon them.
Considering which, in all humility and reverence, I may say, I was in
JOB's condition when he said, "Naked came I out of my mother's
womb, and naked shall I return thither. The Lord gave, and the Lord
hath taken away. Blessed be the Name of the Lord." [_Job_ i. 21.]
* * * * *
But GOD, who is a GOD of Mercy and Consolation, doth not always leave
us in distress.
I having sent a ship, presently after I came into the town, for my
daughter: she was brought, the next day [4th July 1643], to Hull;
pretty well recovered of her long and tedious journey.
And, not many days after, the Earl of NEWCASTLE sent my
Wife back again, in his coach, with some Horse to guard her: which
generosity gained more than any reputation he could have gotten in
detaining a Lady prisoner upon such terms.
And many of our men, which were dispersed in this long retreat, came
hither again to us.
* * * * *
Our first business now, was to raise new forces: which, in a short
time, were about 1,500 Foot and 700 Horse.
The town [of Hull] being little; I was sent to Beverley with the Horse
and 600 Foot.
But my Lord [of] NEWCASTLE, who now looked upon us as
inconsiderable, was marched with his whole Army into Lincolnshire: only
leaving some few garrisons at York and other few places. He took in
Gainsborough and Lincoln; and intended [to take] Boston next, which was
the Key of the Associated Countries [_Counties_]. For his Orders, which
I have seen, were to go into Essex; and block up London on that side.
But we, having laid a great while [_from 4th July to 26th August
1643_] still, were now strong enough in the Field for those forces
that remained in the Country [_Yorkshire_]. So we sent out a good
party to make an attempt upon Stamford Bridge, near York. But the
Enemy, upon the alarm, fled thither [_i.e. to York_]; which put them
all there in such a fear as they sent earnestly to desire him to
return, or the Country [_Yorkshire_] would again be lost: for the Lord
FAIRFAX had considerable forces.
Upon which, he returned again into Yorkshire; and, not long after, came
to besiege Hull.
* * * * *
I, lying then at Beverley in the way of his march, finding that we were
not able to maintain such an open place against an Army, desired Orders
from my father to retire back to Hull.
But the Committee there (having always more mind of raising money,
than to take care of the Soldiers; yet these [Committee] Men had the
greatest share in command at this time) would not let any Orders be
given for our retreat; and [it were] unfit for us to return without
[them].
The Enemy marcheth from York, with his whole Army, towards us. Retreat,
we must not. Keep the town, we could not. So to make our retreat more
honourable, and useful both; I drew out all the Horse and Dragoons
toward the Enemy, and stood, drawn up by a wood side, all that night.
The next morning [2nd September 1643], by day[time], our Scouts, and
theirs, fired on one another. They march[ed] on with their whole body;
which was about 4,000 Horse and 12,000 Foot.
We stood till they were come very near [to] us. I then drew off (having
given directions before for the Foot to march away toward Hull),
thinking to make good the retreat with the Horse.
The Enemy, with a good party, were upon our rear. The lane being but
narrow, we made good shift with them till we got into Beverley, and
shut the gates: which we had scarce time to do; they being so close
upon us. But, in this business, we lost Major LAYTON, and not
above 2 more.
The Enemy, not knowing what forces we had in the town, stayed till the
rest of the Army came up; which was about a mile behind. This gave
our Foot some advantage in their retreat: it being 5 miles to Hull,
on narrow banks [and] so fittest for our Foot. I sent the Horse by
Cottingham, an opener road; who got well thither.
But they [_the Royalists_] overtook the Foot: which, notwithstanding,
made good their retreat till we got to a little bridge, 2 miles from
Hull; where we made a stand.
The Enemy following close, our men here gave them a good volley of
shot; which made them draw back, and advance no further. So, leaving a
small Guard at the bridge, we got safe to Hull.
Thus not only for want of military skill in the Gentlemen of the
Committee; but, to say no more, for want of good nature: we were
exposed to this trouble and danger.
