collected and sent against the negroes. They defeated one body of four
hundred, but accessions were continually made to the side of the rebels,
until their overpowering numbers compelled the whites to retreat, and do
their best to save the town. The revolt had been continually spreading,
and now extended over the whole country, coloured people joining the
negroes in their work of destruction. One planter was nailed to a gate,
and then had his limbs cut off, one after another; a carpenter was sawn
asunder, on the ground that this mode of execution suited his trade; and
two mulatto sons killed their white father, notwithstanding his prayers
and promises. White, and even coloured children, were killed without
mercy at the breasts of their mothers, and young women were violated
before the eyes of their parents. Here and there the horror was relieved
by kind actions on the part of faithful slaves, who, while joining in
the revolt for their own safety, saved their masters and mistresses.
The inhabitants of the town did all they could by sorties, but this was
very little. The rebels would run away at the first onset, but only to
return in overpowering numbers. A few were taken and broken on the
wheel, others fell in the skirmishes, but the insurrection still went
on. It spread to the neighbourhood of Port au Prince, but, on the
inhabitants of that town agreeing to enforce the obnoxious decree, the
rebels retired. This action was at last followed by those of Cape
Francois, and a partial truce ensued. In two months, it was said, a
thousand plantations were destroyed, and ten thousand blacks and two
thousand whites killed.
The news of this great disaster caused a revulsion of feeling in Paris,
and the decree which had caused so much trouble was annulled on the 24th
of September, before the results of the insurrection and the truces were
known. The arrangement had been come to at Port au Prince on the 11th of
the same month, and on the 20th at Cape Francois. Thus almost at the
time when it was being repealed the colonists were promising to see it
enforced.
It is hardly necessary to say what could be the only result of the
arrival of this revocation. The struggle was renewed, and all hopes of
reconciliation were at an end. The coloured party charged the whites
with treachery and duplicity; now they would fight until one or the
other was exterminated. They captured Port St. Louis, but got a severe
repulse from Port au Prince. Both sides were desperate, and although
there were fewer massacres in cold blood the rebels fell in thousands.
But as they were so numerous this slaughter made little impression.
Even when the prisoners were tortured with a refinement of cruelty
hardly credible, no good resulted from such examples. The time for all
that had passed, yet the whites nailed one poor mulatto by the feet in a
cart, and had him driven round the neighbourhood as a spectacle, before
breaking him on the wheel.
In January, 1792, three commissioners arrived from France to attempt a
reconciliation, which they commenced by publishing the decree revoking
the rights of the coloured people. Then they proclaimed a general
amnesty for all who should surrender within a given time. Such utter
ignorance as was thus shown has hardly been equalled in any age; we can
only ascribe it to the fact that the scum had risen to the top. The
mulattoes were roused to fury, and the whites equally exasperated. At
Petit Goave the rebels held thirty-four white prisoners, and at once
they were brought forth to be broken on the wheel, previous to which the
proclamation of amnesty was read to them, their executioners mockingly
claiming it as a pardon for the cruelties they were exercising.
This sort of thing, however, could not go on very long. Most of the
plantations and provision grounds had been destroyed, and both parties
felt the want of food. Unless something were done they would all be
starved; for without means of buying supplies even the whites could
hardly exist, while the blacks did nothing to raise further crops in
place of those they had eaten or destroyed. France again made an attempt
to put matters straight by declaring, on the 4th of April, 1792, that
the people of colour and free negroes ought to enjoy equal political
rights with other citizens. New assemblies were to be called, in the
election of which they should be allowed to vote; a new Governor of
Hayti was appointed, and new commissioners sent out to inquire into the
whole matter.
