such as we have described, where he defied the whole colony. There were
no means of communication except hidden tracks under water, and in
addition to the palisades the chief had erected a battery of swivel guns
which he had stolen from the plantations. Thus triply defended by water,
stakes, and guns, it is no wonder if he thought his position
impregnable. However, he was discovered by a party of rangers, and
assaulted by them and a large body of white soldiers. Camping first on
the edge of the swamp about a mile away, they could see Baron's flag
waving in defiance on the little island, while they were at their wits'
ends to find a means of getting at him. A great many shots were wasted
by both sides before they found the distance was too great, even for the
swivel guns, and then the rangers began to act. Several weeks were
passed in attempting to make a causeway by sinking fascines, but when
the workers had come within range, so many were killed that it had to be
abandoned. In despair of ever effecting anything, they were about to
retire, when some of the rangers discovered the hidden pathway under
water. A feint was now made of attacking one side by one party, while
another crept along the track, and thus at last the fortress was
stormed. A terrible hand-to-hand fight took place, in which many were
killed on both sides, but even then Baron managed to escape with a good
number of his followers.
This defeat made little impression, for soon afterwards the slaves on
three plantations killed their white masters, and, like the others, went
off to join the bush negroes. It was now felt that something must be
done or the colony would have to be abandoned. The bush negroes had to
be hunted from their recesses, however difficult the task might be,
otherwise there would be no safety even in the town itself. The
expeditions could only move in Indian file, exposed to ambushes in the
most difficult parts of the track, and firing from behind trees
everywhere. There was no possibility of bringing the party together if
attacked; it followed, therefore, that the long string of men went
forward with the utmost caution. In front came two powerful blacks with
machetes or cutlasses to clear the way, and immediately behind them the
vanguard. These were followed by the main body alternating with
ammunition bearers, and, finally, a long line of carriers with food,
medicines, utensils, and kill-devil (rum) with the rearguard. Sometimes
the party would flounder through a swamp for hours, holding their
firearms above their heads to keep them dry. Then drenching showers
would fall, and give the greatest trouble to prevent the powder from
becoming useless. Creeks had to be passed on fallen trees, or the party
would be detained until a trunk was felled and trimmed to afford a
passage. Exposed to malaria, mosquitoes, bush ticks, and maribuntas,
they went on day after day, only to find, on reaching the village of the
bush negroes, that they had gone elsewhere, to perhaps turn up at some
unprotected plantation. The European troops died off in great numbers,
while the enemy were in their element. It followed, therefore, that
little was done, and that the old system of conciliation had to be
adopted, with the same unsatisfactory results. Finally, by utilising
their mutual jealousies, about 1793 they were driven so far away from
the settlements as to become almost harmless. Their descendants still
exist almost as savages, with curious manners and customs, partly
inherited from their African forefathers, and partly adopted from their
neighbours the Indians.
[Illustration: TRELAWNY TOWN.
(_From Edwards' "West Indies."_)]
We must now return to the maroons of Jamaica, who had not been
conquered, although a nominal treaty existed, and the white residents
remained at their posts. In July, 1795, two of them were flogged for
pig-stealing, and this was considered a disgrace on the whole community.
On the return of the pig-stealers to Trelawny they raised a great
outcry, and the resident was at once ordered to leave on pain of death.
Efforts were made to pacify them, but they sent a written defiance to
the magistrates who had ordered the flogging and declared their
intention to attack Montego Bay. The militia were called out and
soldiers applied for, but before the preparations were completed, a body
of maroons appeared and asked for an interview with four gentlemen whom
they named.
Hoping the matter might be prevented from going farther, these and
several other whites went to the rendezvous, where they were received by
three hundred armed men. The maroons complained of the disgrace on the
whole body, through the flogging having been performed by a negro
overseer in the presence of felons, and demanded reparation. They
wanted, first, an addition to their lands, and, second, a dismissal of
the then resident in favour of one they had formerly. Promising to
forward their requests to the Governor, the gentlemen left, the maroons
appearing as if pacified.
