the sad consequences whereof fill my heart with grief with the
remembrance of it now; as it did then, with thoughts and care how to
have prevented it.
Being then at Saffron Walden in Essex, I had notice that Cornet
JOYCE (an arch-Agitator that quartered about Oxford) had [on
4th June 1647] seized on the King's person, and removed his Quarters:
and [had] given such a check to the Commissioners of Parliament which
were ordered to attend His Majesty, that they refused to act any
further in their Commission; being so unwarrantably interrupted.
But, as soon as I heard it, I immediately sent away two Regiments of
Horse, commanded by Colonel WHALLEY to remove this force; and
to set all things again in their due order and course.
But before he reached Holmby [or Holdenby]; the King was advanced two
or three miles [from thence] on his way towards Cambridge; attended by
JOYCE. Here Colonel WHALLEY acquainted the King, That he was sent by
the General to let him know how much he was troubled at those great
insolencies that had been committed so near his person: and as he had
not the least knowledge of it before it was done, so he had omitted no
time in seeking to remove the force; which he had orders from me to see
done. And therefore [Colonel WHALLEY] desired that His Majesty would
be pleased to return again to Holmby, where all things should again be
settled in as much order and quietness as they were before. And also he
[_Colonel WHALLEY_] desired the Commissioners to resume their Charge,
as the Parliament had directed them: which he had in charge also to
desire them to do, from the General.
But the King refused to return; and the Commissioners refused also to
act any more as Commissioners. Which Colonel WHALLEY still
further urged, saying, He had an express command to see all things
well settled again about His Majesty; which could not be but by his
returning again to Holmby.
Which the King said positively, He would not do.
So Colonel WHALLEY pressed him no further: having indeed a
special direction from me to use all tenderness and respect, as was
due, towards His Majesty.
* * * * *
So the King came that night, or the second [6th June 1647] to Sir
JOHN CUTT's house [at Childerley] near Cambridge: where,
the next day, I waited on His Majesty. It being also my business to
persuade his return to Holmby. But he was otherwise resolved.
I pressed the Commissioners also to act again, according to the power
that Parliament had given them: which they also refused to do.
So having spent the whole day [7th June 1647] about this business; I
returned to my Quarters.
* * * * *
But before I took my leave of the King, he said to me, "Sir, I have
as great an Interest in the Army as you." By which I plainly saw the
broken reed he leaned upon.
These Agitators [_or Adjutators_], chameleon-like, could change into
that colour which best served their ends; and so had brought the King
into an opinion that the Army was for him: though [it was] never less
for his safety and rights, than when it was theirs.
* * * * *
And that it might appear what real trouble this act was to me;
notwithstanding the Army was almost wholly infected with the humour
of Agitation, I called for a Court of War, to proceed against
JOYCE for this high offence, and the breach of the _Articles
of War_. But the Officers (whether for fear of the distempered
soldiers; or rather, as I fear, from a secret allowance of what was
done) made all my endeavours herein ineffectual: and now (no punishment
being able to reach them) all affairs steer after this compass:
The King and all his Party are in hopes. Those of the Parliament,
and others who kept to their Covenant Interest, in fears. So as, for
many months, Public Councils were turned into private Junto's. Which
would have been less criminal, if it had ended in General Consent.
But, on the contrary, it begat greater emulations and jealousies one
of another. So that the Army would not entrust the King any longer
with the liberty he had; nor would the Parliament suffer the King
to undertake that which was properly their work to do, viz.: [the]
Settling [of] the Kingdom with its just rights and liberties. And the
Army were as jealous of the Parliament, that they [_the Parliament_]
would not have care enough of their [_the Army's_] security.
All things growing worse and worse made the King endeavour his own
escape, as he did [11th-14th November 1647]; but out of a larger
confinement at Hampton Court, to a straiter one in the Isle of Wight.
Here the Parliament treated upon _Propositions of Peace_ with the King.
But, alas, the Envious One sowed tares that could not be rooted out,
without plucking up the corn also.
And here was the King, as the golden ball, tossed before the two great
Parties; the Parliament, and the Army: [which] grew to a great contest,
which must again have involved the kingdom in blood.
But the Army, having the greater power, got the King again into their
hands; notwithstanding all the means that could be used. The _Treaty_
[_? of Newport, ? October 1648_] was scarcely ended, before the King
was seized upon by the hands of the same person, Lieutenant Colonel
COBBETT, who took him from Holmby [; _and who now removed him,
on 1st December 1648, from Carisbrooke Castle to Hurst Castle_]. Soon
after followed his Trial.