The Governor and the commission arrived at Cape Francois on the 13th of
September, and finding everything in confusion, they sent the late
administrator to France as a prisoner, and called a new assembly. Then
the commissioners put themselves in communication with the rebels, which
made the whites think them about to emancipate the slaves. This was
followed by a dispute between them and the Governor, and the appointment
of yet another head, who arrived in May, 1793. He refused to recognise
the commissioners, but they were not so easily set aside, for having the
whole power of the colony under control, they took possession of Port au
Prince, Jacmel, and Cape Francois, afterwards ordering the Governor to
leave. This led to another war, in which the coloured rebels and even
negroes were utilised by the commissioners, who thus, in a way,
sanctioned the revolt. Similar atrocities to those formerly enacted were
renewed, and again the colony was distracted in every part.
The ruined planters now lost all hope, and began to leave for the United
States, Jamaica, and other colonies. Some went to England, especially
those Royalists who attributed all their disasters to the revolution.
Here they began to urge the British to conquer Hayti, although as yet
war had not been declared with France. In September, 1793, an
expedition was sent from Jamaica, and on its arrival at Jeremie the
British were apparently welcomed by the whites. But the colony was so
utterly distracted that little could be done, and although they took
Port au Prince they were repulsed at Cape Tiberon. Then sickness fell
upon them--"Yellow Jack"--and this, with the delay of reinforcements,
made all prospects of success quite hopeless. With a foreign enemy at
hand the commissioners did all they could to reconcile the parties, and
to this end, just before the landing of the British, proclaimed complete
emancipation of all the slaves, which was ratified in Paris on the 4th
of February, 1794. This brought the whole body of rebels together, and
the position of the enemy became untenable. Finally came the cession of
the Spanish part of the island to France, and now it might be supposed
that something could be done to restore peace.
This repulse of the British was greatly due to the influence of a very
remarkable personage, Toussaint L'Ouverture, a pure negro, and lately a
slave. He had joined the revolt from its commencement, and had succeeded
in gaining such an influence over his race as had hitherto been unknown
in any slave insurrection. As soon as the general emancipation had been
declared, he was so grateful that he joined the French, heart and soul,
drove out the British, put down the mulattoes, and was appointed
Commander-in-chief of the united forces. In 1801 he became virtually
Dictator of the whole island, and was made President for life, with the
result that many plantations were re-established, and the colony was
making slow progress towards recovery.
Napoleon Buonaparte has been much lauded for his diplomacy, but he
certainly knew nothing of the West Indies. After the peace of Amiens he
had a little time to look after the colonies, and Hayti was among the
first to receive attention. Toussaint was then almost at the height of
his power, and had prepared a Constitution which was laid before
Napoleon, on reading which the First Consul said it was an outrage on
the honour of France, and the work of a revolted slave, whom they must
punish. It was true that the black President was virtually independent.
He lived in the palace at St. Domingo, and, with his councillors of all
colours, enacted the part of a little sovereign. To crown his audacity,
he, in July, 1801, proclaimed the independence of the island, and
himself as supreme chief.
This roused the anger of Napoleon, who retaliated by a proclamation
re-establishing slavery in the island--a measure so foolish that even
the planters themselves saw the impossibility of carrying it out. To
reduce the negroes again to servitude was utterly impossible, even with
all the power France could then bring into the island. However, it was
attempted with a force of thirty thousand men and sixty-six ships of
war. When this immense fleet arrived at Cape Francois the town was
commanded by the negro Christophe, who, finding himself unable to cope
with such a force, burnt the palace and withdrew. The French landed and
sent two sons of Toussaint, who had been sent to France for their
education, and to whom they had given a passage to their father,
bearing a letter from Napoleon, offering him great honours if he would
declare his allegiance. All that Toussaint said in reply was that he
would be faithful to his brethren and his God, and with that he allowed
his sons to return.
As yet the declaration that slavery was to be re-established had not
been published, and the negroes were working the plantations on a share
of the crop, with penalties for idleness. The French tried to put the
negroes against Toussaint, in which they succeeded to some extent, the
result being that civil war was renewed, and that the power of the black
chieftain was broken. Then the general thought it time to issue the
proclamation, which fell upon his negro allies like a thunder-clap, and
made them again rally round Toussaint. Thus almost everything which had
been gained was utterly and for ever lost.