However, this interview was only applied for to gain time, and
especially to allow the departure of the British fleet which was then on
the point of leaving, and might be detained if they moved too quickly.
On the report that there was a probability of a settlement of the matter
the fleet left, when the maroons immediately began to plot with the
slaves for a general rising. Reports of this had been received by the
Governor before, but just after the men-of-war had departed more
definite news arrived, which induced him to send a fast-sailing boat to
bring them back. Fortunately this was successfully accomplished, and at
once confidence drove out the fear of murders, fires, and plundering
which had alarmed the inhabitants. The slaves were correspondingly
disheartened and left the maroons to fight alone.
But even the maroons themselves became divided in opinion on the return
of the military and naval force. The Governor taking advantage of this,
issued a proclamation calling upon them to submit, but only thirty-eight
old men came forward, the others being determined to fight. They set
fire to their own town and commenced hostilities by attacking the
outposts. This led to a pursuit in which the whites fell into an
ambuscade, many being killed, without as far as was known doing any harm
whatever to the enemy. Now commenced a series of raids on the
plantations, in which even infants at the breast were massacred.
[Illustration: PACIFICATION OF THE MAROONS.
(_From Edwards' "West Indies."_)]
The matter becoming serious, the General Assembly resolved to hunt the
rebels with dogs, as had been intended before the treaty. They
accordingly sent over to Cuba for huntsmen with their powerful
blood-hounds, the descendants of those which had once worried the poor
Indians, and afterwards assisted the buccaneers. Times had changed
however, and a feeling grew up that hunting men with savage beasts was
not quite the thing. This led to some expressions of opinion adverse to
the action of the executive, but they excused themselves on the ground
that the safety of the island demanded extreme measures. If war was
justifiable at all, any and every means, they said, was allowable; in
fact, "all was fair in war."
Meanwhile the maroons had been driven to their strongholds in the
mountains, where they had little to eat, and were virtually compelled to
ravage the plantations for food. On the arrival of forty _chasseurs_
with their hundred dogs, however, they became alarmed, and began to sue
for mercy. It does not appear that there was any real necessity for
using the animals, their presence being enough for the purpose. They
were led _behind_ the troops, and on their appearance the maroons
surrendered in great numbers, this putting an end to the insurrection.
Now came the question of what was to be done with them. It was argued
that no country could suffer people to live in it unless they could be
controlled by law, and that obedience could not be expected from these
people. To expect it was entirely out of the question; it was therefore
resolved to transport them from the island. Accordingly, in June, 1796,
six hundred were sent to Halifax, Nova Scotia, where lands were granted
them and a subsistence allowed until crops could be raised. Not liking
the climate, they were ultimately established in Sierra Leone, where
they became the nucleus of the present colony. Those who had submitted
remained in Jamaica, where their descendants are still well known.
[Illustration]
[Illustration]
XI.
THE SOVEREIGNTY OF THE SEAS.
By the middle of the eighteenth century Spain had fallen behind, and
even Holland had lost her prestige. It followed, therefore, that the
only Power that could rival Great Britain was France, and she was an
enemy that could never be despised. The struggle in the West Indies
between these two Powers now became, if possible, more intense; and if
the result gave the sovereignty of the seas to Britons, they have mainly
to ascribe it to their naval training in this part of the world. The
mistakes of Admiral Vernon were lessons which, being borne in mind by
later admirals, tended to prevent similar disasters in the future.
There was a short intermission in the struggle between 1748 and 1756,
when the "Seven Years' War" commenced; but before the actual declaration
hostilities had commenced between the two rivals in India and North
America. Now arose one of England's great admirals, Rodney, who gained
his laurels in the Caribbean Sea, and was mainly instrumental in putting
France in the background as a naval power. He first came to the front in
1759, when he bombarded Havre, and later, with that other great seaman,
Sir Samuel Hood, he became a "household word" in the West Indies.