* * * * *
My Lord of NEWCASTLE now lay siege to Hull, but at a great
distance. The sluices being open, drowned the land two miles about the
town: yet upon a bank, which was the highway, he approached so near
as to shoot cannon shot at random into the town; which were, for the
most part, fiery bullets. But the diligence and care of the Governor
(who caused every inhabitant to watch his own house; and wheresoever
they saw these bullets fall, to be ready to quench them) prevented the
danger.
* * * * *
Our Horse was now useless: and many [horses] died every day; having
nothing but salt water about the town.
I was therefore sent with the Horse, over [the Humber] into
Lincolnshire, to join with [EDWARD MONTAGU,] the Earl of
MANCHESTER's forces; which were then commanded by Major
General [OLIVER] CROMWELL: who received us at our
landing, with his troops.
Sir JOHN HENDERSON lay within three or four miles of this
place with 5,000 men, to prevent our conjunction: but durst not attempt
[it].
He marched three or four days near to us: but, for want of good
intelligence, we did not know so much. For I altogether trusted to the
care of our new friends, being a stranger in those parts: till one
morning [9th October 1643] he set upon our Guards at Horncastle; which,
being but newly raised in that Country [_Lincolnshire_], fled towards
Lincoln, without giving any alarm to our Quarters, who lay dispersed
and secure.
But Sir JOHN HENDERSON, marching slowly with his Army, gave
the alarm to some of our Quarters; which was soon taken by the rest:
but, with some disorder, before we could get into a considerable body.
My Lord WILLOUGHBY with his Horse, and my Dragoons commanded
by Colonel MORGAN, brought up the Rear. After some skirmishes,
we lodged that night all in the Field.
And, next day [10th October 1643], the Earl of MANCHESTER came
to us with his Foot.
The day following [11th October 1643], we advanced again towards the
Enemy; and choosing a convenient ground to fight on, we drew up the
Army there. The Enemy did so on the side of another hill close by,
having a little plain betwixt us.
Lieutenant General [OLIVER] CROMWELL had the Van [of
Horse]; I, the Reserve [of Horse]: my Lord [of] MANCHESTER all
the Foot. After we had faced one another a little while; the Forlorn
Hopes [_Advanced Guards_] began the fight. Presently the [Main] Bodies
met in the plain: where the fight was hot for half an hour; but then we
forced them to a rout. Above 200 killed, and 2000 taken prisoners. This
was the issue of Horncastle Fight, or, as some call it, Winceby Fight.
At the same instant, we heard great shooting of ordnance towards Hull:
which was a sally my father made [out of the town] upon my Lord of
NEWCASTLE's Trenches; who drew out most part of his Army to
relieve them. But our men charged so resolutely as they possessed
themselves of the cannon; and so pursued their advantage as [they]
put the enemy into a total rout. Upon which, he raised the Siege, and
returned again to York.
These two defeats together, the one falling heavy on the Horse, the
other on the Foot, kept the Enemy all that Winter [of 1643-1644] from
attempting anything.
And we, after the taking of Lincoln, settled ourselves in Winter
Quarters.
* * * * *
But, in the coldest season of it, I was ordered by the Parliament to go
and raise the Siege of Nantwich; which the Lord BYRON, with
the Irish Army, had reduced to great extremity.
I was the most unfit of all the forces; being ever the worst paid;
my men sickly, and almost naked for want of clothes. I desired the
Parliament that they would be pleased to supply these wants: not to
excuse myself, as some who had no will to stir, though well enough
accommodated with all these; and a business of so much importance. But
their answer was a positive direction to march; for it would admit of
no delay: which indeed was as grievous to me as that injunction was to
the Israelites, to make bricks without straw.
But, foreseeing I should have such a return to my desires, I had,
seeing the necessity of the business, upon my own credit got so much
cloth as clothed 1,500 men: and [they were] all ready to march when
these Orders came to me.