Now the French tried a little double-dealing. The general stated in a
new proclamation that ignorance had led him hastily to fall into error,
and that to prevent anything of the same kind, and to provide for the
future welfare and liberty of all, he convened an assembly of
representatives of all the inhabitants, regardless of colour. This won
over the leaders, and finally peace was concluded with Toussaint. The
fallen president wished to retire to his estate and into private life,
but having been cordially invited to meet the general to discuss with
him the welfare of the colony, he was seized at the interview and put on
board a French frigate, which immediately sailed for France. Here he
was imprisoned for life without trial, and finally allowed to starve by
withholding food and water for four days.
The negroes again rose, and the soldiers were by this time so weakened
by yellow fever, which even carried off the Governor, that little could
be done against the rebels. Yet everything possible was attempted.
Bloodhounds were brought from Cuba to worry the rebels to death; they
were shot and taken into the sea to be drowned in strings. Dessalines
had now become their leader, and on the 29th of November, 1803, he with
Christophe and Clervaux, the other rebel chiefs, issued the St. Domingo
declaration of independence. Restored to their primitive dignity the
black and coloured people proclaimed their rights, and swore never to
yield them to any power on earth. "The frightful veil of prejudice is
torn to pieces, and is so for ever; woe be to whomsoever would dare
again to put together its bloody tatters." The landholders were not
forbidden to return if they renounced their old errors and acknowledged
the justice of the cause for which the blacks had been spilling their
blood for twelve years. As for those who affected to believe themselves
destined by Heaven to be masters and tyrants, if they came it would be
to meet chains or to be quickly expelled. They had sworn not to listen
to clemency for those who dared to speak of the restoration of slavery.
Nothing was too costly a sacrifice for liberty, and every means was
lawful to employ against those who wished to suppress it. Were they to
cause rivers and torrents of blood to flow--were they to fire half the
globe to maintain it--they would be innocent before the tribunal of
Providence.
This declaration was followed on the 30th of March, 1804, by an address
of Dessalines, in which he said that everything that reminded them of
France also reminded them of the cruelties of Frenchmen. There still
remained, he said, Frenchmen on their island--creatures, alas! of their
indulgence; when would they be tired of breathing the same air? Their
cruelty, when compared with the patient moderation of the blacks--their
difference in colour--everything said that they were not brothers, and
would never become so. If they continued to find an asylum, troubles and
dissensions would be sure to continue. "Citizens, inhabitants of Hayti,
men, women, girls, children, cast your eyes upon each point of the
island! Seek in it, you, your wives; you, your husbands; you, your
sisters!" Their ashes were in the grave, and they had not avenged their
deaths. Let the blacks learn that they had done nothing if they did not
give the nations a terrible but just example of the vengeance of a brave
people, who had recovered liberty, and were jealous to maintain it.
They were again roused, and from the 29th of April to the 14th of May an
indiscriminate massacre of the whites took place, as many as 2,500 being
killed during the fifteen days. On the 28th of April Dessalines issued a
manifesto congratulating them on their success. At length, he said, the
hour of vengeance had arrived, and the implacable enemies of the rights
of man had suffered the punishment due to their crimes. His arm had too
long delayed to strike, but at the signal, which the justice of God had
urged, they had brought the axe to bear upon the ancient tree of slavery
and prejudice. In vain had time and the infernal politics of Europe
surrounded it with triple brass. They had become, like their natural
enemies, cruel and merciless. Like a mighty torrent their vengeful fury
had carried away everything in its impetuous course. "Thus perish all
tyrants over innocence and all oppressors of mankind!" Where was that
evil and unworthy Haytian who thought he had not accomplished the
decrees of the Eternal by exterminating those bloodthirsty tigers? "If
there be one, let him fly--indignant nature discards him from our
bosom--let him hide his shame far from hence! The air we breathe is not
suited to his gross organs--it is the pure air of liberty, august and
triumphant." Yes, they had rendered war for war, crime for crime,
outrage for outrage. He had saved his country--he had avenged America.
