deliverance, sent here also his angell to give me warning of the bloody
devices they had contrived against me. For ther was a yonge man from
Rochell who intended to travaile by land so far as Deepe, and had beene
in our company ever since we came from Poicters. He taking to hart the
cruell entertainment that was prepared for me, was mooved with
compassion of my woefull misery that I was like to fall into. Very
suddenly theirfore when oppertunity served, in the morning he tooke me
into a private corner, and told me that I was to be examined in a
rigorus way by the hangman the next day after uppon some artickles that
my comrade had brought along with him from Bourdeaux, and that I might
give the better heed to his words he made a circumstantiall relation to
me of all what had passed at Bourdeaux with me, and what was lately
mentioned concerning this new plott, adviseing me to absent myselfe if
I loved my life and safety. Further said he, 'the reason that you are
not yet areasted is, because your comrade told them that you are quite
bare of moneys, and that you intend this day to take up some from your
marchant; they will not lay hold of you till you have taken so much as
you will that they may have the better booty, theirfore they let you goe
freely whether you will, for they all think that you suspect nothing of
their designe.'
Now I came to see the trueth of the suspition I conceived the day before
upon the roade, but being aquainted with the greediness of my
adversaryes, I made the use of it. When I had beene forth in the morning
and taken up some money of my marchant, I retourned againe to my
tretcherous comrade, at my dinner tyme imparting to him that I had beene
with my marchant to receive of him 500 livers, but he having not the
money ready in the morning desired me to come about three or foure of
the clock in the afternoon. This pollicy I used because I durst not
venture to make an escape in the day tyme for feare of being watched by
some body, but in the darke I thought I might goe any whether. The Lord
blessed my endeavour accordingly, for this excuse of myne concerning the
receiving the money was taken for a reall trueth, so that they suffered
me to goe forth againe in the afternoon, not doubting my retourn, for to
make all sure I bought in the forenoon a couple of books and some
lining, and left them on the table in my chamber in the presence of my
comrade with my pistolls and sword and other necessaryes in a little
port-mantle.
Now when night drew on that it was a little duskish I bought another
sword, a pockett pistoll, a paire of shooes, and a leather bagg the
which I filled with bread. Having made this provision I crossed the
river of Seine in a boate, I intending to goe on foot to Caen in
Normandie, which was some 28 leagues from Roan, their to look for some
English ship wherin I might be transported to England. For brevity sake
I forbeare to make any relation of the pertickulars of every day. Only
because hue and cry followed me close where ever I came I durst not come
neare any towne or house, but was constraned to keepe the open feild
twelve dayes together, or for the most part in sollitary woods, dureing
which tyme their was a most vehement frost, and the ground was all
covered with snow wherby I was often dogged as a hart by his track. For
eight dayes I could neither sit nor lye downe but where I was first
faine to bestow halfe an houres worke to cleare the snow from the
ground; and above all the rest the night after the fifth of February
proved most pernicious to my feet, for the night and day before their
was a great storme with snow and tempest, wherby the ground became so
deeply covered with snow, that as I was marching the night after, every
step I made I trode halfe and somtymes whole knee deep in the snow. By
which meanes the snow melting upon my leggs and runing downe into my
shooes, my stockins began to be frozen to my toes like as it were a cold
stone before I was awar of it; for whilest I was in motion I thought no
snow could indanger me, how wet soever my feet were, but having lost all
the feeling out of them, I did not presently pull of my stockings as
soone as I came to sit still, and that while the frost gott such an
advantage upon me that it would have cost me both my feet had I not
bouried them after the sun was up in a heape of snow, wherby the frost
was drawn out againe, yet the flesh about the great and little toe of my
left foot being past recovering I was forced to have it cut of as soone
as I had oppertunity of tyme and place.
During this progresse I had no other sustenance but what I brought out
of Roan, and what afterwards I got with great hazard of my life. The
provision that I carried out of Roan with me lasted three dayes, having
fasted after that was spent two dayes, I ventured in the duske of the
evening into a little towne called Bullie, their to buy some bread,
thinking that no body would take notice of me at such a tyme in the
evening. But as soone as I was gott into the towne, the townesmen being
informed of my coming before hand by two travillers, which on horseback
overtooke me a little before I gott to the towne, besett presently the
two passages of the towne with a gaurd, while they went to consult how
to lay hold on me in a more legall way. For the towne lyeing close to
the river and backed with very steep and unaccessable hills had but two
passages to come in and out, which being guarded though they let me goe
about the towne, yet they counted me as sure in their hands as if they
had had me in a safer coustody. Perceiveing this, as soone as I came
into the towne by the people staring and mocking me, I forgot my hunger,
and could not looke for bread, but only meanes to get out of the towne
againe. And it being now become quite darke I tourned up and downe in
the towne till I gott out of the peoples sight, makeing towards the
other passages which were a musket shott without the towne, theire to
try whether I could make some shift to steale by the guards (for I had
beene formerly a little aquainted with the place as I travailed through
it foure moneths before that tyme); but coming to the passage I found it
altogether impossible to gett by, the place being so narrow and the
guards so carefull, and while I was walking under the hills not farre
from that passage their came two men with fowling peeces on their
shouldiers from the guard upon me before I was awar of it, intending to
goe home to supper and leave me to my selfe assuring themselves that I
could not escape any whether. Then I went from one place to another
making severall endevours to get through, but I wearyed myselfe in
vaine, till about eleven of the clock at night I tooke a resolution to
try whether I could try the hills (though they were such as that I
beleeive no body since the creation had made use of that way before me).