So, the 29th of December [1643], we got forwards from Falkingham in
Lincolnshire to Nantwich, with 1,800 Horse and 500 Dragoons; and a
Power to call the Regiments [of Foot] of Lancashire and Cheshire to
make up the body of the Army. But it was not a little trouble to me,
when I came to Manchester, to find some of them 30, some 40 miles
distant: besides the disaffection of some of their Colonels, who went
as their peculiar [_individual_] safety or Interest swayed them. But,
finding more readiness in the inferior Officers and common soldiers, I
got up, in a few days, near[ly] 3,000 Foot.
With this Army, we marched [from Manchester, on the 21st January 1644]
to Nantwich; which was at the point of surrendering.
When we were within two days' march, I had intelligence that the Lord
BYRON had drawn off his Siege; and intended to meet us in the
Field. I put my men into the order I intended to fight [in]; and so
continued my march till we came within 3 miles of the town.
There, was a Pass kept with about 250 men. I sent Colonel
MORGAN, with his Dragoons, to beat them off: in which, his
brother, who was his Lieutenant, was slain. The Major who commanded the
other party, with some others, were taken prisoners.
We marched on till we came within cannon shot of their Works, where
half of their Army was drawn up. The river [Weaver], which runs through
the town, being raised with the melting of the snow, hindered, as
we were informed, those that lay on the other side of the town from
joining with them.
We called a Council [of War, on 25th January 1644] wherein it
was debated, Whether we should attempt those in their Works
[_Entrenchments_], being divided from the rest of the Army: or march
into the town and relieve them; and, by increase of more force be
better able, the next day [26th January 1644] to encounter them.
The latter was resolved on. So, making a way with [the] Pioneers
through the hedges, we marched to[wards] the town.
But, after we had gone a little way, word came that the Enemy were in
the Rear. So, facing about two Regiments [of Foot] and my own Regiment
of Horse, commanded by Major ROUSBY, we relieving those that
were already engaged. And so the fight began on all sides. These that
fell on our Rear were those that lay [on] the other side of the town;
which had passed the river [Weaver]. Those that were drawn up under
their Works [about Acton Church], fell upon our Van, which was marching
to the town. Thus was the battle divided; there being a quarter of a
mile betwixt us.
In the division first engaged, our Foot, at the beginning, gave a
little ground: but our Horse recovered this, by beating the Enemy's
Horse out of the lanes that flanked our Foot; which did so encourage
our men as they gained now of the Enemy, so as they made them retire
from hedge to hedge till, at length, they were forced to fly to their
Works [_Entrenchments_]. But their Horse retreated in better order
towards Chester, without much loss.
Our other Wing [_the Van_], being assisted from the town, who sallied
out with 700 or 800 Musketeers, beat the Enemy also back into the same
Works [at Acton Church]; which we presently surrounded. ["_Where_," _as
Sir T. FAIRFAX said in his despatch_, "_they were caught as in
a trap_."]
But, being in great disorder and confusion, [they] sooner yielded
themselves prisoners; with all their Chief Officers, arms, Colours, and
ammunition.
Thus, by the mercy of GOD, was this victory obtained: being yet the
more signal in that we were not to deal with young soldiers, but with
men of great experience; and an Army which had ever been victorious.
* * * * *
After this, we took in several garrisons in Cheshire: Lathom [House]
only in Lancashire held out; which was besieged by the forces of that
Country [_County_], but afterwards [the siege was] raised by Prince
RUPERT.
* * * * *
Having spent three or four months in this Expedition; my father
commanded me back into Yorkshire, that by the conjunction of forces he
might be the more able to take the Field.
We met about Ferrybridge [in April 1644]: he being come out of Hull
thither, with intention to fall upon the Enemy's garrison at Selby.
And here I received another Command from the Parliament, to march
immediately with my Horse and Dragoons, into Northumberland, to join
with the Scots Army. The Earl of NEWCASTLE, who was then at
Durham, being much stronger in Horse than they; for want of which they
could not advance no further. But it being resolved, within a day or
two to storm Selby; I stayed till that business was over: which proved
as effectual for the relief of the Scots Army.
The Governor of York lay in the town with 2,000 men. We drew Horse and
Foot close to it. Sir JOHN MELDRUM led on the Foot; which had
their General Posts appointed, where they should storm: I, with the
Horse, ready to second them.