Before they appeared, however, the British captured Guadeloupe, and
commenced a general raid upon the French shipping. But, as usual, our
gallant foes were by no means despicable, for in 1760 they claimed to
have taken 2,539 English vessels, against a loss of only 944. On the 5th
of January, 1762, Rodney sailed from Barbados for Martinique, in command
of eighteen ships of the line, and on the 4th of the following month the
island capitulated. Then Grenada was taken, to be followed by Dominica,
Tobago, St. Vincent, and St. Lucia, thus giving the whole of the French
Caribbees into the possession of Great Britain. Spain being also
involved, Admiral Pococke attacked Havana in May, and, after a siege of
twenty-nine days, took the Morro Castle, a fort hitherto considered
impregnable. A fortnight later the Governor of Cuba was compelled to
capitulate, thus giving the town also into the hands of the British.
These exploits made France and Spain sue for peace, which was signed at
Paris in February, 1763, when Grenada, St. Vincent, Dominica, and Tobago
were ceded to Great Britain, the other captures being restored.
After this war positive orders were sent to the British West Indies to
break off all trade and intercourse with the French and Spanish
settlements, with the result that contraband and other traffic was
thrown into the hands of the Dutch and Danes. Then the Dutch islands of
Curacao and St. Eustatius began to flourish more and more, and those of
the Danes, St. Thomas and St. John, became free ports. During the wars
these islands rose to a pitch of prosperity hardly possible to any of
those belonging to the combatants, on account of their neutrality.
Naturally they were almost barren and of little account as plantations;
but as _entrepots_ they were exceedingly useful, not only to their
owners, but to the belligerents as well. Here alone could French,
Spanish, and British ships meet without fighting, and for them they
could run when pursued by the enemy.
The island of St. Thomas was first colonised in 1666, but for a long
time it made little progress. It became useful to the pirates, however,
mainly from its being a safe place at which to dispose of their
captures. Then merchant vessels found it sometimes convenient to go in
to escape these rovers, perhaps to be followed by them, and yet remain
safe until an opportunity occurred for escaping their vigilance. Prizes
were brought here and sold, the prospect of good bargains leading to the
settlement of a number of rich merchants, and especially Jews. What with
all this, and a little contraband traffic, the people of St. Thomas did
very well, and soon the harbour became one of the busiest in the West
Indies.
And here we must mention that the Jews were a very important factor in
the development of the early settlements. It will be remembered that
large numbers of these people were driven from Spain after the conquest
of Granada, and how they went to Portugal and the Netherlands. A large
number also went to Brazil, where at first they had a measure of
freedom in the exercise of their religion not granted in the mother
country. When the Dutch captured Brazil, perfect freedom followed; but
after Portugal took her own again, this was withdrawn, and in
consequence many left for Surinam and the West Indian islands. Here they
were joined by some of their co-religionists from Holland, and in time
became a powerful body of planters, but more especially traders. To them
were due many improvements in the manufacture of sugar, and even the
introduction of the cane into some places. In every colony there was a
small community, often with a synagogue, and their connection one with
another, as well as their virtual neutrality, made their transactions
more safe than those of other traders. As may be supposed, they had no
love for the Spaniard, and consequently were the main financiers, not
only of privateers, but even pirates.
St. Thomas, Curacao, and St. Eustatius lived by the misfortunes of
others. No longer could the jolly buccaneer sell his prizes and booty at
Jamaica; he must go elsewhere, and let other places reap the advantage
of his free and easy bargains. For it was "easy come, easy go" with him,
and the fortune he made was soon wasted in riotous living. This was all
to the advantage of the wily Jew, who first haggled about the price of a
cargo, and then got his money back by charging enormous profits on the
supplies. The rover was as careless as the proverbial "Jack ashore," and
could easily be induced to spend his last piece of eight on the luxuries
so temptingly laid before him, utterly regardless of the consequences.
He had only to go out and capture another vessel to be able to return
and renew his jollification.