* * * * *
But to prepare a way to this work [_the Trial_] this Agitating Council
had thought first how to remove out of the Parliament all those who
were likely to oppose them in that work; which they carried on with
that secrecy as that I had not the least intimation of it, till it was
done: as some Members of the House can witness, with whom I was met,
at that very time, upon especial business, when that horrible attempt
was made by Colonel PRIDE upon the Parliament [on 6th December
1648]. It was so secretly carried on that I should get no notice of
it: because I always prevented those designs when I knew of them. But
by this "Purging of the House," as they called it, the Parliament was
brought into such a consumptive and languishing condition as that it
could never recover again that healthful Constitution which always kept
the Kingdom in its strength and vigour.
But now, this Three-fold Cord being cut by the sword, the Trial of the
King was the easier for them to accomplish. My afflicted and troubled
mind for it, and my earnest endeavours to prevent it, will, I hope,
sufficiently testify my abhorrence of the fact. And what might they not
now do to the lower shrubs, having thus cut down the cedar? For, after
this, [the] Duke [of] HAMILTON, [the] Earl of HOLLAND, and Lord CAPEL,
and others, were condemned to death.
* * * * *
But here it is fit to say something for my own vindication about
my Lord CAPEL, Sir CHARLES LUCAS, and Sir GEORGE LISLE; who were
_prisoners at mercy_ upon the rendition of Colchester: seeing some have
questioned the just performance of those _Articles_ [_of Surrender_].
I (having laid siege to the town, and several assaults being made upon
it) finding their forces within [to be] much more numerous than those
I had without, forced me to take another course: blocking them up; and
so, by cutting off all supplies, to bring them to a surrender. Which,
after [a] four months' siege, they were necessitated to; and that _upon
mercy_: they being between 3,000 and 4,000 men.
Now by _Delivering upon mercy_ is to be understood, that some are to
suffer, and the rest to go free.
So those forementioned persons only were to suffer; and all the rest
freed.
So immediately after our entrance into the town [on 26th August 1648],
a Council of War being called; those persons were sentenced to die, the
rest to be quit.
Yet, on they being so resolved, I thought fit to manumit the Lord
CAPEL, the Lord NORWICH, &c. over to the Parliament (being the Civil
Judicature of the Kingdom, consisting then of Lords and Commons) as the
most proper Judges of their cases: being considerable for estates and
families.
But Sir CHARLES LUCAS and Sir GEORGE LISLE being mere
Soldiers of Fortune; and falling into our hands by the chance of war,
execution was done upon them. And in this distribution of Justice I did
nothing but according to my Commission, and the trust reposed in me.
* * * * *
But it may be objected that I went into the Court during the Trial.
To this, I answer. It was upon the earnest entreaties of my Lord
CAPEL's friends; who desired me to explain there, what I meant
by _Surrendering to mercy_: otherwise I had not gone, being always
unsatisfied with the Court.
But for this I shall need to say no more: seeing I may as well be
questioned for the _Articles_ of Bristol, Oxford, Exeter; or [for] any
other Action in the War, as for this.
* * * * *
And now I have related the most remarkable things that might be alleged
against me during the prosecution of the War.
Yet one thing more requires that I should say something to it, before
I conclude, viz.: Concerning Papers and Declarations of the Army that
came out in my name and the Council of Officers. I must needs say. From
the time they declared their Usurped Authority at Triplow Heath [10th
June 1647], I never gave my free consent to anything they did: but
(being then undischarged of my place) they set my hand [_signature_] by
way of course, to all their Papers; whether I consented or not.
And unto such failings all Authority may fall. As sometimes Kingly
Authority may be abused to their, and the Kingdom's, prejudice;
sometimes, under a Parliamentary Authority, much injury hath been
done: so here, hath a General's Power been broken and crumbled into a
Levelling Faction, to the great unsettlement of the Nation.
Yet, even in this, I hope all impartial judges will interpret as a
force and ravishment of a good name; rather than a voluntary consent
whereby it might make me seem to become equally criminal. Though I
must confess, if in a multitude of words, much more in a multitude of
actions, there may be some transgressions: yet, I can as truly say,
they were never designedly or wilfully committed by me.
* * * * *
But now, when all the power was got into the Army, they cut up the root
of Kingly Government. After this, were Engagements to relinquish the
Title. Then [was] War declared against Scotland for assisting the King
[CHARLES II.]: and several Leagues made with foreign Princes
to confederate with their new Government, which was now a Common
Wealth, against the Kingly Power.
Seeing which, with grief and sorrow, though I had as much the love
of the Army as ever; though I was with much importunity solicited
by the remaining Parliament, the Lieutenant General [OLIVER
CROMWELL], and other Officers and soldiers, to continue my
Command; and though I might, so long as I acted their designs, attain
to the height of power and other advantages I pleased (for so I
understood from themselves): yet (by the mercy and goodness of GOD,
ever valuing Loyalty and Conscience before this perishing felicity)
I did, so long as I continued in the Army, oppose all those ways in
their counsels; and, when I could do no more, I also declined their
actions, though not their Commission I had from the Parliament, till
the remaining part of it, took it from me [25th June 1650].