He made this avowal in the face of earth and heaven--it was his pride
and glory. Black and yellow, whom the duplicity of Europeans had
endeavoured to divide, now made but one family--he advised them to
maintain that precious concord and happy harmony. In order to strengthen
the tie let them call to remembrance the catalogue of atrocities--the
abominable project of massacring the whole population, unblushingly
proposed to him by the French authorities. Let that nation which was mad
enough to attack him, come--let them bring their cohorts of homicides.
He would allow them to land, but woe to those who approached the
mountains! "Never again shall a colonist or a European set his foot
upon this territory with the title of master or proprietor."
On the 8th of October the writer of these bloodthirsty addresses was
crowned as Jacques the First, Emperor of Hayti.
In 1808 an attempt was made on the part of Spain to regain her old
colony on the eastern part of the island, where France still maintained
a nominal supremacy. Spain was now an ally of Great Britain, and, with
the aid of British troops, she took St. Domingo and retained this part
of the island until 1821, when a revolution took place and it became
independent, to be almost immediately united with its sister republic.
Meanwhile the Emperor Jacques did not long enjoy his throne in peace,
for he was murdered by his coloured soldiers on the 17th of October,
1806. A republic followed, under the presidency of General Petion, who
was at the head of the mulattoes, but did not agree with the blacks.
This led to a division, the north, with Cape Francois as the capital,
coming into the hands of the negro Christophe, who got himself crowned
as the Emperor Henry the First; the southern district, with Port au
Prince, forming a republic under President Petion.
Henry was a man of good common sense, but like most negroes, much
inclined to ape the whites. One of his toasts at a dinner was
characteristic: "My brother, the king of Great Britain, and may he be
successful against Buonaparte, and continue the barrier between that
tyrant and this kingdom." He created a legion of honour, called the
Order of St. Henry, built a palace, and began to acquire a fleet; he
gave balls and encouraged operas, had a great seal, gave titles of
nobility, and procured a set of regalia and jewels, with velvet robes
and all other appendages of royalty. Under his rule the country
flourished, for he would have no idlers. Yet he was a tyrant, and at
last, in 1820, he was attacked by his own guard, and committed suicide
to prevent falling into their hands. President Boyer, who had succeeded
Petion, now took advantage of the confusion to incorporate the two
districts, and two years later he added the revolted Spanish portion,
thus bringing the whole island under one rule, the presidency of which
he held for twenty-two years.
[Illustration]
[Illustration]
XIII.
EMANCIPATION OF THE SPANISH MAIN.
The influence of the French Revolution was felt in most of the other
islands, but nowhere did it lead to such disasters as befel Hispaniola.
In 1795 there was an insurrection in the island of Grenada, where the
coloured people, under French influence, nearly drove the English out of
the colony. Even when defeated they held their own in the mountains for
about a year, committing many atrocities on the whites who fell into
their hands. In most of the French islands there were insurrections more
or less dangerous, some of which were put down by the British
conquerors, who thus helped to keep the peace. It could not be expected,
however, that small places like Martinique and Guadeloupe would ever
have made such stubborn resistance as the great island of Hispaniola.
A very great impression was made on the Spanish colonies, who during the
war, owing to the distracted condition of the mother country, attained
to a degree of freedom hitherto beyond their reach. This led to
unfavourable comparisons between past and present, and the feeling that
grew up was fomented by the British, who now had many opportunities
from the measure of free trade which resulted from the peculiar
circumstances of that period. Secret societies were then common all over
Europe, and in Spain they were not wanting. In the early years of this
century one of the most energetic members was Francisco Miranda, a
native of Caracas, who had been a soldier under Washington, and had
distinguished himself by his prominence in many of the revolutionary
projects of the time. He was the prime organiser of the Creoles of South
America, and under his auspices the "Gran Reunion Americana" was founded
in London. Bolivar and San Martin were initiated into this society, and
took its oath to fight for the emancipation of South America. Miranda
did his best to ensure the co-operation of Great Britain and the United
States, but failing in this, determined to get up one or more
insurrections without their assistance.