Yet the Lord (to disapoint my enimies in their devices) carried me over
the same, after I had beene climbing from one hill to another some three
houres, and the hilt of my sword and my knife were the cheife meanes to
get over these steep places, I could take no hold with them in the
rubbish that lay upon the rocks while I crept upon my hands and knees
upwards.
The Lord having thus wonderfully delivered me even out of the trap,
after I had overcome the hills I lodged myselfe in a wood hard by. For
those hills had so exhausted me of all my strength that I was not able
to march any whether that night, but I continued their that night and
the next day. The night after I marched againe till I came in the
morning before another market towne, where once I had marched through in
the midst of the night being the third night after I came from Roan, but
I was now come hither againe accidentally by a mistake caused by the
cloudy weather (for having beene neer halfe the way to Caen, till I came
to see the impossibillity of getting through, espetially my feet being
spoiled by the frost, I was now upon my back way to Roan to seek some
English ship for my last refuge); and finding the conveniency of a small
wood neare to the said towne to conceale myselfe theirin all the day
following I remained their with an intention to goe, like as I did two
dayes before, in the duske of the evening into the said towne to buy
some bread before any body would take notice of me, not fearing in the
meane while any would be privy to my being their now.
Whether the two men that met me in the morning before day at the
townes-end, or whether a boy that saw me by chance in the wood at noon
had betrayed me I know not, but all the towne knew that I was in the
wood, setting watchmen on the top of the hill, where they knew that I
must needs come forth whensoever I left the wood unlesse I would goe
through the towne (which they did not expect), while they sent for halfe
a dozen of the Duke de Longevilles guard (which when I saw goe all in
the Duke's livery having white crosses on their backs) on purpose to
apprehend me in the wood, which might easily be affected, the wood being
little and not very thick, runing up from the valley hard by the end of
the towne to the top of the hill. Now before the guard came it was about
sun-set, theirfore not to loose any more tyme many of the townes people
great and small went with them to the top of the hill, their to begin to
search for me and so continue downwards, for on the top of the hill were
the thickest bushes, and their also was I discovered at noon by the boy;
but being then frighted with the boy I was before evening crept downe
into the valley under the banck side by the high way, and their I lay
till I heard and saw the multitude with the guard to passe by me, then
tarrying till they were all got to the top of the hill, and seing no
body to hinder me from coming into the towne, I rose and went into the
towne, buying some bread while no body was their to opose me, though all
those that saw me cryed out upon me, saying 'this is the theife they
seeke,' calling for those that were appointed to take me, and sending
after them to the top of the hill, which required above a quarter of an
houre to get up. Yet because others had undertaken the charge to
apprehend me, no body would make it his proper duty to lay hands on me,
especially seing me armed with a sword and pistoll. Being thus
fournished with bread I went out againe as free as I came in, getting
out of the other end of the towne, and having the aproaching night to
friend me I stole away under the hedges before any of the said guard or
catchpools could retourne from the hill and be ready to follow me.
After this wonderfull deliverance and releife I marched the same and the
next night till I came before Roan againe. And being within an English
mile of the towne I searched for a place to hide myselfe among the
bushes all the day longe till in the evening I might gett over the
river, and goe into the towne, their to putt into practice my intentions
before mentioned; but as I was thus busie their came by unawarrs two
travillers goeing into the Citty a little before daybreake, these
hearing a noyse among the oake bushes fell a running and cryed 'a
theife,' 'a theife in the bushes,' all the way alonge. This accident
struck me againe with such new frights that I durst not goe to the Citty
the next evening, according to my former intentions, for feare their
should be waite laid for me at my enterance into the Citty. So I
deferred my enterance for three dayes longer, although I were sure to
fast all the tyme, for my bread that I lately bought before I came so
farr was neare spent. For the said reason I lay their from Saturday
morning till Munday night[30], and then I went in the name of the Lord
into the towne, yet leaving my sword and cloake behinde me in the wood
least they should betray me at the water side.