* * * * *
Thus I have given you, in short, the sum of the most considerable
things that the World may censure me for, during this unhappy War. Yet,
I hope, among many weaknesses and failings there shall not be found
crimes of that magnitude [for me] to be counted amongst those who have
done these things through ambition and dissimulation. Hoping also that
GOD will, one day, clear this Action we undertook, so far as concerns
his honour; and the integrity of such as faithfully served in it. For
I cannot believe that such wonderful successes shall be given in vain.
Though cunning and deceitful men must take shame to themselves; yet
the purposes and determination of GOD shall have happy effects to his
glory, and the comfort of his people.
[Illustration]
THOMAS, third Lord FAIRFAX.
_A Short Memorial of the Northern Actions;
during the War there,
from the year 1642 till the year 1644._
I DID not think to have taken up my pen any more, to have written on
this subject: but that my silence seemed to accuse me of ingratitude
to GOD for the many mercies and deliverances I have had; and of
injuriousness to myself in losing the comfort of them, by suffering
them to be buried in the grave of Oblivion in my lifetime.
Wherefore I shall set down, as they come to my mind, such things
wherein I have found the wonderful assistance of GOD to me in the
time of the War I was in the North: though not in that methodical and
polished manner as might have been done; being but intended only for my
own satisfaction, and the help of my memory.
* * * * *
As I said, in the First Part [_p. 565_], my father was called forth
by the importunity of the country [_Yorkshire_], to join with them
in the defence of themselves: and [was] confirmed by a Commission of
the Parliament [_by Vote on the 23rd August 1642. He however did not
actually receive the Commission till the 3rd December following._]
* * * * *
The first Action we had was at Bradford, where we had about 300 men.
The Enemy, having about 700 or 800 and 2 pieces of ordnance, came
thither to assault us [in October 1642]. We drew out close to the town
to receive them. They had [the] advantage of [the] ground, the town
being compassed with hills; which made us more exposed to their cannon
shot, from which we received some hurt. Yet notwithstanding, our men
defended the passages, which they [_the Enemy_] were to descend, so
well that they got no ground of us. And now, the day being spent, they
drew off; and returned back again to Leeds.
* * * * *
A few days after, Captain HOTHAM, with 3 Troops of Horse and
some Dragoons, came to me; and then we marched to Leeds. But the Enemy,
having notice of it, quitt[ed] the town in haste; and fled to York.
And that we might have more room, and be less burthensome to our
friends; we presently advanced [in November 1642] to Tadcaster, 8 miles
from York.
* * * * *
Now we being increased to 1,000 men, it was thought fit, for securing
of the West Riding, at least the greatest part of it, from whence our
greatest supply came, to keep the Pass at Wetherby; whither my father
sent me with about 300 Foot and 40 Horse. The Enemy's next design, from
York, was to fall on my Quarters there; which was a place very open and
easy for them to do: there being so many back ways to enter in; and
friends enough to direct and acquaint them with all we did.
About six of the clock in the morning [in November 1642], they set upon
us with 800 Horse and Foot. The woods thereabouts favoured them so much
as that our Scouts could get no notice of them; so as no alarm was
given till they were ready to enter the town, which they might soon do
for the Guards were all asleep in houses.
For in the beginning of the War, men were as impatient of Duty as
ignorant of it.
Myself only was on horseback; going out, at the other end of the town,
to Tadcaster: where my father lay.
One came running to me, and told me, The Enemy was entering the town. I
presently galloped to the Court of Guard [_the Piquet_], where I found
not above four men at their arms; as I remember, two Foot Sergeants
and two Pike men, [who] withstood with me when Sir THOMAS
GLENHAM, with about six or seven Commanders more, charged us:
where, after a short but sharp encounter, in which Major CARR
was slain, they retired. And in this time more of the Guard were gotten
to their arms. But I must confess I know [of] no strength, but the
powerful hand of GOD, that gave them this repulse.
Afterward they made another attempt, in which Captain ATKINSON
was slain.
And here again, there fell out another remarkable Providence. During
this conflict, our Magazine was blown up: which struck such a terror
in the Enemy, thinking we had cannon (which they were informed we had
not), that they instantly retreated. And though I had but a few Horse;
they pursued the Enemy some miles, and took many prisoners.
We lost about eight or ten men, whereof seven were blown up with [the]
powder: the Enemy, many more.[20]
* * * * *
At this time [HENRY CLIFFORD] the Earl of CUMBERLAND
commanded the Forces in Yorkshire for the King.
But (being of a peaceable nature; and by his amiable disposition
having but few enemies, or rather because he was an enemy to few)
he did not suit with their present condition and apprehension of
fears. Therefore they sent to [WILLIAM CAVENDISH] the Earl
of NEWCASTLE, who had an Army of 6,000 men, to desire his
assistance: which he answered by a speedy march to York.