The Enemy within defended themselves [on the 11th April 1644] stoutly
a good while. Our men at length beat them from the Line; but could not
advance farther because of the Horse within.
I getting a Barricado open, which let us in betwixt the houses and the
river. Here we had an encounter with their Horse. [After one charge,
they fled over a Bridge of Boats to York.]
Other Horse came up, and charged us again, where my horse was
overthrown; [I] being single [_alone_] a little before my men: who
presently relieved me, and forced the Enemy back; who retreated also
to York. In this charge, we took Colonel [Lord] BELLASIS,
Governor of York.
By this, the Foot had entered the town; and also took many prisoners.
* * * * *
This good success put them into great distraction and fears at York:
who speedily sent to the Earl of NEWCASTLE, to haste back
thither; believing we would presently attempt them. This news suddenly
called him back, leaving the Scots: who, with cold and oft alarms, were
reduced to great extremity; but now advanced without delay after him.
The Earl of NEWCASTLE gets into York [on 19th April 1644].
The Scots joined their forces with my father's at Wetherby: altogether
making 16,000 Foot and 4,000 Horse. They marched on to York [, from
Tadcaster, on 19th April 1644].
But for this work, it was thought fit to have more men; the town [of
York] being large in compass, and strongly manned. Therefore the
Earl of CRAWFORD, [Lord] LINDSAY and myself were sent to the Earl
of MANCHESTER, to desire him to join with us in the Siege: which he
willingly consented to, bringing an addition of 6,000 Foot and 3,000
Horse [on 2nd June 1644].
So now the Army had three Generals, [ALEXANDER]
LESLIE [, Earl of LEVEN], MANCHESTER, and
FAIRFAX; who lay apart in three Quarters before the town. But
the north side still remained open to the town.
Some time was spent here without any considerable action till, in
my Lord of MANCHESTER's Quarters, approaches were made to St Mary's
Tower; and soon came to mine it. Which Colonel [LAURENCE] CRAWFORD, a
Scotsman, who commanded that Quarter, (ambitious to have the honour
alone of springing the mine [on 16th June 1644] undertook, without
acquainting of the other two Generals with it, for their advice and
concurrence): which proved very prejudicial. For, having engaged his
party against the whole strength of the town, without more force to
second him, he was repulsed with the loss of 300 men. For which, he had
been surely called to account; but that he escaped the better by reason
of this triumviral goverment.
So after, Prince RUPERT came to relieve the town. We raised
the siege [_which had lasted from Monday the 3rd June to Monday the 1st
July 1644_] and Hessa[y] Moor [_a portion of Marston Moor, 7 miles from
York_] being appointed the rendezvous, the whole Army drew thither.
About a mile from whence, Prince RUPERT lay; the river Ouse
being only betwixt us: which he, that night, passed over at Poppleton.
And, the next day, [he] drew his Army into the same Moor we were on:
who, being now joined with the Earl of NEWCASTLE's forces,
made about 23,000 or 24,000 men. But we, something more.
* * * * *
We were divided in our opinions what to do. The English were for
fighting them; the Scots, for retreating, to gain (as they alleged)
both time and place of more advantage. This latter being resolved on;
we marched away [on Tuesday 2nd July 1644] to[wards] Tadcaster; which
made the Enemy to advance the faster.
Lieutenant General CROMWELL, Major General [DAVID]
LESLIE, and myself, being appointed to bring up the Rear; we
sent word to the Generals, of the necessity of making a stand. For
else, the Enemy, having the advantage, might put us in some disorder;
but, by the advantage of the ground we were on, we hoped to make it
good till they came back to us.
[Which they did.]
The place was Marston Fields, which afterwards gave the name to this
battle.
* * * * *
Here we drew up our Army. The Enemy was drawn up in Battalia on the
Moor a little below us.
The day being, for the most part, spent in preparation we now began to
descend toward them.
Lieutenant General CROMWELL commanded the Left Wing of Horse; and [was]
seconded by Major General [DAVID] LESLIE. I had the Right Wing [of
Horse], with some Scotch Horse and Lances for my Reserves. The three
Generals were with the Foot.