On the 27th of March, 1806, he sailed with three vessels and two hundred
men from Jacmel, Hayti, and on the 11th of April arrived at the Dutch
island of Aruba, from whence the little company proceeded to Puerto
Cabello. The demonstration, however, was nipped in the bud, for two of
his vessels being almost immediately captured by the Spaniards, Miranda
was obliged to fly in the other to Barbados. Here he met Admiral
Cochrane, with whom he entered into an arrangement for British
assistance. Conceiving that it might be mutually advantageous to Great
Britain and the Spanish provinces that the latter should be freed from
the yoke of Spain, the admiral agreed to support him in a descent on
Venezuela, between the coasts opposite Trinidad and Aruba. The only
stipulation was for free trade with Great Britain as against her
enemies, and with that Miranda went off to Trinidad.
Here he hoped to gain recruits from among the Spanish people of the
island, to whom he issued an address. The glorious opportunity, he said,
presented itself of relieving from oppression and arbitrary government a
people who were worthy of a better fate, but who were shackled by a
despotism too cruel for human nature longer to endure. Groaning under
their afflictions they hailed with extended arms the noble cause of
freedom and independence, and called upon them to share the God-like
action of relieving them.
This stirring address made little impression, and consequently few
followers were enrolled. However, he got eight armed vessels and two
traders, and sailed from Trinidad on the 25th of July, 1806, for Coro on
the Main. The fort and city were taken, but the people, instead of
joyfully welcoming their deliverers, ran away and could not be induced
to return. Miranda, finding the place untenable, went over to Aruba, of
which he took possession as a basis for further operations. But the
British authorities looked upon his scheme as impracticable, especially
as it tended to injure their trade, and in November Miranda was
compelled to disband his little company of less than three hundred at
Trinidad.
The time for a revolution had not yet arrived, but it was fast
approaching. It could not be expected that Great Britain would assist
filibustering against her ally, which Spain now became, and without some
outside assistance Miranda found it impossible to do anything. However,
the people themselves were at last aroused, and on the 19th of April,
1810, the city of Caracas deposed the captain-general and appointed a
Junta to rule in the name of the king. This body invited the other
provinces to join and form a league for mutual protection against the
French, who now had virtual possession of the mother country. Other
provinces took the Government side and prepared to suppress the revolt,
which led Caracas to ask the assistance of Great Britain and the United
States.
Among the Venezuelans was Simon Bolivar, who afterwards became the most
important personage in the struggle for independence. Like Miranda, he
was a native of South America, and like him had imbibed revolutionary
ideas in Paris. He was a planter, and had taken no part in the overthrow
of the captain-general, but from his principles being well known, he was
appointed with others to proceed to London in the interests of the
Junta. On their arrival they were answered cautiously, the authorities
not wishing to commit themselves under the circumstances. Here Bolivar
met Miranda, and took the oath of the "Gran Reunion," promising to work
for the independence of South America, notwithstanding his nominal
position as an advocate of the king of Spain against Napoleon.
Meanwhile the Spanish Regency had proclaimed the leaders of the movement
to be rebels, declaring war against them and blockading their ports.
The Central Junta responded by raising an army, which was defeated with
considerable loss at Coro and had to retire on Caracas. This caused some
discouragement, but Miranda now arrived, was welcomed with an ovation,
and appointed lieutenant-general of the army. He was also asked to draw
up a constitution and to become one of the deputies at the first
congress of Venezuela to be held in March, 1811.
[Illustration: LA GUAYRA ON THE MAIN.
(_From Andrews' "West Indies."_)]