* * * * *
Being now encouraged by this increase of force, they resolved to fall
on Tadcaster. My father drew all his men thither. But by a Council of
War the town was judged untenable; and that we should draw out to an
advantageous piece of ground by the town. But before we could all march
out; the Enemy advanced [on 7th December 1642] so fast that we were
necessitated to leave some Foot in a slight Work above the bridge to
secure our retreat.
But the Enemy pressing still on us, forced us to draw back [_return
back_], and maintain that ground.
We had about 900 men. The Enemy above 4,000: who, in Brigades, drew up
close to the Works, and stormed us. Our men reserved their shot till
they were very near; which then they disposed to so good purpose as
forced them to retire, and shelter themselves behind the hedges that
were hard by.
And here did the fight continue from 11 a clock at noon till 5 at
night, with cannon and musket, without intermission.
They had, once, possessed a house by the bridge; which would have cut
us [off] from our reserves that were in the town: but Major General
GIFFORD, with a commanded party, beat them out again; where
many of the enemies were slain and taken prisoners.
They attempted at another place; but were also repulsed by Captain
LISTER, who was there slain: which was a great loss, [he]
being a discreet Gentleman.
And now, it growing dark, the Enemy drew off into the fields hard by;
with intention to assault us again the next day. They left that night
about 200 dead and wounded upon the place.
But our ammunition being all spent in this day's fight; we drew off
that night, and marched to Selby: and the Enemy entered, the next day
[8th December 1642], into the town [of Tadcaster]. And thus, by the
mercy of GOD, were a few delivered from an Army who, in their thoughts,
had swallowed us up.
* * * * *
Now, the Earl of NEWCASTLE lay between us and our friends in
the West Riding; and so [was] equally destructive to us both. But, to
give them encouragement and help, I was sent [on Friday, 9th December
1642], with about 200 Foot and 3 Troops of Horse and some arms, to
Bradford. I was to go by Ferrybridge: our intelligence being that the
Enemy was advanced yet no further than Sherburn.
But when I was within a mile of the town [_i.e. Ferrybridge_]; we took
some prisoners who told us That my Lord NEWCASTLE laid at
Pontefract, 800 men in Ferrybridge, and the rest of the Army in all the
towns thereabouts.
So as now, our advance, or retreat, seemed [to be] alike difficult.
But, there being not much time to demur in, a retreat was resolved on
back again to Selby. 300 or 400 of the Enemy's Horse shewed themselves
in our rear, without making any attempt upon us; and so, through the
goodness of GOD, we got safe thither.
[_Here, chronologically, comes in the Fight at Sherburn in Elmet, on
Wednesday, 14th December 1642, described at page 584._]
And, in three days after,[21] having better intelligence how they lay,
with the same number as before, I marched in the night by several towns
where they lay, and arrived, the next day, at Bradford: a town very
untenable; but, for their good affections, deserving all we could
hazard for them.
Our first work there was to fortify ourselves; for we could not but
expect strong opposition in it: seeing there lay at Leeds 1,500 of the
Enemy, and 1,200 at Wakefield; neither above six or seven miles from
us. They visited us every day with their Horse; for ours went not far
from the town, being so unequal in number: yet they seldom returned
without loss. Till, at length, our few men grew so bold; and theirs, so
disheartened: as they durst not stir a mile out of their garrison.
But while these daily skirmishes were among the Horse; I thought it
necessary to strengthen ourselves with more Foot. So, summoning the
country [_i.e. the West Riding of Yorkshire_], which now our Horse had
given some liberty to come into us; I presently armed them with the
arms we brought along with us: so that, in all, we were now about 800
Foot.
* * * * *
But being too many to lie idle, and yet too few to be in continual
duty; we resolved rather, through the assistance of GOD, to attempt
them in their garrison than endure longer this trouble. So summoning
the country in again; we made a body of about 1,200 or 1,300 men: with
which we marched to Leeds, and drew them up [on Monday, 23rd
January 1643] within
[a] half cannon shot of their Works, in Battalia; and then sent in a
Trumpet[er] with a Summons to deliver up the town to me, for the use of
[the] King and Parliament.
They presently returned this answer, That it was not civilly done to
come so near before I sent the Summons; and that they would defend the
town, the best they could, with their lives.
So presently ordering the manner of the Storm, we all fell on at one
time. The business was hotly disputed for almost two hours: but, after,
the Enemy were beaten from their Works. The Barricadoes were soon
forced open into the streets: where Horse and Foot resolutely entering,
the soldiers cast down their arms, and rendered themselves prisoners.
The Governor and some chief Officers swam the river and escaped. One
Major BEAUMONT was drowned, as was thought. In all, there were
about 40 or 50 slain; and [a] good store of ammunition [was] taken,
which we had much want of.