Our Left Wing charged first the Enemy's Right Wing; which was performed
for a while with much resolution on both sides; but the Enemy, at
length, was put to the worst.
Our Right Wing had not, all, so good success, by reason of the whins
[_furze_] and ditches which we were to pass over before we could get to
the Enemy, which put us into great disorder: notwithstanding, I drew
up a body of 400 Horse. But because the intervals of [their] Horse,
in this Wing only, were lined with Musketeers; which did us much hurt
with their shot: I was necessitated to charge them. We were a long time
engaged one with another; but at last we routed that part of their
Wing. We charged, and pursued them a good way towards York.
[I] myself only [_alone_] returned presently, to get to the men I left
behind me. But that part of the Enemy which stood [opposite to them],
perceiving the disorder they were in, had charged and routed them,
before I could get to them. So that the good success we had at first
was eclipsed much by this bad conclusion.
But our other Wing, and most of the Foot, went on prosperously till
they had cleared the Field.
* * * * *
But I must not forget to remember with thankfulness GOD's goodness
to me this day. For having charged through the Enemy, and my [400]
men going after [in] the pursuit; returning back [alone] to go to my
other troops, I was gotten in among the Enemy, which stood up and
down the Field in several bodies of Horse. So, taking the Signal [_a
white handkerchief, or a piece of paper_] out of my hat, I passed
through, for one of their own Commanders; and so got to my Lord of
MANCHESTER's Horse in the other Wing; only with a cut in my
cheek which was given me in the first charge, and a shot [which] my
horse received.
* * * * *
In which [first] charge also, many of my Officers and soldiers were
hurt and slain. The Captain of my own Troop was shot in the arm.
My Cornet had both his hands cut, that rendered him ever after
unserviceable. Captain MICKELTHWAITE, an honest stout man, was
slain. And [there was] scarce[ly] any Officer which was in this charge,
which did not receive a hurt.
But Colonel LAMBERT (who should have seconded me; but could
not get up to me) charged in another place. Major FAIRFAX, who
was Major to his Regiment, had, at least, thirty wounds: of which he
died; after he was abroad [_out of doors_] again, and [had] good hopes
of his recovery.
But that which nearest of all concerned me, was the loss of my brother
[CHARLES FAIRFAX]: who, being deserted of his men, was sore
wounded; of which, in three or four days after, he died.
So as, in this charge, as many were hurt and killed as in the whole
[Parliamentary] Army besides.[24]
Of the Enemy's part, there were above 4,000 slain, and many taken
prisoners.
* * * * *
Prince RUPERT returned into the South. The Earl of
NEWCASTLE went beyond the seas [on 5th July 1644], with many
of his Officers. York presently surrendered [on the 15th July 1644],
and the North now was wholly reduced by the Parliament's forces, except
some garrisons.
* * * * *
Soon after this, I went to Helmsley, to take in the Castle there: but
received a dangerous shot in my shoulder; and was brought back to York.
All, for some time, being doubtful of my recovery.
Yet, at the same time, the Parliament voted me to command in the South.
* * * * *
But my intention being only to keep in mind what I had been present in,
during this Northern War; I shall put an end to this Discourse, where
it pleased GOD to determine my service there.
Yet thus, with some smart from his rod, to let me see I was not
mindful enough of returning my humble thanks and acknowledgments for
the deliverances and mercies I received; and for which, alas, I am
not yet capable enough to praise him as I ought. [I] that may say
by experience, "Who is a GOD like unto our GOD?" [_Ps._ lxxi. 19.]
Therefore, "Not unto us, O Lord; not unto us, but unto Thy Name; give
we the praise!" [_Ps._ cxv.]
But as for myself, and what I have done, I may say with
SOLOMON, "I looked on all the works that my hands have
wrought; and on the labour that I had laboured to do: and, behold, all
was Vanity and Vexation of Spirit. For there is no remembrance of the
Wise more than of the Fool for ever; seeing that which now is, in the
days to come shall be forgotten." _Eccles._ ii. 16.