In war time these harbours were crowded with the shipping of all
nations, and many a fortune was made that enabled the merchant to go to
Europe as a West Indian nabob. Then there was a great demand for neutral
vessels, in which goods could be transhipped for conveyance to colonies
where the belligerent flag might bring a crowd of privateers before the
vessel got safely into harbour. Even physicians and surgeons made their
piles, for there was always more or less sickness on board the vessels,
and a hundred dollars a visit was a common fee.
In 1774 began the dispute with the American colonies of Great Britain,
and four years later France joined them, thus bringing trouble again
upon the West Indies. The first important move was made by the French,
who, in September, 1778, took Dominica, on which the English retaliated
by capturing St. Lucia. Then a fleet was sent out from England under
Admiral Byron, and another from France under Count de Grasse. The French
took St. Vincent and Grenada, and every island of either nation was in a
state of alarm and consternation. In July, 1779, Spain joined the others
against England, on the ground that her flag had been insulted. To this
it was replied that she harboured American privateers, and furnished
them with false documents, under which they carried Spanish colours.
Thus England had her hands full, for the Yankees alone gave her quite
enough work, without the addition of these old rivals.
As yet Rodney had not come out, but in the years 1778 and 1779 he
pressed his claim on the Government to have a command in the West
Indies. The seas were well known to him, and he had his views as to the
proper mode of carrying out operations; but for some time his
application was refused. Finally, however, in October, 1779, he was
appointed to replace Admiral Byron, with supreme control over the
operations in the Caribbean Sea, as well as freedom to intervene if
necessary on the American coast.
Rodney was at last satisfied, and he left in December with a convoy, the
whole fleet numbering three hundred. In the centre were transports and
merchant vessels, and on either side men-of-war. Off Cape Finisterre he
captured a convoy of sixteen Spanish vessels, and beyond Cape St.
Vincent fought with another squadron, and captured four men-of-war,
including the admiral. On then to the relief of Gibraltar, from whence
he sent part of the fleet into the Mediterranean, and where he remained
until February 13, 1780, when he sailed for the West Indies.
Arriving off St. Lucia on the 28th of March, he came upon the French
fleet under De Guichen, which he attempted to engage, but was prevented
from the want of skill in his captains. The result was that both fleets
sailed away from each other without much damage to either, both stating
that the other refused to fight. As, however, the French had thirty
vessels to the English seventeen, they could have compelled an action;
so that, although the affair was not creditable to either, it was
perhaps a little more disgraceful to the larger fleet. Rodney was in a
great rage. He attributed his failure to the incompetency of his
subordinates, who had not been properly trained to make combined naval
evolutions. Every captain, he said, thought himself fit to be Prime
Minister of Britain.
However, he continued his cruise, barring the way of the French, and
driving De Guichen to St. Eustatius to refit. Now he began to teach his
captains those naval manoeuvres in which he considered them so much
wanting, which his assistant admiral, Sir Hyde Parker, did not
altogether like. Rodney, it appears, treated all his subordinates as if
they were raw recruits, and, while he gained obedience, created a great
deal of ill-feeling. But, with all their training, they could not bring
De Guichen to fight, even when they encountered him a second time; yet
we may presume that the training was by no means wasted.
As if Great Britain had not enough enemies, in December, 1780, she
declared war with the Dutch, on the ground that they assisted the
American colonies. What a formidable array--the Colonies, France, Spain,
and Holland! Yet, somehow or other, she managed to cope with the whole.
St. Eustatius was the great offender among the Dutch colonies.
Notwithstanding that the home Government had sent out strict orders to
all her settlements not to honour the flag of the revolted British
colonies, or to supply them with contraband of war, there is no doubt
that they were very loose in inquiring into such transactions. As we
have said already, this and other islands were very useful to the
belligerents; and, as we have just stated, De Guichen went to St.
Eustatius to escape Rodney and refit. This was no doubt a sore point
with the British admiral, who barred the enemy's passage to his own
islands only to see him get what he needed from the Dutch.
