CHAPTER LIX.—_To what Leagues or Alliances we may most trust; whether

those we make with Commonwealths or those we make with Princes_.

Since leagues and alliances are every day entered into by one prince

with another, or by one commonwealth with another, and as conventions

and treaties are concluded in like manner between princes and

commonwealths, it seems to me proper to inquire whether the faith of a

commonwealth or that of a prince is the more stable and the safer to

count on. All things considered, I am disposed to believe that in most

cases they are alike, though in some they differ. Of one thing,

however, I am convinced, namely, that engagements made under duress

will never be observed either by prince or by commonwealth; and that if

menaced with the loss of their territories, both the one and the other

will break faith with you and treat you with ingratitude. Demetrius,

who was named the “City-taker,” had conferred numberless benefits upon

the Athenians; but when, afterwards, on being defeated by his enemies,

he sought shelter in Athens, as being a friendly city and under

obligations to him, it was refused him; a circumstance which grieved

him far more than the loss of his soldiers and army had done. Pompey,

in like manner, when routed by Cæsar in Thessaly, fled for refuge to

Ptolemy in Egypt, who formerly had been restored by him to his kingdom;

by whom he was put to death. In both these instances the same causes

were at work, although the inhumanity and the wrong inflicted were less

in the case of the commonwealth than of the prince. Still, wherever

there is fear, the want of faith will be the same.

And even if there be found a commonwealth or prince who, in order to

keep faith, will submit to be ruined, this is seen to result from a

like cause. For, as to the prince, it may easily happen that he is

friend to a powerful sovereign, whom, though he be at the time without

means to defend him, he may presently hope to see restored to his

dominions; or it may be that having linked his fortunes with another’s,

he despairs of finding either faith or friendship from the enemies of

his ally, as was the case with those Neapolitan princes who espoused

the interests of France. As to commonwealths, an instance similar to

that of the princes last named, is that of Saguntum in Spain, which

awaited ruin in adhering to the fortunes of Rome. A like course was

also followed by Florence when, in the year 1512, she stood steadfastly

by the cause of the French. And taking everything into account, I

believe that in cases of urgency, we shall find a certain degree of

stability sooner in commonwealths than in princes. For though

commonwealths be like-minded with princes, and influenced by the same

passions, the circumstance that their movements must be slower, makes

it harder for them to resolve than it is for a prince, for which reason

they will be less ready to break faith.

And since leagues and alliances are broken for the sake of certain

advantages, in this respect also, commonwealths observe their

engagements far more faithfully than princes; for abundant examples

might be cited of a very slight advantage having caused a prince to

break faith, and of a very great advantage having failed to induce a

commonwealth to do so. Of this we have an instance in the proposal made

to the Athenians by Themistocles, when he told them at a public meeting

that he had certain advice to offer which would prove of great

advantage to their city, but the nature of which he could not disclose

to them, lest it should become generally known, when the opportunity

for acting upon it would be lost. Whereupon the Athenians named

Aristides to receive his communication, and to act upon it as he

thought fit. To him, accordingly, Themistocles showed how the navy of

united Greece, for the safety of which the Athenians stood pledged, was

so situated that they might either gain it over or destroy it, and thus

make themselves absolute masters of the whole country. Aristides

reporting to the Athenians that the course proposed by Themistocles was

extremely advantageous but extremely dishonourable, the people utterly

refused to entertain it. But Philip of Macedon would not have so acted,

nor any of those other princes who have sought and found more profit in

breaking faith than in any other way.

As to engagements broken off on the pretext that they have not been

observed by the other side, I say nothing, since that is a matter of

everyday occurrence, and I am speaking here only of those engagements

which are broken off on extraordinary grounds; but in this respect,

likewise, I believe that commonwealths offend less than princes, and

are therefore more to be trusted.

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