After I gott into the Citty my first care was to refresh my selfe with
meate and drinke, and then I sought for a ship. The God of all comfort
and Father of all mercyes, intending now to put a period to my longe
continued afflictions, was pleased to prosper my endeavours, and to
direct me to a man that was both faithfull and willing to take care for
my security, granting me the use of his ship for my transportation for
the summe of fifty pounds sterling. Being got on ship board and come
againe into warme lodgeing my feet began to be altogether uselesse to
me, and full of raging paine, my frozen toes began now to rott, and were
in great danger of loosing altogether, for I had hitherto no tyme for
convenience to aply any thing to them, nor could I by what meanes soever
recover the flesh that was cutt of the bones till the begining of May
following. Because of the contrariety of windes and other impedements we
were faine to lye in the River of Sceine till the 21^{th} of March, then
we set saile and came into the Downes on the 23^{d} of the same, the
same day after I came to London againe.
Now the Lord had tourned my mourning into joy and gladnesse againe, in
granting me the sight of that day wherof I had many hundred tymes
dispaired of before. Great and unspeakable have beene the sufferings of
my body, but farr greater and even beyond all expression have beene the
sufferings of my minde. Had I had a thousand worlds in my possession I
would freely have given them all for my liberty, and made choyce besides
to live in the condition of the meanest beggar all the dayes of my life,
if I might have beene freed from those horrid feares which at severall
tymes suppressed my spirit with such a weight as if heaven and earth
had laid upon my shouldiers. My burthen was so much the heavier the
lesse hopes that I had ever to be eased of it, when I tasted and felt in
the highest degree all the greife and anguish that poverty, nakednesse,
hunger, frost, and the most tiranicall persecution that cruell enimyes
could ever inflict upon any mortall body. I could looke for ease no
where but from death it selfe, who would have beene my most welcome
friend, so it had not beene accompanied with so cruell and exquesite
torments as my enimyes threatened me withall.
But blessed and for ever blessed be the Lord, who doth great and
marvillous things without number; who disappointeth the devices of the
crafty, so that their hands cannot performe their enterprize; who
delivereth the poore from him that is too stronge for him; he woundeth
and he healeth again; he bringeth downe to the grave and raiseth up
againe; he hath not suffered my foes to rejoyce over me, nor given me as
a prey to their teeth; he hath beene my sanctuary, my refuge, and my
stronge tower from the enimye; he hath saved me from the reproach of
those that would have swallowed me up; he hath revived me in the midst
of my troubles; he hath delivered my soule from death, myne eyes from
teares, my feet from falling; he hath not dispised the affliction of
the afflicted, neither hath he hidden his face from me, but when I cryed
unto him he heard me; he hath given me my harts desire, and added a
length to my dayes. To him only belongeth all praise and thanksgiving
for evermore. Amen.
NOTES
=P. 5=, l. 20. Blaye is on the east side of the estuary of the Gironde. It
had in 1876, according to Reclus, a population of 4,500 souls.
=P. 15=, l. 9. 'Graffe,' i.e. a ditch or moat. Richard Symonds describes
Borstall house as defended by 'a pallazado without the graffe; a deepe
graffe and wide, full of water.' _Diary_, p. 231.
=P. 17=, l. 4. Pullitor, apparently the same place as Pulliac mentioned on
p. 40, i.e. Pauillac or Pauilhac, a 'chef-lieu de canton' in the
department of the Gironde, on the west side of the estuary nearer the
mouth than Blaye. It contained in 1876 a population of 4,150.
=P. 31=, l. 20. 'mandring,' i.e. maundering. Nares in his glossary defines
maunder as meaning to mutter or grumble.
=P. 53=, l. 21. 'pootered beef,' i.e. salt or spiced beef, usually termed
'powdered beef.'
=P. 54=, l. 19. 'The Spanish fleet.' A Spanish fleet entered the mouth of
the Gironde some weeks after the surrender of Bordeaux, and made several
futile attempts to sail up to that city. It left the river about the end
of October, 1653, having accomplished nothing. In Israell Bernhard's
(or rather Hane's) letter to Thurloe from Rochelle, dated November 15,
1653, he writes: 'The river of Bourdeaux is wholly cleered of the
Spanish fleet, as I did relate unto you in my last, dated the 8 of this
month; only we live in jealousies and feares lest they should return
again, to the great hindrance of all trading from these parts.'
_Thurloe_, i. 578; Chéruel, _Ministère de Mazarin_, ii. 85.
=P. 67=, l. 13. 'fistling,' possibly whistling.
_P. 70_, l. 22. 'luggish.' This word is explained in Halliwell's
glossary as an adjective meaning dull or heavy. The sense here seems to
require 'luggishness,' i.e. sluggishness or heaviness. 'Lugge,' meaning
slug or sluggard, is applied by Ascham in his _Toxophilus_ to a bow
which is 'slow of cast.'