But the consequence of this Action was yet of more importance. For
those that fled from Leeds and Wakefield, (for they also quitted that
garrison) gave my Lord NEWCASTLE such an alarm at Pontefract,
where he lay; as he drew all his Army back again to York: leaving once
more a free intercourse between my father [at Selby] and me, which he
had so long time cut off.
But, after a short time, the Earl of NEWCASTLE returned again
to the same Quarters [at Pontefract]; and we to our stricter duties.
* * * * *
But, after some time, we found that our men must either have more
room, or more action. [_This Fight at Sherburn took place on the
14th December 1642; and should have been mentioned earlier in this
Narrative._[22]] Therefore Captain HOTHAM and I took a resolution,
early in the morning to beat up a Quarter [_Encampment_] of the Enemy
that lay at [Church] Fenton. But they being gone, we marched towards
Sherburn [in Elmet]; intending only to give them an alarm there.
But they might see us, a mile or two, march over a plain common which
lay by the Town; and therefore had sent about 20, or 30, Horse to
guard a Pass near the town. I having the Van (For, at this time we
[_FAIRFAX and HOTHAM_] commanded our Troops distinct one from another;
both making 5 Troops of Horse and 2 of Dragoons), I told him, If he
would second me, I would charge those Horse; and if they fled, I would
pursue them so close[ly] as to get into the town with them. He promised
to second me. I went to the head of my Troops, and presently charged
them: who fled, and we pursued [them] close to the Barricado. But they
got in, and shut it upon us; where my horse was shot at the breast. We
so filled the lane; being strait [_narrow_] that we could not retreat
without confusion, and danger of their falling in our rear. So we stood
to it; and stormed the Work with pistol and sword. At the end of the
Barricado, there was a straight passage for one single horse to go in.
I entered there, and others followed one by one. Close at one side of
the entrance stood a Troop of Horse: but so soon as eight or ten of
us got in they fled. And by this time, the rest of our men had beaten
them from their Barricado, and entered the town, which soon cleared the
streets, and pursued those that fled. And now my horse, which was shot
in the lane, fell down dead under me: but I was presently mounted again.
They in the towns about having taken the alarm, now made us think
of securing our retreat with the prisoners we had gotten: and some
of them [were] very considerable; among whom was Major General
WINDHAM. But we scarce[ly] got into good order before General
GORING came, with a good body of Horse, up to us: and as we
marched on, he followed close in the rear, without [our] receiving
any hurt; only my Trumpet[er] had his horse shot close by me. So we
returned again to Selby.
But though this could not free us wholly from a potent Enemy; yet we
lay more quietly by them a good while after.
* * * * *
In this recess of action, we had several treaties [_negotiations_]
about prisoners. And this I mention the rather, for that Captain
HOTHAM here began to discover his intention of leaving the
Parliament's Service, by making conditions for himself with the Earl of
NEWCASTLE (though [it was] not discovered till a good while
after): which had almost ruined my father, and the forces that were
with him.
For, being now denied help and succour from Hull and the East Riding;
he was forced to forsake Selby, and retire to Leeds and those western
parts where [I] myself was.
But to make good this retreat, I was sent to, to bring what men I could
to join with him at Sherburn. For NEWCASTLE's forces lay so,
as he might easily intercept us in our way to Leeds: which he had
determined [to do], and to that end lay with his Army on Clifford Moor;
having perfect intelligence of our march.
But while my father, with 1,500 men ordnance and ammunition,
continued [on 2nd April 1643] his way from Selby to Leeds; I, with
those I brought to Sherburn, marched a little aside, between my Lord
NEWCASTLE's Army and ours. And to amuse [_deceive_] them the
more, [I] made an attempt upon Tadcaster: whither they had 300 or 400
men; who presently quitted the town, and fled to York. Here we stayed
three or four hours sleighting [_destroying_] the Works.
This put NEWCASTLE's Army to a stand, which was on their march
to meet us: thinking that he was deceived in his intelligence; and that
we had some other design upon York.
He presently sent back the Lord GORING, with 20 Troops of
Horse and Dragoons, to relieve Tadcaster. We were newly drawn off when
they came. GORING pressed over the river to follow us.
But seeing we were far unequal to him in Horse, for I had not above 3
Troops; and [having] to go over Bramham Moor, a large plain: I gave
direction to the Foot to march away, while I stayed with the Horse to
interrupt the Enemy's passage in those narrow lanes that lead up to
the Moor. Here was much firing at one another. But, in regard of their
great number, as they advanced we were forced to give way: yet had
gained by it sufficient time for the Foot to be out of danger.
But when we came up to the Moor again, I found them where I left them:
which troubled me much, the Enemy being close upon us, and a great
plain yet to go over. So [I] marched the foot in two Divisions, and the
Horse in the rear. The Enemy followed, about two musket shot from us,
in three good bodies: but yet made no attempt upon us. And thus we got
well over the open _campania_.