When the news of the declaration of war came out, Rodney was ready at
once to pounce upon the offender; and on the 3rd of February, 1781,
before the authorities of St. Eustatius had heard the news, he appeared
in the harbour. The Governor could hardly believe his ears when an
officer appeared to demand the surrender of the island to His Majesty of
Great Britain, but being entirely unprepared, and quite unfitted to cope
with such a force, he was obliged to surrender at discretion.
Here was the opportunity for revenge, and Rodney embraced it. Even his
best friends could hardly excuse the arbitrary doings which followed,
and which were stigmatised as unworthy and almost dishonourable to a
British admiral. Being determined to root out this nest of
contrabandists, he confiscated all the property of the inhabitants, and
ordered them to quit the island. The harbour was filled with shipping,
and the stores with goods, the vessels numbering two hundred and fifty,
and the contents of the stores worth about three million pounds. Here
was indeed a disaster to the Jews, not only of St. Eustatius, but even
of British islands, for they were all in correspondence. Rodney went so
far as to say that many of the English merchants ought to have been
hanged, for it was through their means, and the help of this neutral
port, that the enemy were able to carry on the war.
The people were astonished at such unheard-of treatment. Never before
had such a thing happened, except in the raids of buccaneers and
pirates. The Jews petitioned Rodney and General Vaughan to rescind their
decision. They had received orders to give up the keys of their stores
and inventories of the goods in them, as well as household furniture and
plate; then they were to prepare themselves to quit the island. Such
orders from British commanders, whose principal characteristics were
mercy and humanity, had distressed them in the extreme, so that their
families were absolutely in despair.
This appeal had no effect, even when it was supported by some of the
British officers, and such an auction now began as was never known
before. The news reached Barbados and the other islands, and down came a
horde of speculators, prepared to make their fortunes at once if
possible. Such a haul did not occur every day, and they intended to take
advantage of it. Thousands of bales of goods were brought out and sold,
without either seller or buyer knowing anything of their contents. They
might contain rich silks and velvets or the cheapest slave clothing. It
was a grand lottery in which every bidder got a prize, although they
were in some cases of little value. No one needed to despair of a
bargain, however, for there was so much to sell as compared with the
number of purchasers, that everything went cheap. Some few got bitten,
but in the end hardly a tithe of the value of the goods was obtained.
While this was going on at St. Eustatius, some Bristol privateers got
information of the outbreak of hostilities, and pounced upon Demerara
and Berbice, where they levied blackmail and captured most of the
shipping. As usual with these plunderers, they had no authority to
capture the colony, nor had they in this case even commissions against
the Dutch. However, they put the inhabitants in a state of
consternation, until, a few days later, two men-of-war arrived from
Barbados to receive the capitulation, which was demanded on the same
terms as that of St Eustatius, although neither party knew what these
terms were. Nothing was left but submission, although the authorities
protested against such an unheard-of manner of dictating unknown terms.
The Governor of Barbados had heard from one of the inhabitants of that
island that the Directeur-General of Demerara had expressed, at his
dinner-table, his fears that in case of a war the river would be
plundered by privateers, and of his preferring to surrender to one of
the king's ships: for this reason he had sent the men-of-war. This was
considered a bit of "sharp practice" by the Demerarians, but perhaps
turned out for the best.
Two commissioners were appointed by the colony to go in one of the
English vessels to St. Eustatius and arrange the articles of
capitulation, which were fortunately on altogether different lines from
those of that island. Surinam, St. Martin's, Saba, and St.
Bartholomew's also surrendered on the same unknown terms, but the
admiral said that he and General Vaughan thought they ought to be put on
a different footing. They would not treat them like the other, whose
inhabitants, belonging to a State bound by treaty to assist Great
Britain, had yet nevertheless assisted her public enemies and the rebels
to her State, with every necessary and implement of war as well as
provisions, thus perfidiously breaking the very treaties they had sworn
to maintain.