=P. 74=, l. 18. 'burick,' compare p. 78, l. 1, 'beverick.' The word
usually employed to describe this liquor is 'beverage,' which is defined
in the _New English Dictionary_ as: 'The liquor made by pouring water
over the pressed grapes after the wine has been drawn off.'
=P. 79=, l. 19. 'strick.' This word probably means a flat piece of board.
Nares in his glossary (ed. Halliwell and Wright) explains 'strickle' as
meaning an instrument for levelling corn, &c. in the measuring, and
gives the following examples:
'The _strickler_ is a thing that goes along with the measure, which
is a straight board with a staffe fixed in the side, to draw over
corn in measuring, that it exceed not the height of the
measure.'--_Randle Holme's Acad. of Armory_, p. 337.
'A _stritchill_: a _stricke_: a long and round peece of wood like a
rolling pinne (with us it is flat), wherewith measures are made
even.'--_Nomenclator._
At a pinch such a bit of wood might serve as a paddle.
=P. 79=, l. 22. 'Chartrux.' The Quai des Chartrons?
=P. 81=, l. 19. 'progenety,' i.e. progenetrix.
=P. 91=, l. 18. 'bouried.' The reading of the MS. is 'bourned,' but the
sense seemed to require the alteration made in the text.
=P. 92=, l. 5. 'Bullie,' probably Bully, a village in the department of
Calvados, about eight or ten miles south of Caen.
=P. 98=, l. 13. The MS. reads: 'came into the Downes the 23d of the same,
the same day after I came to London againe.'
* * * * *
The punctuation of the manuscript has been altered wherever the sense
seemed to require it, and missing words occasionally supplied by the
editor.
THE END.
Oxford
HORACE HART, PRINTER TO THE UNIVERSITY
FOOTNOTES:
[1] _Cal. State Papers Dom._ 1649-50, pp. 418, 541.
[2] _Scotland and the Commonwealth_, pp. 2, 11, 28, 154, 157, 161.
[3] Guizot, _Cromwell and the English Commonwealth_, i. 267.
[4] _Report on the Duke of Portland's MSS._, i. 641.
[5] Guizot, _Cromwell and the English Commonwealth_, i. 212, 237.
[6] Barrière to Condé, July 4, 1653.
[7] _Thurloe Papers_, i. 320.
[8] _Cal. State Papers Dom._ 1654, p. 160.
[9] Chéruel, _La France sous le ministère de Mazarin_, i. 56; Cousin,
_Madame de Longueville pendant la Fronde_, p. 464.
[10] _King Charles his Case_, 1649.
[11] _Thurloe_, ii. 657.
[12] Barrière to Condé, Feb. 20, 1654.
[13] Chéruel, _Histoire de France sous le Ministère de Mazarin_, ii.
381; Guizot, _Cromwell and the English Commonwealth_, ii. 427, 460,
470, 496.
[14] Burnet, _Own Time_, i. 120, 133, ed. 1833.
[15] The date of Stouppe's mission is not easy to fix. M. Chéruel
first puts it in 1651, but on second thoughts assigns it to 1653
(_Ministère de Mazarin_, i. 63, ii. 81). A letter from Barrière, dated
Feb. 20, 1654, seems to refer to the sending of Stouppe, and he was
certainly at Paris early in that year.
[16] Barrière to Condé, Dec. 25, 1654.
[17] _Nicholas Papers_, ii. 14.
[18] _The Interest of Princes and States_, 1680, p. 319.
[19] Ludlow, _Memoirs_, i. 415, ed. 1894.
[20] _Thurloe Papers_, i. 553, 578.
[21] On these events see Chéruel, _Ministère de Mazarin_, i. 44-7. The
royalist sentiment in the letter is assumed.
[22] For these extracts I am indebted to the kindness of Dr. S. R.
Gardiner, who has allowed me to use the transcripts of Barrière's
correspondence with Condé, placed at his disposal by the Duc d'Aumale.
The originals of the letters are preserved at Chantilly, and the
copies quoted were made by M. Gustave Macon, the librarian and
archivist of the Duc d'Aumale.
[23] _Cal. State Papers Dom._ 1654, p. 160.
[24] _Commons Journals_, vii. 343; _Cal. State Papers Dom._ 1653-4,
p. 23. In the index to the Calendar Hane is confused with Col. James
Heane, governor of Weymouth.
[25] _Commons Journals_, vii. 524; Burton's _Parliamentary Diary_, ii.
61; _Cal. State Papers Dom._ 1654, pp. 220, 269.
[26] _Thurloe_, vi. 525, 537, 547; vii. 306, 319, 328.
[27] November 28.
[28] Jan. 17.
[29] Jan. 30.
[30] Feb. 17.
End of Project Gutenberg's The Journal of Joachim Hane, by Joachim Hane