But having again gotten to some little enclosures, beyond which was
another Moor, called Seacroft Moor [_now called Whin Moor. It is
about five miles from Leeds_], much less than the first. Here our men
thinking themselves more secure, were more careless in keeping order;
and while their officers were getting them out of houses, where they
sought for drink, [it] being an exceedingly hot day; the Enemy got,
another way, as soon as we, on to the Moor. But we had almost passed
this plain also.
They [_the Royalists_] seeing us in some disorder, charged us both in
Flank and Rear. The countrymen presently cast down their arms, and
fled. The Foot soon after: which, for want of pikes, were not able to
withstand their Horse. Some were slain; and many taken prisoners. Few
of our Horse stood the charge. Some Officers, with me, made our retreat
with much difficulty; in which Sir HENRY FOULIS had a slight
hurt. My Cornet was taken prisoner. Yet [we] got to Leeds about two
hours after my father, with those forces with him, was arrived safe
thither.
This was one of the greatest losses we ever received. Yet was it a
great Providence that it was a part, and not the whole, [of the] Force
which received this loss: it being the Enemy's intention to have fought
us that day with their whole Army, which was, at least, 10,000 men; had
not the Attempt at Tadcaster put a stand to them. And so concluded that
day with this storm that fell on us.
* * * * *
But now, being at Leeds, it was thought fit to possess some other place
also: wherefore I was sent to Bradford, with 700 or 800 Foot and 3
Troops of Horse. These two towns being all the garrisons we had. At
Wakefield, six miles off, lay 3,000 of the Enemy: but yet [we] had not
much disturbance from them.
Being most busied about releasing our prisoners that were taken at
Seacroft Moor, most of them being countrymen [_Yorkshire peasants_];
whose wives and children were still importunate for their release:
which was as earnestly endeavoured by us; but no conditions would
be accepted. So their continual cries, and tears, and importunities
compelled us to think of some way to redeem these men: so as we thought
of attempting Wakefield; our intelligence being that the Enemy had not
above 800 or 900 men in the town.
I acquainted my father with our design: who approved of it; and sent
[to Bradford] some men from Leeds; which enable us to draw out 1,100
Horse and Foot.
So upon Whit-Sunday [21st May 1643], early in the morning, we came
before the town. But they had notice of our coming, and had manned all
their Works, and set about 800 Musketeers to line the hedges about the
town: which made us now doubt our intelligence; which was too late.
Notwithstanding, after a little consultation, we advanced, and soon
beat them back into the town; which we stormed in three places.
After two hours' dispute, the Foot forced open a Barricado, where
I entered with my own Troop. Colonel ALURED, and Captain
BRIGHT, followed with theirs. The street which we entered
was full of their Foot: which we charged through, and routed; leaving
them to the Foot which followed close behind us. And presently we were
charged again with Horse led by General GORING: where, after a
hot encounter, some were slain; and [he] himself taken prisoner by [the
brother of] Colonel ALURED.
And I cannot but here acknowledge GOD's goodness to me this day: who
being advanced a good way single [_alone_] before my men, having a
Colonel and a Lieutenant Colonel, who had engaged themselves to be my
prisoners, only with me; and many of the enemies between me and my men,
I light[ed] on a Regiment of Foot standing in the Market Place.
Thus encompassed, and thinking what to do; I espied a lane which I
thought would lead me back to my men again. At the end of this lane,
there was a Corps du Guard [_Piquet_] of the Enemy's, with 15 or 16
soldiers; who were then just quitting it, with a Serjeant leading them
off: whom we met. Who, seeing their [two] Officers, came up to us;
taking no notice of me. They asked them, What they would have them do?
for they could keep the Work no longer; because the Roundheads, as they
called them, came so fast upon them.
But the Gentlemen, who had passed their words to me to be my true
prisoners, said nothing. So, looking upon one another, I thought it
not fit now to own them; as so much less to bid the rest to render
themselves to me: so, being well mounted, and seeing a place in the
Work where men used to go over, I rushed from them, seeing no other
remedy, and made my horse leap over the Work. And so, by a good
Providence, got to my men again: who, before I came, had, by the
direction of Major General GIFFORD, brought up a piece of
ordnance, and planted it in the Churchyard, against the body that stood
in the Market Place; who presently rendered themselves.
All our men being got into the town, the streets were cleared, [and]
many prisoners taken. But the Horse got off almost entire. But this
seemed the greater mercy when we saw our mistake: now finding 3,000 men
in the town, [and] not expecting half the number. We brought away 1,400
prisoners, 80 Officers, 28 Colours; and [a] great store of ammunition,
which we much wanted.[23]
But seeing this was more a Miracle than a Victory; more the effect of
GOD's divine power than human force; and more his Providence than the
success of our prudence in making so hazardous an attempt: let the
honour and praise of it be His only!
After this, we exchanged our men that were prisoners, with these: and
were freed, a good while; from any trouble or attempt from [the] Enemy.
* * * * *
But then again it pleased GOD to mix water with our
wine; and to bring us into a better
condition by the brinks of ruin and destruction.
Hitherto, through His mercy, we had held up near[ly] two years against
a potent Army: but they finding us now almost tired, with continual
Services; treacherously used by our friends; and in want of many things
necessary for support and defence--the Earl of NEWCASTLE
marched with an Army of 10,000 or 12,000 men to besiege us; and
resolved to sit down before Bradford, which was a very untenable place.
My father drew all the forces he could spare out of the garrisons
hither.
But seeing it impossible to defend the town but by strength of men; and
not [having] above ten or twelve days' provisions for so many as were
necessary to keep it: we resolved [on 29th June 1643] the next morning,
very early, with a party of 3,000 men, to attempt his whole Army, as
they lay in their Quarters, three miles off; hoping thereby, to put
him into some distraction; which could not, by reason of the unequal
numbers, be done any other way.
For this end, my father appointed four of the clock next morning [30th
June 1643] to begin the march. But Major General [JOHN]
GIFFORD, who had the ordering of the business, so delayed the
execution of it that it was seven or eight before we began to move: and
not without much suspicion of treachery in it; for when we came near
the place we intended, the Enemy's whole Army was drawn up in Battalia.
We were to go up a hill to them, which our Forlorn Hope [_or Advanced
Guard_] gained by beating theirs into their Main Body; which was
drawn up half a mile further, upon a plain called Adderton [_the
correct spelling is Adwalton_] Moor. [_It is also spelt Atherston and
Atherton._]
We, being all up the hill, drew into Battalia also. I commanded the
Right Wing, which was about 1,000 Foot and 5 Troops of Horse; Major
General [JOHN] GIFFORD, the Left Wing, which was about the same number.
My father commanded all in chief.
We advanced through the enclosed grounds till we came to the Moor;
beating the Foot that lay in them to their Main Body.
10 or 12 Troops of Horse charge us in the Right Wing [_which was at
the head of Warren's Lane_]. We kept [to] the enclosures, placing our
Musketeers in the hedges next the Moor; which was a good advantage to
us, that had so few Horse.
There was a gate, or open place, to the Moor: where five or six might
enter abreast. Here they strove to enter: we, to defend. But, after
some dispute, those that entered the pass found sharp entertainment;
and those that were not yet entered, as hot welcome from the
Musketeers, that flanked them in the hedges. All, in the end, were
forced to retreat; with the loss of Colonel HOWARD, who
commanded them.
The Left Wing, at the same time, was engaged with the Enemy's Foot.
Ours gained ground of them.
The Horse came down again, and charged us: being about 13 or 14 Troops.
We defended ourselves as before; but with much more difficulty, many
having got in among us: but [they] were beat[en] off again, with some
loss; and Colonel HERNE, who commanded that party, was slain.
We pursued them [back] to their cannon.
* * * * *
And here I cannot omit a remarkable passage of Divine Justice. Whilst
we were engaged in the fight with those Horse that entered the gate,
four soldiers had stripped Colonel HERNE naked; as he lay
dead on the ground, [and] men still fighting round about him: and
so dextrous were these villains, as they had done it, and mounted
themselves again, before we had beaten them off. But after we had
beaten them to their ordnance, as I said; and [were] now returning to
our ground again; the Enemy discharged a piece of cannon in our rear.
The bullet fell into Captain COPLEY's Troop, in which these
four men were: two of whom were killed; and some hurt or mark remained
on the rest, though dispersed into several Ranks of the Troop, which
was [the] more remarkable.
We had not yet Martial Law amongst us: which gave me a good occasion to
reprove it; by shewing the soldiers the sinfulness of the act, and how
GOD would punish when men wanted power to do it.
This charge, and the resolution our soldiers shewed in the Left Wing,
made the Enemy think of retreating. Orders were given for it; and some
marched off the Field.
Whilst they were in this wavering condition, one Colonel
SKIRTON, a wild and desperate man, desired his General to
let him charge [on our Left Wing] once more, with a Stand of Pikes.
With which he brake in upon our men; and they not [being] relieved by
our Reserves, ([which were] commanded by some ill-affected Officers;
chiefly Major General GIFFORD, who did not his part as he
ought to do), our men lost ground: which the Enemy seeing, pursued
this advantage by bringing on fresh troops. Ours, being herewith
discouraged, began to flee; and so [were] soon routed.
The Horse also charged us again. We, not knowing what was done in the
Left Wing; our men maintained their ground till a command came for us
to retreat: having scarce any way now to do it; the Enemy being almost
round about us, and our way to Bradford cut off. But there was a lane
[_Warren's Lane_] in the field we were in, which led to Halifax: which,
as a happy Providence, brought us off without any great loss; save of
Captain TALBOT and twelve more, which were slain in this last
encounter.
Of those [on the Left Wing] that fled, there were about 60 killed, and
300 taken prisoners.
* * * * *
This business, having such ill success, our hopes of better could not
be much: wanting all things that were necessary for defence, and [no]
expectations of helps from any place.
The Earl of NEWCASTLE presently lay siege to the town [of
Bradford]: but before he had surrounded it, I got in with those men I
brought from Halifax.
* * * * *
I found my father much troubled; having neither a Place of Strength to
defend ourselves in, nor a garrison in Yorkshire to retreat to. For
[Sir JOHN HOTHAM the Elder,] the Governor of Hull had declared
himself, If we were forced to retreat thither, that he would shut the
gates on us.
But, while he was musing on these sad thoughts, a messenger was sent
from Hull to let him know, The townsmen had secured [_taken prisoner_]
the Governor [on the morning of the 29th June 1643]; and if he had
any occasion to make use of that place, for they were sensible of
the danger he was in, he should be very readily and gladly received
[there]. Which news was joyfully received, and acknowledged as a great
mercy of GOD to us: yet was it not made use of till a further necessity
compelled it.
So my father, having ordered me to stay here [at Bradford] with 800
Foot and 60 Horse: he intruded [_retired_] that night [of 30th June
1643] for Leeds, to secure it.
* * * * *
Now NEWCASTLE, having spent three or four days in laying his
Quarters about the town; they brought down their cannon: but needed
to raise no batteries, for the hills, within half [a] musket shot,
commanded all the town; which [cannon], now being planted in two
places, shot furiously upon us. [They] making also Approaches; which
made us spend very much [ammunition].
Our little store was not above five and twenty, or thirty, barrels of
powder at the beginning of the siege: yet, notwithstanding, the Earl
of NEWCASTLE sent a Trumpet[er] to offer us Conditions; which
I accepted so they were honourable for us to take, and safe for the
inhabitants.
Upon which, two Captains were sent to treat with him, and a Cessation
[was agreed upon] during the time; but he continued working still,
contrary to [the] agreement: whereupon I sent for the Commissioners
again, suspecting a design of attempting something against us; but he
returned them not till eleven a clock at night [of 1st July 1643], and
then with a slight answer.
Whilst they were delivering it to us, we heard great shooting of cannon
and muskets. All ran presently to the Works, which the Enemy was
storming. Here, for three-quarters of an hour, was very hot service:
but, at length they retreated.
They made a second attempt: but were also beaten off.
After this, we had not above one barrel of powder left; and no Match.
So I called the Officers together: where it was advised and resolved
[_evidently about 1 a.m. on the 2nd July 1643_] to draw off presently,
before it was day; and by forcing a way, which we must do (they having
surrounded the town), [in order] to retreat to Leeds.
Orders were despatched, and speedily put in execution.
The Foot, commanded by Colonel ROGERS, was sent out, through
some narrow lanes; who were to beat up the Dragoons' Quarters
[_Encampment_]; and so to go on to Leeds.
[I] myself, with some other Officers, went with the Horse, which were
not above 50, in an opener way.
Here I must not forget to mention my Wife, who ran great hazards with
us in this retreat as any others; and with as little expression of
fear: not from any zeal or delight, I must needs say, in the War; but
through a willing and patient suffering of this undesirable condition.
But now I sent two or three Horsemen to discover what they could of
the Enemy: which presently returned, and told us, There was a Guard of
Horse close by us.
Before I had gone forty paces, the day beginning to break, I saw them
on the hill above us; being about 300 Horse.
I, with some 12 more, charged them. Sir HENRY FOULIS, Major
General GIFFORD, and myself, with three more [_i.e._, _6 out
of 13_] brake through. Captain MUDD was slain: and the rest
of our Horse, being close by, the Enemy fell upon them, taking most of
them prisoners; amongst whom my Wife was, the Officer behind whom she
was [on horseback] being taken.
I saw this disaster; but could give no relief. For after I was got
through, I was in the Enemy's Rear alone; for those that had charged
also through, went on to Leeds; thinking I had done so too.
But being unwilling to leave my company: I stayed till I saw there was
no more in my power to do; but to be made a prisoner with them. Then I
retired to Leeds.
The like disorder fell amongst the Foot that went the other way, by a
mistake. For after they had marched a little way, the Van fell into
the Dragoons' Quarters [_Encampment_], clearing the way. But through
a cowardly fear of him that commanded those men who were in the Rear;
[he] made them face about, and march again into the town [of Bradford]:
where, the next day [2nd July 1643], they were all taken prisoners.
Only 80, or thereabouts, of the Front, which got through, came to
Leeds; all mounted on horses which they had taken from the Enemy: where
I found them when I came thither; which was some joy to them, all
concluding I was either slain or taken prisoner.
* * * * *